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Journal articles on the topic 'Economic sanctions Apartheid South Africa South Africa'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

De Wet, Francois, and Ian Liebenberg. "IDEOLOGIES (NEW), ECONOMICS, DEFENCE AND PEOPLE: FIVE DECADES IN THE STATE OF SOUTH AFRICA." Politeia 33, no. 1 (October 20, 2016): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1644.

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The economy of politics and the politics of economy converge in interesting ways, sometimes with long-term consequences for a state. In a crucial and dynamic interface economy, community, (non-)diplomacy, defence posture, balance sheets, the hapless ‘citizen’ and ‘leaders’ are all precariously intertwined. It is often argued that the South African economy declined under apartheid as a result of the Border War and international sanctions, with the result that theNational Party had little choice other than to engage its contenders in political talks to ensure transition to democracy as a counter to the eventual economic and political collapse of South Africa. Some were of the opinion that the military over-extension of South Africa, especially in Namibia and Angola, became a core reason for the non-sustainability of apartheid. While this argument may hold, it does not mean that transition at the end of the Border War brought guarantees for future economic growth and political stability.

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2

Klotz, Audie. "Norms reconstituting interests: global racial equality and U.S. sanctions against South Africa." International Organization 49, no. 3 (1995): 451–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033348.

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The extraordinary success of transnational anti-apartheid activists in generating great power sanctions against South Africa offers ample evidence that norms, independent of strategic and economic considerations, are an important factor in determining states' policies. The crucial role of a strengthened global norm of racial equality in motivating U.S. anti-apartheid sanctions illustrates the limitations of conventional international relations theories, which rely primarily on structural and material interest explanations, and supports theoretically derived constructivist claims. In particular, this case suggests that analysts should examine the role of global norms in defining states' interests, rather than viewing norms solely as external constraints on state behavior.

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3

Holland, Martin. "The Other Side of Sanctions: Positive Initiatives for Southern Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 2 (June 1988): 303–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001048x.

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In 1977 the member-states of the European Community (E.C.) adopted a collective strategy designed to and apartheid and to encourage the economic independence of South Africa's less-developed neigh-bours. The respective foreign-policy instruments used to achieve these goals were the Code of Conduct and the Lomé Convention, through which assistance was provided for the Frontline states. The scope of the Community's Southern African actions was enlarged in 1985 to include a range of sanctions against Pretoria similar to those adopted by other governments.

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4

Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.

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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.

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5

KAEMPFER, WILLIAM H., and MICHAEL H. MOFFETT. "IMPACT OF ANTI-APARTHEID SANCTIONS ON SOUTH AFRICA: SOME TRADE AND FINANCIAL EVIDENCE." Contemporary Economic Policy 6, no. 4 (October 1988): 118–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-7287.1988.tb00551.x.

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6

Zunes, Stephen. "The role of non-violent action in the downfall of apartheid." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 1 (March 1999): 137–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99002967.

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Against enormous odds, non-violent action proved to be a major factor in the downfall of apartheid in South Africa, and the establishment of a democratic black majority government, despite predictions that the transition could come only through a violent revolutionary cataclysm. This was largely the result of conditions working against a successful armed overthrow of the system, combined with the ability of the anti-apartheid opposition to take advantage of the system's economic dependence on a cooperative black labour force. This article traces the history of nonviolent resistance to apartheid, its initial failures, and the return in the 1980s to a largely non-violent strategy which, together with international sanctions, forced the government to negotiate a peaceful transfer to majority rule.

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7

Tillery, Alvin B. "Foreign Policy Activism and Power in the House of Representatives: Black Members of Congress and South Africa, 1968–1986." Studies in American Political Development 20, no. 1 (April 2006): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x06000058.

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On 3 October 1986, the 99th Congress—acting at the behest of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC)—voted to override President Ronald Reagan’s veto of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA). The passage of this bill, which placed strict economic sanctions on the white supremacist regime in South Africa, was a watershed moment in American politics for two reasons. First, veto overrides in the foreign policy-making arena are an exceedingly rare form of legislative action. More importantly, this was the first time in American history that the members of a minority group were able to use their positions within the Congress to translate a parochial desire into foreign policy against the will of a sitting president.

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8

Govender, Karthy. "Oratio: Address to Commemorate the 2013 Martin Luther King Day at the Law Faculty, University of Michigan." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 16, no. 3 (May 3, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2013/v16i3a2351.

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The paper commences by considering the similarity between Dr King, MK Gandhi and Nelson Mandela and argues that they are high mimetic figures who inspire us to be better. Their legacy and memory operate as a yardstick by which we can evaluate the conduct of those exercising public and private power over us. Each remains dominant in his respective society decades after passing on or leaving public life, and the paper suggests that very little societal value is had by deconstructing their lives and judging facets of their lives through the prism of latter day morality. We gain more by leaving their high mimetic status undisturbed. There is a clear link between their various struggles with King being heavily influenced by the writings and thinking of Gandhi, who commenced his career as a liberation activist in South Africa. King was instrumental in commencing the discourse on economic sanctions to force the Apartheid government to change and the Indian government had a long and committed relationship with the ANC. The second half of the paper turns to an analysis of how Dr King's legacy impacted directly and indirectly on developments in South Africa. One of the key objectives of the Civil Rights movement in the USA was to attain substantive equality and to improve the quality of life of all. The paper then turns to assessing the extent to which democratic South Africa has achieved these objectives and concludes that the picture is mixed. Important pioneering changes such as enabling gays and lesbians to marry have taught important lessons about taking rights seriously. However, despite important advancements, neither poverty nor inequality has been appreciably reduced. One of the major failures has been the inability to provide appropriate, effective and relevant education to African children in public schools. Effectively educating previously disadvantaged persons represents one of the few means at our disposal of reducing inequality and breaking the cycle of poverty. Fortunately, there is a general awareness in the country that something needs to be done about this crisis urgently. The paper notes comments by President Zuma that the level of wealth in white households is six times that of black households. The critique is that comments of this nature do not demonstrate an acknowledgment by the ANC that, after 19 years in power, they must also accept responsibility for statistics such as this.

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9

Becker, Charles M. "Economic Sanctions against South Africa." World Politics 39, no. 2 (January 1987): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010438.

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In this paper, I shall dispute the widely held belief that all effective sanctions would greatly hurt poor South African blacks. Rather, it is likely that bans on exports of high technology to South Africa and imports of South African gold and diamonds would cause labor-intensive sectors to expand, thereby limiting the impact of a general recession on unskilled nonwhites. Still, several types of sanctions, such as those on oil, would have a severe impact on poor nonwhites. In addition, forced divestment would result in windfall capital gains for white South Africans; such gains would not be realized, however, if the ban were on new investments only. Finally, I shall discuss the need for infrastructural aid to help South Africa's neighbors weather the storm. Judicious aid to these countries is also important in inducing both Western and South Africanowned investments away from South Africa.

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10

Klotz, Audie. "Norms and sanctions: lessons from the socialization of South Africa." Review of International Studies 22, no. 2 (April 1, 1996): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118364.

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In response to South Africa's increasingly institutionalized racial discrimination during the postwar years, transnational anti-apartheid activists advocated a vast array of global sanctions. With the formal abolition of apartheid in 1991, sanctions advocates celebrated the apparent success of the international community's efforts in promoting a global norm of racial equality in South Africa. Since similar sanctions are an increasingly popular policy in the post-Cold War world, the South African case offers a useful starting-point for re-evaluating the utility of sanctions as a non-military policy. However, despite the prominent role of a norm of racial equality in anti-apartheid sanctions, both advocates and critics of international sanctions still generally ignore norms analytically. Expanding our conceptual framework beyond the realist assumptions implicit in most sanctions analyses enables us o t understand better why international actors adopt sanctions and how these measures affect target states.

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11

Einarsdóttir, Jónína. "Iceland’s Involvement in the Anti-Apartheid Struggle." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 12, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.5.

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The transnational anti-apartheid movement was heavily motivated by the postwar emphasis on human rights and decolonisation, and challenged by Cold War politics and economic interests. The aim of this article is to examine Iceland’s involvement in the anti-apartheid struggles with focus on the establishment of the unified anti-apartheid movement SAGA (Suður-Afríkusamtökin gegn apartheid), its organisation and activities. What were the motives of SAGA’s activists and their subjective experiences? The political background in Iceland is outlined as well as a historical overview of anti-apartheid activities including Iceland’s voting on resolutions against apartheid at UN and adoptions of sanctions against the South African regime. Iceland’s involvement in the antiapartheid struggle was contradictory. During two periods Iceland voted for more radical UN resolutions than did other Western countries, including the Nordic ones. Yet, Iceland adopted sanctions against the South African regime later than the neighbours and the same applies to the establishment of a unified anti-apartheid movement. The branding of the African National Congress (ANC) as communists allowed many to ignore the human right breaches of the South African regime. Most of the activists belonged to left-wing groups or the labour movement, and the relative absence of religious organisations and the Students’ Council of the University of Iceland is notable. Embedded in the transnational anti-apartheid network with particular ways of organisation and mobilisation, the activists became emotionally engaged and worked for a moral cause.

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12

Yi, Joseph E., and Joe Phillips. "The BDS Campaign against Israel: Lessons from South Africa." PS: Political Science & Politics 48, no. 02 (April 2015): 306–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514002091.

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ABSTRACTThe Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israel is animated by a pragmatic strain that views external sanctions as effective pressure against a small democratic state and by a moralistic Manichean strain that portrays Israelis as oppressors. Both strains hearken back to the earlier campaign against apartheid in South Africa. We argue that doing so misreads the lessons of South Africa. Sanctions may have contributed to ending apartheid, but they operated in conjunction with improved security and interpersonal trust among negotiators. Key contenders moved from a discourse of oppression to one that humanized one another as partners with legitimate concerns. These conditions are missing from the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Both sides consider their security to be precarious and they are locked in competing narratives of victimization, which further erode mutual trust and security. Measures to improve the parties’ security and trust would contribute to mutual concessions and greater justification for sanctions if the Israeli government is intransigent.

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13

Gibbon, Peter. "Steel, South Africa and sanctions." Minerals & Energy - Raw Materials Report 5, no. 2 (January 1987): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14041048709409299.

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14

Thomson, Alex. "Incomplete Engagement: Reagan's South Africa policy Revisited." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020863.

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Events in Southern Africa during the early 1990s have re-opened a debate over the effectiveness of the Reagan Administration's policy of ‘Constructive Engagement’. This was a controversy that had previously been laid to rest with the US Congress passing its Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act in October 1986, since the ensuing punitive sanctions imposed by the enactment of this legislation scuttled Ronald Reagan's strategy of using friendly persuasion to encourage the South African Government away from its practice of apartheid. Yet, with hindsight, it may appear that the President's method of drawing the Pretoria regime into the international community, through offering recognition and encouragement in exchange for reform, has been triumphantly vindicated. After all, has not the African National Congress (ANC) come to power via a democratic process, thereby avoiding a bloodbath on the scale that so many had predicted?

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15

Gupta, Anirudha. "Sanctions against South Africa: Some Issues and Implications." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 3 (July 1986): 274–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200304.

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Two diametrically opposite views hare been advanced on the subject of sanctions against South Africa. One supports sanctions on the ground that, 1. sanctions will facilitate the end of apartheid and 2. timely imposition of sanctions can avoid an all-out racial blood-bath in Southern Africa. India's Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi has been the foremost advocate of this argument. In his address at the Harare Summit of the Non-aligned Movement, 2–6 September 1986, he reiterated that‘sanctions could yet bring a relatively peaceful transition to racial equality and majority rule. Else, unprecedented violence would mow down a multitude of the finest flowers of South Africa.‘1 Opposing this view others argue that, 1. sanctions are immoral; 2. they will hurt South Africa's blacks more than the whites and 3. that at any rate sanctions are impracticable. The champ ionof this “no-sanction-business” is Britain's Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, who observed towards the close of the Commonwealth Meeting that sanctions would only harm the blacks and frontline states and so she would not like to be accused of causing‘greater hardship to the people of South Africa.’2 Mrs Thatcher also warned that imposition of sanctions would hurt the British economy as well as render some 250,000 British workers jobless. In addition to giving a new angle to the sanction debate, she obviously picked up this theme to impress the British voters.

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16

Khan, Pervaiz. "South Africa: from apartheid to xenophobia." Race & Class 63, no. 1 (July 2021): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063968211020889.

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How to explain the violent xenophobic attacks in South Africa in recent years? Two militant South African activists, Leonard Gentle and Noor Nieftagodien, interviewed here, analyse the race/class bases for the anti-foreigner violence in terms of the echoes/reverberations of apartheid and the rise of neoliberalism. They argue that remnants of apartheid have endured through the reproduction of racial and tribal categories, which has contributed to the entrenchment of exclusionary nationalist politics and the fragmentation of black unity. South Africa’s specific history of capitalist development, the African National Congress’s embraces of neoliberalism, on the one hand, and rainbowism, on the other, have produced the underlying conditions of precarity and desperation that resulted in the normalisation of xenophobia. The unions, too, have failed to recognise the new shape of the ‘working class’. Gentle and Nieftagodien outline the need to contend with the broader social conditions, the global economic crisis, neoliberalism and the deep inequalities it engenders in order to counteract the rising tide of xenophobia and build working-class unity.

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17

Moagi, A. L. "POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA: ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL INCLUSION." Politeia 35, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 81–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1576.

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18

Adonis, Cyril K. "Generational victimhood in post-apartheid South Africa." International Review of Victimology 24, no. 1 (October 15, 2017): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758017732175.

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In post-apartheid South Africa, insufficient consideration is given to how historical injustices affect current generations and how they could affect future generations. This has implications for issues such as intergenerational justice and equity. Framed within historical trauma theory and the life-course perspective, this paper explores notions of victimhood in post-apartheid Africa. It draws on qualitative interviews conducted with 20 children and grandchildren (10 females and 10 males) of victims of apartheid-era gross human rights violations. The interview data, which were interpretively analysed, yielded a number of salient themes. Participants’ sense of victimhood is anchored in their continuing socio-economic marginalisation deriving from the structural legacy of apartheid, as well as the pervasive racism that continues to bedevil South Africa well into the post-apartheid era. This is compounded by the perceived lack of accountability for historical injustices and the responsibilities that they perceive the government to have towards them. Given this, the paper argues for a reconceptualisation of the notion of victimhood and giving greater consideration to the impact that the structural legacy of apartheid has on the contemporary existential realities of Black South Africans.

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19

Lepper, Ian, and Peter Robbins. "Gold and international sanctions against South Africa." Minerals & Energy - Raw Materials Report 6, no. 1 (January 1988): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14041048809409324.

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20

Love, Janice. "The Potential Impact of Economic Sanctions Against South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 1 (March 1988): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001034x.

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The impact of economic sanctions against countries engaging in objectionable behaviour tends to be minimised by seemingly dispassionate analysts but overrated by those committed to punishing the target. Governments often act to impose economic sanctions despite controversies regarding their utility, and this article will examine the variables that contribute to their success or failure, and their potential impact on South Africa, including a brief analysis of the various measures recently imposed by western industrialised nations.

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21

Hentz, James J. "South Africa and the political economy of regional cooperation in Southern Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 1 (February 16, 2005): 21–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0400059x.

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Post-apartheid South Africa has recast its regional relations. Nonetheless, much of the literature depicts its policy as a projection of captured interests, for instance big business as embedded in Pretoria's apparent neo-liberal turn. Instead, post-apartheid South Africa's regional relations represent a political compromise, albeit not necessarily an explicit one, that reflects the different visions of South Africa's regional role and their respective political bases. Because their policies reflect the push and pull of competing constituencies, democratic states are rarely one dimensional. Post-apartheid South Africa is no exception, as it attempts to square the political circle of competing political constituencies, such as big business and labour. South Africa's regional relations and, in particular, its policy of regional economic cooperation/integration, are best understood as a reflection of the competing interests within its domestic political economy.

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22

Binns, Tony, and Etienne Nel. "Supporting Local Economic Development in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 17, no. 1 (February 2002): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690940110073800.

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South Africa's apartheid era has left a bitter legacy of retarded economic development. Local Economic Development has been identified by the South African government as a key strategy through which issues of development and, more importantly, poverty alleviation can be addressed by local governments. This paper reviews current Local Economic Development policy in South Africa, before proceeding to an examination and analysis of the impact of the primary government support mechanism designed to promote such development initiatives, namely the Local Economic Development Fund. Whilst such support is of vital importance, far greater levels of intervention will be needed to fully address the massive scale of current local development needs.

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23

Rogerson, Christian M. "Consolidating Local Economic Development in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Urban Forum 19, no. 3 (May 22, 2008): 307–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12132-008-9035-8.

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24

Kaempfer, William H., James A. Lehman, and Anton D. Lowenberg. "Divestment, investment sanctions, and disinvestment: an evaluation of anti-apartheid policy instruments." International Organization 41, no. 3 (1987): 457–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027545.

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Pressure for divestment and mandatory disinvestment sanctions directed against South Africa are an instance of domestic interest groups in one country seeking policy change in another. The link from shareholder divestment to disinvestment by firms is tenuous, however (since South Africa-active firms do not seem to suffer as a consequence of divestment pressure), and legislated sanctions are likely to have unpredictable and sometimes perverse effects on the extent of apartheid practices.

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25

ABRAHAMS, Charles. "The South African Experience: Litigating Remedies." Business and Human Rights Journal 6, no. 2 (June 2021): 270–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bhj.2021.25.

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AbstractMany transnational corporations (TNCs) that conducted business in South Africa during apartheid had deemed it profitable and desirable, despite the country’s systemic human rights violations against its majority black population. In the aftermath of the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre and 1976 student uprising, various United Nations and other international resolutions condemned TNCs for their incestuous relationship with apartheid South Africa and called for international sanctions against the regime. The demise of apartheid in 1994 brought about a new democratic, constitutional dispensation based on respect for human rights. However, attempts at holding TNCs liable for aiding and abetting the apartheid regime were fraught with obstacles and proved unsuccessful. Yet, the pursuit of strategic, class action litigation in areas as diverse as collusive conduct in bread manufacturing to occupational lung disease in South Africa’s goldmining industry have proven to be more successful in developing legal remedies against corporate harm. Areas impacted are extended legal standing under the common law, development of new causes of action and generous application of contingence fees arrangement.

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26

Stoneman, Colin. "Sanctions and South Africa: the dynamics of economic isolation." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621910.

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SCHMIDT, ELIZABETH. "The Scope for Sanctions: Economic Measures Against South Africa." African Affairs 86, no. 345 (October 1987): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097960.

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Tikhomirov, V. I. "South Africa: Is a Political Settlement Possible?" Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, no. 1 (1988): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700500778.

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Modification of the system of apartheid which started in the late 1970s initially in “pure economic” fields gradually led to the necessity of revising the very foundations of the political structure in the RSA. The reforms provided fresh impetus for the democratic movement in the country and, in the final analysis, it did not slow down, but, on the contrary, stepped up the decay of the system of apartheid. Demarcation of the interests of social groups of the white population and the government’s attempts to reform apartheid brought about the irreversible phenomena of crisis in the camp of supporters of the regime. Many white leaders are facing a dilemma: either bend further efforts to preserve the material well-being of their community at the price of the policy which has no future either socially or politically, or try to reach a peaceful settlement of the conflict at the price of their privileged position.

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Rogerson, C. M. "Local Economic Development and Post-Apartheid Reconstruction in South Africa." Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 18, no. 2 (December 1997): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9493.00015.

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30

Sherer, George. "Intergroup Economic Inequality in South Africa: The Post-Apartheid Era." American Economic Review 90, no. 2 (May 1, 2000): 317–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.90.2.317.

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31

Luiz, John M. "The socio‐economic restructuring of a post‐apartheid South Africa." International Journal of Social Economics 23, no. 10/11 (October 1996): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068299610149507.

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32

O'Sullivan, Siobhan. "Land and justice in South Africa." Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2010 (January 1, 2010): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2010.31.

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When Nelson Mandela took office on 10th May 1994 as South Africa’s first democratic president, he pledged that out of “an extraordinary human disaster” would come “a society of which all humanity will be proud”. Since then, South Africa has been praised for overcoming racial division and hatred in a peaceful manner while developing economic growth. This positive picture of post-apartheid South Africa has been compromised in recent years by rising crime, xenophobic violence, unemployment, and service-delivery protests. My research looks at how the new democracy has redistributed land and why less than 1% of the population still own the majority of the land. To understand the slow pace of land reform, I have examined the policies of the ANC, the polarised public debates on land reform, and the constraints on economic transformation. In order to achieve justice and ultimately reconciliation, problems with redistribution must be addressed. This requires not ...

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33

Bakker, Jan David, Christopher Parsons, and Ferdinand Rauch. "Migration and Urbanization in Post-Apartheid South Africa." World Bank Economic Review 34, no. 2 (July 30, 2019): 509–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wber/lhy030.

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Abstract Although Africa has experienced rapid urbanization in recent decades, little is known about the process of urbanization across the continent. This paper exploits a natural experiment, the abolition of South African pass laws, to explore how exogenous population shocks affect the spatial distribution of economic activity. Under apartheid, black South Africans were severely restricted in their choice of location, and many were forced to live in homelands. Following the abolition of apartheid they were free to migrate. Given a migration cost in distance, a town nearer to the homelands will receive a larger inflow of people than a more distant town following the removal of mobility restrictions. Drawing upon this exogenous variation, this study examines the effect of migration on urbanization in South Africa. While it is found that on average there is no endogenous adjustment of population location to a positive population shock, there is heterogeneity in the results. Cities that start off larger do grow endogenously in the wake of a migration shock, while rural areas that start off small do not respond in the same way. This heterogeneity indicates that population shocks lead to an increase in urban relative to rural populations. Overall, the evidence suggests that exogenous migration shocks can foster urbanization in the medium run.

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Worrall, Denis. "The Real Struggle in South Africa: An Insider's View." Ethics & International Affairs 2 (March 1988): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1988.tb00531.x.

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The outsider, international approach to ending apartheid in South Africa tends to take an overly moral stance, one that ultimately ignores a complex political, economic and racial situation. Thus effective outside action and intervention fails to help remedy or improve what it finds offensive. Denis Worrall draws on 20th century South African history and his own experience as a South African to show some of the less obvious but extremely important facets of apartheid that bare directly on its dissemination.

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35

Harkness, Jon. "Marshall, Lerner & Botha: Canada's Economic Sanctions on South Africa." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 16, no. 2 (June 1990): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550962.

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Brauns, Melody, and Anne Stanton. "Reforming the health sector in South Africa – Post 1994." Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets and Institutions 5, no. 3 (2015): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/rgcv5i3c2art2.

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This article reviews the efforts of the South African government in recognising development challenges of the post-apartheid era and assesses the approaches employed to bring about economic growth and to address inherited inequalities.

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Pirie, G. H. "Aviation, apartheid and sanctions: Air transport to and from South Africa, 1945?1989." GeoJournal 22, no. 3 (November 1990): 231–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00711334.

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Ali, Shanti Sadiq. "United Nations' Role in South Africa: Constraints and Possible Options." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 3 (July 1986): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200301.

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The principle of the elimination of racism and racial discrimination, of which apartheid is an institutionalised form, has become one of the cornerstones of the international community's concerns. As the community's watchdog, the United Nations has accorded, a high priority to this principle. Article 56 of the United Nations Charter stipulates thatbn ‘all members pledge themselves to take joint action in cooperation with the Organisation for the achievement of the purposes set forth in Article 55’, which includes ‘universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.’ Equally, the concern of the international community has been evident in the progressive evolution of the General Assembly's recommendations, resolutions and decisions, of the relevant international instruments, of its policy of sanctions, albeit by no means satisfactory, and the prominence this principle receives in various UN organs and activities, in particular the programmes undertaken under the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. However, the supportive role of the United Nations in the struggle being waged against apartheid within South Africa and Namibia, highly commendable though it is, has unfortunately been considerably weakened by the lack of consensus in dealing with systematic violations of international norms by the Pretoria regime for the maintenance of apartheid, as well as over the strategies to be adopted to resist this unjust and oppressive system. In the specific context of the present structure of the United Nations, particularly the powers given to the Security Council, these divergencies are found to be major constraints as they have the inevitable impact of impeding enforcement measures. As a consequence today, the continuing gulf between international law and reality threatens the very credibility of the world organisation especially as far as its human rights policies with regard to South Africa are concerned. The struggle within the United Nations system against apartheid, inevitably slow moving, nonetheless continues as can be seen from the evolution of measures taken. It will also be seen that the world body, undeterred by persistent disagreements over principle, its interpretation and enforcement, continues to explore possible options in shaping policies to be able to deal more effectively with the scourge of apartheid and thereby strengthen the ethical foundations of the international community and a civilised system of peaceful coexistence. The situation, therefore, though highly complicated, is not entirely hopeless. On the contrary there is room for optimism that meaningful consequences will emerge from these efforts of the United Nations to eliminate apartheid as well as to bring about a qualitative change in and protection of a whole range of human rights.

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White, Aaronette M., and Cheryl A. Potgieter. "Teaching Community Psychology in Postapartheid South Africa." Teaching of Psychology 23, no. 2 (April 1996): 82–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15328023top2302_2.

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Community Psychology can play an important role in the post-apartheid psychology curriculum as South Africa struggles to implement its Reconstruction Development Programme. A Community Psychology course was developed to address some of the pressing issues that face the Black majority in South Africa. The course perspective, course structure, reading materials, and assignments are described. The relevance of psychology during the postapantheid era and the challenges that psychologists face at historically Black South African universities are discussed. The course has been contextualized for South Africa; however, it can be adapted to suit any Community Psychology course taught in societies that struggle with racist, sexist, and economic forms of oppression.

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Mitrofanova, Irina B., and Vladimir L. Liozner. "The socio-economic situation in South Africa in the early 2000-ies." RUDN Journal of Economics 27, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2019-27-2-223-234.

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The article describes political changes, unstable economic development and the difficult social situation in the country after the fall of the apartheid regime. South Africa’s raw materials orientation in the international division of labor and the weak development of manufacturing industries due to the narrow domestic market and lack of investment are shown. The factors that reduce economic growth rates have been identified: low investment activity in the country, declining volumes of foreign investment, a backward structure of industrial production in which extractive industries dominate, rising unemployment, low levels of education, and health care. The characteristic of the catastrophic stratification of South African society, the position of the white minority is given. The place of the country in the international division of labor is shown. Considered the main sectors of the economy of South Africa, among them: industry, agriculture, financial sector and transport network. After the abolition of the apartheid regime, South Africa retained in its foreign trade an emphasis on the export of mineral raw materials, coal and metallurgy products. Today, South Africa faces a number of serious socio-economic problems, generated both by the legacy of apartheid and by the influence of modern factors, both internal and external, that directly affect the country's economy and mutually aggravate each other. Second, a low level of education is a major socio-economic problem in South Africa. It takes a countdown from the days of apartheid, when the broad masses of a non-full population were either completely illiterate or received an education of poor quality. Thirdly, a serious problem is the glaring level of social stratification and poverty, which has been preserved since the days of apartheid.

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Iheduru, Okechukwu C. "Black economic power and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 1 (March 2004): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004452.

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This paper evaluates the evolution and the implementation of the ANC government's commitment to fostering a black capitalist class or black economic empowerment (BEE) as a non-racial nation-building strategy. A substantial black bourgeois i.e. and other middle classes begun to emerge over the last decade, contrary to popular perceptions. The legitimating role assigned to the emergent black bourgeoisie by the ANC and the government is, however, threatens to turn the strategy into a nepotistic accumulation. This development is paradoxically threatening to re-racialise the country, widening black inequality gaps, and precluding the rise of a black bourgeoisie with a nurture capitalist agenda. Other equally powerful social groups have begun to challenge the prevailing strategy, compelling the government to explore a more accommodating strategy exemplified by the recent introduction by the government of ‘broad-based economic empowerment’. Should a less patrimonial, less racially and ethnically divisive BEE strategy emerge from this quasi-pluralist power play, such a change holds prospects for the creation of a ‘growth coalition’ capable of sustainable capitalist development and true empowerment of the black majority. That would be a positive development in terms of establishing and consolidating democracy in South Africa.

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Nattrass, Nicoli. "Controversies about capitalism and apartheid in South Africa: an economic perspective." Journal of Southern African Studies 17, no. 4 (December 1991): 654–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079108708297.

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Rogerson, Christian. "The Economic and Social Geography of South Africa: Progress Beyond Apartheid." Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie 91, no. 4 (November 2000): 335–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9663.00122.

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Duh, Helen, and Miemie Struwig. "Justification of generational cohort segmentation in South Africa." International Journal of Emerging Markets 10, no. 1 (January 19, 2015): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoem-08-2012-0078.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to look at the successful generational cohort segmentation from global and country-specific formative experiences in the USA, to examine the justification of cohort segmentation in South Africa. It also describes the demographic and psychographic characteristics of the latest consumer cohort – Generation Y for the interest of retailers and marketing managers. Design/methodology/approach – The study gathers secondary data by carefully scrutinizing books, journal articles, essays and dissertations. From these secondary sources, summaries of various findings and important scholarly insights into the qualifying factors for cohort formation and the important characteristics that make Generation Y an attractive consumer segment are provided. Findings – Findings show that, generational cohort segmentation is reserved for countries whose defining moments meet some qualifying conditions. South Africa can segment consumers in terms of generational cohorts because the historic and political defining events the country experienced fulfil the requirements for cohort formation. Particularly, apartheid is suggested to be the country-specific defining event backing the labelling of Generation X and Y South Africans. Generation X should thus be “the apartheid, socio-economic instability cohort” and Generation Y should be “the post apartheid socio-economically liberated cohort” Findings also show that Generation Y South Africans constitute a majority of the growing middle class, termed “Black Diamonds”. Originality/value – In addition to providing summaries of useful marketing-related reasons to target Generation Y consumers, this study assesses the qualification of South Africa’s historic and political events in forming consumer cohorts for generational marketing.

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Lawrence, Peter, and George W. Shepherd. "Effective Sanctions on South Africa: The Cutting Edge of Economic Intervention." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 1 (1994): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485864.

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Khadiagala, Gilbert M., and George W. Shepherd. "Effective Sanctions on South Africa: The Cutting Edge of Economic Intervention." International Journal of African Historical Studies 25, no. 1 (1992): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220155.

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Evans, Graham. "South Africa's deepening crisis." Review of International Studies 15, no. 1 (January 1989): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113099.

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Two points can be made at the outset. South Africa will not go away. South Africa is not about to engage in a transfer of power to its opponents. It is necessary to say this because for a decade or so (at least since the Soweto uprising of 1976) much contemporary scholarly literature and most popular journalism has concerned itself with two basic questions: when will the revolution take place and what happens after it? The assumption is that South Africa is now in the classic pre-revolutionary stage and therefore the most important field of political analysis is the economic and social character of the post-apartheid state, be it socialist, nationalist or multiracial capitalist.

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Schneider, Geoffrey. "Neoliberalism and economic justice in South Africa: revisiting the debate on economic apartheid." Review of Social Economy 61, no. 1 (March 2003): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0034676032000050257.

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Ndinda, Catherine, Ufo Okeke Uzodike, and Lolita Winaar. "Equality of access to sanitation in South Africa." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 43, no. 1 (November 14, 2018): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/5081.

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Equality, fairness and justice are values embedded in almost all the policies developed since 1994 and this is understandable given the inequalities that were institutionalized and entrenched by the apartheid regime. The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) explicitly advanced a social development agenda by setting targets for the provision of water, sanitation and electricity. The specific sectoral policies on water, sanitation and energy went further to contextualize the principles and values that inform the provision of these services in post-apartheid South Africa. So far a lot has been achieved in ensuring equality of access to these services but inequalities persist in terms of regions, race and income. Using SASAS data (2005– 2009) this paper examines equality of access to sanitation across ‘race’ and region. This paper argues that there there is a disjuncture between the free basic sanitation policy and implementation. The contribution of this paper lies in its analysis of access issues in from the dimensions of geography and ‘race’. The paper recommends that greater targeting and more innovative strategies are required to ensure that the most vulnerable groups have access to sanitation as it plays an important role in enhancing their quality of life and impact on their contribution on local economic development

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Whiston, Thomas G. "The Higher Educational and Industrial Challenges Facing South Africa." Industry and Higher Education 9, no. 2 (April 1995): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095042229500900206.

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South Africa, following the dismantling of Apartheid, now faces enormous educational, industrial and economic challenges. Simultaneously it must address gargantuan social and infrastructural problems, attend to the most urgent basic needs while also encouraging significant economic growth. The author has recently completed an extensive survey and analysis of the South African higher education challenge within the context of the critical, social, industrial and environmental dilemmas which must be ameliorated. In this article, he provides an overview of the problems to be faced and suggests a national policy agenda to address those challenges and dilemmas. In one sense the South African ‘dilemma’ is a microcosm of the global ‘North–South’ divide.

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