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1

Harris, Ron. "The Encounters of Economic History and Legal History." Law and History Review 21, no. 2 (2003): 297–346. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3595094.

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After the rise to dominance of the neo-classical school in economics in the 1920s and 1930s, legal historians manifested very little interest in economic theory. After the cliometric revolution of the early 1960s, most legal historians expressed declining interest in economic historians. After the rise of Critical Legal History and cultural legal history in the late 1970s and early 1980s, many legal historians showed diminishing interest in the economy. This trend was augmented by the expansion of law and economics as a leading jurisprudence and methodology within the law schools. Most legal historians viewed themselves as part of a camp in the law schools, whether of the humanities oriented scholars, of post modernists, or of critical scholars, who were antagonists of the law and economics camp. These legal historians often identified all economists with law and economics and further disassociated themselves from economic historians. Ironically, the less legal historians consider economic history, economic theory, and the economy itself as relevant to their purposes, the more economic historians are discovering the relevancy of the law and of legal history to theirs. This article suggests to legal historians that the time is ripe to revisit economic history and theory and to reconsider their long-established indifference toward them.
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2

HARNAY, SOPHIE, and ALAIN MARCIANO. "POSNER, ECONOMICS AND THE LAW: FROM “LAW AND ECONOMICS” TO AN ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF LAW." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 31, no. 2 (2009): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837209090208.

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3

Carstensen, Peter C. "Law and Economics Through History: McCraw'sProphets of Regulation." American Bar Foundation Research Journal 11, no. 4 (1986): 881–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1986.tb00271.x.

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4

Balsevich, A. "Law and Economics: Origins and Development." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 12 (December 20, 2008): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2008-12-60-71.

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The article analyzes the main stages of establishment and development of Law and Economics. The history of the discipline has had a considerable impact on its current state: today Law and Economics comprises different schools and approaches. On the one hand, the competition of approaches within the single discipline has broadened its scope, but on the other hand, it has intensified contradictions between the approaches and complicated the choice of methodological framework for the analysis. The differences between various approaches are explained basing on the example of the economic analysis of contract law.
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5

Duxbury, Neil. "Law and Economics, Science and Politics." Law and History Review 15, no. 2 (1997): 323–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/827654.

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I have been invited, and consider it a privilege, to comment briefly on James Hackney's article, Law and Neoclassical Economics. Perhaps it is unnecessary to remark that the article is both engaging and original. Not only does its quality speak for itself, but Hackney is not unforthcoming in speaking for himself. His in-depth and nuanced historical examination of law and neoclassical economics, he tells us, is the first to discuss the intellectual and political backdrop that facilitated law and neoclassical economics' rise to prominence and the first detailed exploration of how law and neoclassical economics as a field of study displaced pragmatic instrumentalist strands in legal theory. Hackney, clearly, could hardly be said to be unaware of the notion of product-differentiation.
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6

Cummings, Leslie E., and Thomas R. Mirkovich. "Foundation Gaming Resources—History, Law, Economics, and Social Issues." Journal of Hospitality & Tourism Education 9, no. 4 (1997): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10963758.1997.10685347.

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7

Carstensen, Peter C. "Law and Economics Through History: McCraw's "Prophets of Regulation"." American Bar Foundation Research Journal 11, no. 4 (1986): 881. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/492176.

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8

Hackney, James R. "“Law and Neoclassical Economics”: A Response to Commentaries." Law and History Review 16, no. 1 (1998): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744326.

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I first want to thank all of the commentators for their insights on, and criticisms of, my article, as well as thank the editors of Law and History Review for the opportunity to respond. Rather than addressing each comment individually, I will structure my response along conceptual issues raised by all three, although the three comments each have different emphases. The two conceptual categories I use are “technical criticisms” and “historiographical criticisms.” Under the category of technical, I include criticisms of my characterization of neoclassical economics theory and my analysis of particular texts. The historiographical category encompasses substantive historical issues, including which authors should be included in my accounting of law and neo-classical economics as it relates to the reconfiguration of tort law theory. However, it also touches upon broader methodological issues of how one goes about doing intellectual history(ies).
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9

Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 68, no. 1 (2021): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000315.

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A bumper edition this time, by way of apology for COVID-necessitated absenteeism in the autumn issue. The focus is on three pillars of social history – the economy (stupid), law, and religion. First up is Saskia Roselaar's second monograph, Italy's Economic Revolution. Roselaar sets out to trace the contribution made by economics to Italy's integration in the Roman Republic, focusing on the period after the ‘conquest’ of Italy (post 268 bce). Doing so necessitates two distinct steps: assessing, first, how economic contacts developed in this period, and second, whether and to what extent those contacts furthered the wider unification of Italy under Roman hegemony. Roselaar is influenced by New Institutional Economics (hereafter NIE), now ubiquitous in studies of the ancient economy. Her title may be an homage to Philip Kay's Rome's Economic Revolution, but the book itself is a challenge to that work, which in Roselaar's view neglects almost entirely the agency of the Italians in the period's economic transformation. For Roselaar, the Italians were as much the drivers of change as the Romans; indeed, it is this repeated conviction that unifies her chapters.
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10

Perkin, Harold, and Heath Pearson. "Origins of Law and Economics: The Economists' New Science of Law, 1830-1930." American Journal of Legal History 42, no. 2 (1998): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/846233.

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11

Kern, William S. "The Law of Conservation of Matter and Energy in the History of Economic Thought." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 12, no. 1 (1990): 96–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200006131.

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The development of economic thinking has seldom taken place entirely independently of developments in other disciplines. There is a long history of interdisciplinary influences among economics, mathematics, physics, biology, and philosophy. Among the most influential of these other disciplines has been physics. Numerous authors have attributed significant influence upon economics to Newtonian mechanics (Taylor 1960, Georgescu-Roegen 1971). The strength of that influence is perhaps best illustrated by William Stanley Jevons's proclamation of his attempt to reconstruct economics as “the mechanics of utility and self interest.“ Frank Knight, having observed what Jevons and others had wrought, concluded that mechanics had become the “sister science” of economics (Knight 1976, p. 85).
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12

Persky, Joseph. "Retrospectives: Pareto's Law." Journal of Economic Perspectives 6, no. 2 (1992): 181–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.6.2.181.

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Vilfredo Pareto, using data for England, a number of Italian cities, several German states, Paris, and Peru, plotted cumulative distributions of income for these countries on double logarithmic paper. He claimed that in each case the result was a straight line with about the same slope. Thus, he asserted a law of income distribution. I discuss Pareto's discovery of this relationship; his theory of income distribution; Pareto's Law and Pareto optimality; the attack on Pareto's Law; the counterattack; and the more recent literature. For all the excesses of the Paretian camp followers, there remains the significant insight that the history of all hitherto existing society is a history of social hierarchies. There is the feel of structure behind income distributions. Something is going on here.
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13

Brue, Stanley L. "Retrospectives: The Law of Diminishing Returns." Journal of Economic Perspectives 7, no. 3 (1993): 185–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.7.3.185.

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From introductory economics to theoretical papers, the law of diminishing returns is a part of every economist's tool kit. But the evolution of this law in the history of economic analysis reveals more complexity than is perhaps generally understood. Even among those most responsible for its evolution, the law has been loosely defined, and many so-called “proofs” of the law have been weak and incomplete. Moreover, those who expounded the law and its economic implications rarely offered empirical evidence to support it. In fact, economists have offered alternative explanations for rising short-run marginal cost curves and other implications of the law of diminishing returns. This last point raises an interesting question: Have economists used the law of diminishing returns simply for convenience, or is the law fundamental to economic analysis?
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14

Posner, Richard A. "A Review of Steven Shavell's Foundations of Economic Analysis of Law." Journal of Economic Literature 44, no. 2 (2006): 405–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.44.2.405.

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Steven Shavell's Foundations of Economic Analysis of Law (Harvard University Press, 2004) is a major theoretical contribution to “law and economics,” the applied field of economics that studies the economic properties and consequences of legal doctrines and institutions. It is a field of immense practical importance, but unfamiliar to many economists—a situation that Shavell's book bids fair to rectify. This review essay situates Shavell's book in the history of economic scholarship about law and uses the book as a springboard for speculation about new directions in that scholarship.
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15

Hackney, James R. "Law and Neoclassical Economics: Science, Politics, and the Reconfiguration of American Tort Law Theory." Law and History Review 15, no. 2 (1997): 275–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/827653.

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Morton Horwitz once posed the question, “Law and Economics: Science or Politics?” highlighting what has been a contentious issue for legal historians and the general legal academic community. A common historical accounting for the emergence of the law and neoclassical economics movement is that it provided theoretical ammunition for right-of-center politics following the collapse of 1960s progressive politics. Simultaneously, it has been viewed as a continuation of the legal realist moment and a response to the need for a scientific foundation for private law. In short, the consensus seems to be that law and neoclassical economics is about either science or politics. Little thought has been given, however, to its political and scientific formation and, in particular, to how the two in fact intersect. This article attempts to remedy the situation.
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16

Forget, Evelyn L. "Origins of law and economics: The economists? new science of law, 1830-1930." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 35, no. 1 (1999): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199924)35:1<95::aid-jhbs36>3.0.co;2-j.

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17

Heckman, James J. "The Intellectual Roots of the Law and Economics Movement." Law and History Review 15, no. 2 (1997): 327–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/827655.

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I will summarize my reactions to Hackney's article, then elaborate on them. First, the paper mistakenly interprets an analytical categorization used by modern economists distinguishing efficiency and distribution issues as a politically biased convention. Second, it fails to appreciate a crucial distinction between prices or incentives as motivating devices and compensation to victims or aggrieved parties as a form of social redistribution. Finally, it misreads the intellectual history of the modern law and economics movement. Far from being a byproduct of an antistatist academic economics establishment, law and economics began as an eccentric subfield of economics, cut off from the discipline's postwar mainstream.
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18

Jakab, Èva. "Economics of Ancient Law, hg. von Geoffrey P. Miller." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 129, no. 1 (2012): 941–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2012.129.1.941b.

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19

Sinopoli, Richard C., and M. L. Burstein. "Understanding Thomas Jefferson: Studies in Economics, Law, and Philosophy." Journal of American History 81, no. 3 (1994): 1290. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081500.

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20

Sandmo, Agnar. "The Early History of Environmental Economics." Review of Environmental Economics and Policy 9, no. 1 (2015): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/reep/reu018.

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21

Samuels, W. J. "Origins of Law and Economics: The Economists' New Science of Law, 1830-1930." History of Political Economy 31, no. 4 (1999): 772–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-31-4-772.

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22

Schruers, Matthew. "The History and Economics of ISP Liability for Third Party Content." Virginia Law Review 88, no. 1 (2002): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1073975.

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23

Cheffins, Brian R. "Law, Economics and the UK's System of Corporate Governance: Lessons from History." Journal of Corporate Law Studies 1, no. 1 (2001): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14735970.2001.11419854.

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24

Snell, K. D. M., and G. R. Boyer. "An Economic History of the English Poor Law, 1750-1850." Economic History Review 45, no. 1 (1992): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598340.

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25

May, James. "Science, Politics, and the Evolution of Law and Neoclassical Economics." Law and History Review 15, no. 2 (1997): 333–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/827656.

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James Hackney's article provocatively points our attention to very important and underexplored issues concerning the interplay of science and politics in the dramatic evolution of law and neoclassical economics since the Second World War. At the heart of his article is his rejection of any reductionist interpretation of the leading developments in this area. Modern law and neoclassical economics, he argues, cannot be accurately viewed either as merely a faithful, nonpoliticized application of modern social science or, alternatively, as simply a convenient vehicle for the promotion of particular contentious political beliefs. Hackney insists that law and neoclassical economics, both in general and in the specific doctrinal area he emphasizes, is about both science and politics. His article seeks to demonstrate this duality and, more broadly, to clarify the general nature and evolution of modern law and economics. Hackney highlights key general characteristics of twentieth-century intellectual thought and examines the influence of those characteristics, as well as the interplay between science and politics, in a series of landmark works on law and economics that have great relevance to recent debates over appropriate products liability standards.
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26

Bellová, Jana. "Behavioural Economics and its Implications on Regulatory Law." International and Comparative Law Review 15, no. 2 (2015): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iclr-2016-0037.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to analyse the possible implications of behavioural economics on regulatory law and government policy. In order to do so it first introduces and in short describe the current trends in behavioural economics through a quick look into the aim and history of this relatively new and innovative field of economics. Th e article then analyses the combination of this field of study with law in the form of a rather specific field of study called behavioural law and economics. The analyses of the possible impact on government policies and the regulation in certain areas then follow and result in suggestions of further possible interactions between law and economics.
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27

Pahalov, Alexandr. "«Moscow University Economics Bulletin»: contemporary history (review of journal publications 1991–2016)." Moscow University Economics Bulletin 2016, no. 4 (2016): 205–2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.38050/013001052016416.

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Lomonosov Moscow State University Faculty of Economics was founded in 1941. Five years later, in 1946, the university started to publish scientific journal «Mocow University Economics, Philosophy and Law Bulletin». Since 1966 economists have their own journal «Moscow University Economics Bulletin». This paper reviews the most cited publications and the main directions of research in the modern history of the journal, from 1991. During last 25 years, the journal was changing with the development of the faculty, the university and the Russian economic science. However it always remains o ne of the most influential scientific journals in the field of economics and management.
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28

Young, J. T. "Adam Smith and the Philosophy of Law and Economics." History of Political Economy 30, no. 1 (1998): 166–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-30-1-166.

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29

Moss, L. S. "Economics, Governance, and Law: Essays on Theory and Policy." History of Political Economy 35, no. 4 (2003): 791–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-35-4-791.

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30

BOKACH, SERGEY BORISOVICH, and TAT’YANA PAVLOVNA BUTENKO. "RELATIONSHIP OF LAW AND ECONOMY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD." Messenger AmSU, no. 93 (2021): 182–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/jasu.93.37.

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The article examines the relationship between civil legislation and the laws of economic development, objective laws of social development and their subjective regulation, an analysis of literary sources, the history of the development of the state and ideas about the economics of law of modern authors, made it possible to conclude that the development of civil law is influenced not only by the objectivity of laws but also subjective factors, including tradition.
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31

Guinnane, Timothy W. "New Law for New Enterprises: Cooperative Law in Germany, 1867–1889." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 61, no. 2 (2020): 377–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2020-0016.

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AbstractThe first modern German cooperatives began operations in the 1840s and faced, among other challenges, unfriendly legal rules. In Prussia, cooperatives experienced official harassment as allies of the then-oppositional Liberals. More importantly, cooperatives lacked the right to act as bodies, forcing them to engage in expensive legal workarounds for simple tasks such as contracting debts. The first German cooperatives law, Prussia’s 1867 Act, made clear the cooperatives had a right to exist and gave them the right to act as entities. Further development in the cooperative movement exposed flaws in the original act. The 1889 (Reich) Cooperatives Act legalized some organizational differences in the newer, rural cooperatives, and introduced compulsory external audits for cooperatives. Most famously, the 1889 Act first allowed cooperatives with limited liability, a step that made German cooperatives more similar to those elsewhere in Europe. The historical literature on cooperatives has neglected two important parts of this story: problems with the way unlimited liability operated under the 1867 Act, and the close connection between cooperative and company law.
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32

Hackney, James R. "Law and neoclassical economics theory: a critical history of the distribution/efficiency debate." Journal of Socio-Economics 32, no. 4 (2003): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1053-5357(03)00047-7.

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33

Dan Hutcheson, G. "Moore’s Law: The History and Economics of an Observation that Changed the World." Electrochemical Society Interface 14, no. 1 (2005): 17–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1149/2.f04051if.

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34

Hautcoeur, Pierre-Cyrille, and Paolo Di Martino. "The Functioning of Bankruptcy Law and Practices in European Perspective (ca.1880–1913)." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 3 (2013): 579–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht037.

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A growing body of research in economics and in business and economic history has shown the key role of bankruptcy and insolvency law on business organization, firms’ governance, and entrepreneurial choices. Most research, however, has focused on the formal aspects of laws, and still little is known on how various systems worked in practices. This paper fills this gap in the literature analyzing the functioning of bankruptcy procedures in four main European economies (Italy, France, England, and Germany) between ca.1880 and 1914. Using an original data set and descriptive statistics on length, organization, and return of procedures, the paper shows how the aim of attracting debtors was more successful in the less regulated English system, but how the protection of creditors’ rights was more efficiently pursued in France and Germany. Italy appears as the absolute worst performer.
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35

Guinnane, Timothy W., and Susana Martínez-Rodríguez. "Cooperatives before cooperative law: business law and cooperatives in Spain, 1869-1931." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 29, no. 1 (2011): 67–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610911000012.

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AbstractStudies of Spanish cooperatives date their spread from the Law on Agrarian Syndicates of 1906. But the first legislative appearance of cooperatives is an 1869 measure that permitted general incorporation for lending companies. The 1931 general law on cooperatives, the first act permitting the formation of cooperatives in any activity, reflects the gradual disappearance of the cooperative's «business» characteristics. In this paper, we trace the Spanish cooperative's legal roots in business law and its connections to broader questions of the freedom of association, the formation of joint-stock enterprises and the liability of investors in business and cooperative entities. Our account underscores the similarities of the organizational problems approach by cooperatives and business firms, while at the same time respecting the distinctive purposes cooperatives served.
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36

O'Donnell, Rod. "General theorising and historical specificity: Hodgson on Keynes." Journal of Institutional Economics 15, no. 4 (2019): 715–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137418000413.

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AbstractIn relation to Keynes's thought on general theorising, consumption theory and institutions, this paper closely examines Geoff Hodgson's views as set out in his magisterial work, How Economics Forgot History. While in full agreement with its advocacy of the institutionalist programme, it finds that Keynes's position has been misunderstood in all three areas, and that deep compatibilities exist between the General Theory and institutionalist analysis. Using all his available writings, it is argued that Keynes's conception of a general theory is very different from that underpinning neoclassical economics so that criticisms of the latter are irrelevant to the former, that Keynes's ‘fundamental psychological law’ was never advanced as a universal law applicable to all economies, and that Keynes expressly analysed a historically specific economic institution and its assemblage of sub-institutions. Keynes is an ally, not an enemy, of institutionalism in pursuing better economic theory.
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37

Lee, Yong-Shik. "Law and Development: Lessons from South Korea." Law and Development Review 11, no. 2 (2018): 433–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ldr-2018-0026.

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Abstract South Korea has achieved unprecedented economic and social development in history. This country, which had been among the poorest in the world until the early 1960s, became one of the world’s leading economies by the mid-1990s as demonstrated by high per-capita income and world-class industries. In the early 1960s, Korea had much of the characteristics shared by many developing countries today, such as prevalent poverty, low economic productivity, low levels of technology and entrepreneurship in society, insufficient capital, poor endowment of natural resources, over-population in a relatively small territory, and internal political instability and external threats to its security. Korea has successfully overcome these obstacles and achieved economic development within a single generation. Korea’s success in economic development was also accompanied by the advancement of the rule of law and elective democracy by the 1990s. What are the causes of this unprecedented success? This article, applying a recently developed theory of law and development, explores the legal and institutional dimensions of Korea’s development and draws lessons from its successful development.
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38

Coşgel, Metin, Thomas Miceli, and Rasha Ahmed. "Law, state power, and taxation in Islamic history." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 71, no. 3 (2009): 704–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2009.02.017.

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39

BOUGETTE, PATRICE, MARC DESCHAMPS, and FRÉDÉRIC MARTY. "When Economics Met Antitrust: The Second Chicago School and the Economization of Antitrust Law." Enterprise & Society 16, no. 2 (2015): 313–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2014.18.

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In this article, the authors interrogate legal and economic history to analyze the process by which the Chicago School of Antitrust emerged in the 1950s and became dominant in the United States. They show that the extent to which economic objectives and theoretical views shaped the inception of antitrust law. After establishing the minor influence of economics in the promulgation of U.S. competition law, they highlight U.S. economists’ caution toward antitrust until the Second New Deal and analyze the process by which the Chicago School developed a general and coherent framework for competition policy. They rely mainly on the seminal and programmatic work of Director and Levi (1956) and trace how this theoretical paradigm became collective—that is, the “economization” process in U.S. antitrust. Finally, the authors discuss the implications and possible pitfalls of such a conversion to economics-led antitrust enforcement.
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40

Van Horn, Robert. "Corporations and the rise of Chicago law and economics." Economy and Society 47, no. 3 (2018): 477–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085147.2018.1528077.

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41

Lovell, John, and P. W. J. Bartrip. "Workmen's Compensation in Twentieth-Century Britain: Law, History and Social Policy." Economic History Review 41, no. 4 (1988): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596618.

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42

Burkett, J. P. "Marx's Concept of an Economic Law of Motion." History of Political Economy 32, no. 2 (2000): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-32-2-381.

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43

Smedley-Weill, Annette. "Common(s) law et souveraineté." Cahiers d Économie Politique 40-41, no. 2 (2001): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cep.040.0193.

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44

Dyer, Christopher, and J. G. Bellamy. "Bastard Feudalism and the Law." Economic History Review 43, no. 1 (1990): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596519.

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45

O'Brien, D. P. "Hayek and the Natural Law." History of Political Economy 41, no. 2 (2009): 414–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-2009-012.

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46

Wechsler, Andrea. "Paul Goldstein/Joseph Straus (Hrsg.): Intellectual Property in Asia. Law, Economics, History and Politics." Zeitschrift für geistiges Eigentum 3, no. 3 (2011): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/186723711797643017.

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47

Rothstein, Sidney A. "Macune's Monopoly: Economic Law and the Legacy of Populism." Studies in American Political Development 28, no. 1 (2014): 80–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x13000163.

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This article argues that the Populist legacy is embodied by the constrained conception of democracy underlying the American state, which restricts popular sovereignty from the economic sphere. Charles Macune led the Farmers’ Alliance according to a robust conception of democracy that insisted on subordinating economic law to popular sovereignty. Macune's distinct economic thought marked a departure from previous antimonopoly movements, but his reliance on an inductive, empirical, institutionalist economic methodology was shared by the founders of the American Economic Association. Populism did not fail because it relied on outdated economic theory; it was defeated because it represented a coherent and credible threat to the established order. A successful campaign established the hegemony of the deductive method, which posited that manmade laws must serve the natural, universally valid laws of economics and that popular sovereignty must therefore be restrained from the economic realm. Without the means to conceive an alternative relationship between the state and economy, the path of twentieth-century American political development has been limited to those possibilities available under a constrained conception of democracy. This article articulates Macune's political strategy and highlights its underlying principles in order to present a more robust conception of democracy and illustrate the mechanisms by which it was defeated.
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48

Dewees, D. N. "The Origins of Law and Economics: Essays by the Founding Fathers." History of Political Economy 39, no. 3 (2007): 556–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-2007-027.

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49

Kufuor, Kofi Oteng. "THE COLLAPSE OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY: LESSONS FROM ECONOMICS, AND HISTORY." Journal of African Law 49, no. 2 (2005): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855305000112.

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KUFUOR, KOFI OTENG, The collapse of the Organization of African Unity: Lessons from economics and history, Journal of African Law, 49, 2 (2005): 132–144This paper argues that the analytical tools of the New Institutional Economics (NIE) School provide fruitful lines of inquiry into the decision to replace the Organization of African Unity with the African Union. The application of two NIE methodologies, economics and history, do explain why the OAU had failed to play a meaningful role in African affairs. Relying on economic tools, the paper explores issues relating to monitoring of the members' commitments, the provision of public goods, decision-making, and membership of the OAU. Historical approaches seek to explain why the OAU remained as Africa's paramount regional organization for four decades despite the obvious flaws in the OAU's design and the consequent inefficiencies these flaws produced.
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50

Montalbo, Adrien. "Schools without a law: Primary education in France from the Revolution to the Guizot Law." Explorations in Economic History 79 (January 2021): 101364. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eeh.2020.101364.

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