Journal articles on the topic 'Edea (Cameroun)'

SynopsisDiameter frequency distributions (dfds) of 197 tree species in Korup National Park and 118 tree species in Douala–Edea Forest Reserve (based onc.41 000 and 25 000 trees ≥ 30 cm gbh in 135 and 104 plots along four transects at each site, respectively) were individually classified into four groups of species according to their maximum diameters (≥99% trees <50, <70 and <90cm dbh, and > 1% ≥90cm dbh), and separated into two abundance classes (n≥50 andn= 20–49 (or 15–49). A fifth group, from those species in 3 and 4, was defined by a relative lack of small stems and given detailed attention. Dfds were evaluated for all species together on a transect and site basis, and compared for individual species across transects, and between sites for those group 5 species in common.Analysis focussed on three large ectomycorrhizal species in groups 3 and 4,Microberlinia bisulcata, Tetraberlinia bifoliolataandT. moreliana(Caesalpiniaceae), which were restricted to, and dominated, the forest on the nutrient-poor soils of transect P at Korup.M. bisulcata, the most abundant, was markedly group 5 in character, with very few small trees, whilst theTetraberliniaspecies had strong replacement potential. Although there were 27 species (42% of groups 3 & 4) at Korup and 19 (48%) at Douala–Edea in group 5,M. bisulcatawas unique in its combination of large size, dfd, mycorrhizal habit, spatial distribution and soil association. The potential replacement of this species was contrasted also with a non-ectomycorrhizal caesalp with similar dfd that occurred on nutrient-richer soils,Erythrophleum ivorense.Knowledge of the Caesalpiniaceae-richla forêt biafriéeneof Letouzey (which includes Korup and Douala–Edea) is reviewed, and the distribution, ecology and regeneration of the caesalps discussed. Structure and inferred dynamics of the forest at Korup are discussed with special regard to the ectomycorrhizal species.

A new species of freshwater crab of the genus Sudanonautes Bott, 1955, is described from the tropical rainforests of Edea and Tiko in southern Cameroon, Central Africa. Sudanonautes tiko n. sp. is recognized by a unique combination of characters of the carapace, thoracic sternum, chelipeds, and male first gonopod, and by distinct mtDNA sequences for two loci (COI and 16S rRNA). A diagnosis, illustrations, and a tree of phylogenetic relationships based on mtDNA sequences are provided, along with a comparison to similar species from the region. Brief notes are provided on the ecology of the new species and of three other species of Sudanonautes collected during this study.

Inflammatory diseases are a real public health problem worldwide. Many synthetic drugs used in the treatment of inflammatory diseases such as steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs, nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs (NSAIDs) and immunosuppressive drugs have harmful side effects. However, there are natural products like propolis, which is traditionally used in the treatment of pain. The objective of this work was to evaluate the anti-inflammatory and analgesic activities of the ethyl ester of arachic acid, a compound isolated from Cameroonian propolis. The ethyl ester of arachic acid was isolated by chromatography of the ethanolic extract of propolis harvested at Tala-Mokolo (Far North Region of Cameroon) and identified by nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) spectra and the 1H-1H correlated spectroscopy. The anti-inflammatory and analgesic properties of oral administration of arachic acid ethyl ester (12.5, 25.0, and 50.0 mg/kg bw) were evaluated using carrageenan-induced paw edema, xylene-induced ear edema, cotton pellets-induced granuloma formation, and hot plate test in rat. Arachic acid ethyl ester produced maximum inhibition at 50.0 mg/kg for carrageenan-induced paw edema (62.5%), xylene-induced ear edema (54.5%), cotton pellet-induced granuloma (47.4%), and increased mean latency for hot plate test in rats. These results show clearly that the arachic acid ethyl ester has acute and chronic anti-inflammatory properties as well as central analgesic properties. This justifies the use of propolis in the treatment of pain in traditional medicine.

AbstractIsoelectric focusing of glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase (G6PD) produced clearly identifiable profiles for S. haematobium and S. intercalatum and their hybrids. To provide a more detailed analysis of the interactions of S. haematobium and S. intercalatum in South West Cameroon over the last 12 years, G6PD analyses were carried out on individual schistosomes collected in Kumba in 1990, Loum in 1990, 1999 and 2000 and Barombi Mbo and Barombi Kotto in 1999. Studies were also carried out on the two parental species S. haematobium Barombi Mbo, S. intercalatum Edea and subsequent generations of hybrids resulting from laboratory crosses of the two parental species. The isoenzyme analysis demonstrated that the 1990 isolate from Kumba, was a recombinant of S. intercalatumxS. haematobium, and that 30% of individual schistosomes collected in 1990 in Loum were also recombinants. The remainder gave data indicative of S. haematobium. In 1999, 12.5% of individuals from Loum showed recombination and 10% in 2000. Results from the most recent parasitological survey in October 2000 showed the persistence of the recombinant population in addition to that of S. haematobium. There was also evidence of recombination having taken place in Barombi Kotto but not Barombi Mbo. This study demonstrates how the situation has changed over the last 12 years, and emphasizes the importance of assessing morphological, biological and molecular data together to gain a true picture of the rapidly evolving situation.

Cases of splanchnic venous thrombosis have not been described in Cameroon. Their prevalence in acute pancreatitis is variable. With the emergence of acute intra-abdominal infections including typhoid fever and peritoneal tuberculosis in situations of acquired immunodeficiency syndrome, these cases will become frequent. We report the case of a portosplenomesenteric venous thrombosis related to necrotizing acute pancreatitis associated with proteins C and S deficiency, in a 46-year-old Cameroonian man, without particular past medical history. He was admitted for abdominal pain which had been evolving for 3 weeks and accompanied by vomiting. In the absence of hemorrhagic risk factor, the patient received low molecular weight heparin followed by oral warfarin. The abdominal ultrasound check on the 12th day showed a partial recanalization of venous thrombosis. The abdominal contrast-enhanced CT scanner at day 30 on oral anticoagulation therapy showed collateral vessels and small bowel edema. At the same time the upper gastrointestinal endoscopy showed grade II esophageal varices. We have maintained oral anticoagulation therapy. This case highlights that an early effective anticoagulation heparin therapy is needed for a clear benefit in case of suspected PSMVT. It is certain that the sooner the treatment is given, the better outcome will be.

Trimeresurus nebularis is a montane pit viper that causes bites and envenomation to various communities in the central highland region of Malaysia, in particular Cameron’s Highlands. To unravel the venom composition of this species, the venom proteins were digested by trypsin and subjected to nano-liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS/MS) for proteomic profiling. Snake venom metalloproteinases (SVMP) dominated the venom proteome by 48.42% of total venom proteins, with a characteristic distribution of P-III: P-II classes in a ratio of 2:1, while P-I class was undetected. Snaclecs constituted the second most venomous protein family (19.43%), followed by snake venom serine proteases (SVSP, 14.27%), phospholipases A2 (5.40%), disintegrins (5.26%) and minor proteins including cysteine-rich secretory proteins, L-amino acid oxidases, phosphodiesterases, 5′-nucleotidases. The venomic profile correlates with local (painful progressive edema) and systemic (hemorrhage, coagulopathy, thrombocytopenia) manifestation of T. nebularis envenoming. As specific antivenom is unavailable for T. nebularis, the hetero-specific Thai Green Pit viper Monovalent Antivenom (GPVAV) was examined for immunological cross-reactivity. GPVAV exhibited good immunoreactivity to T. nebularis venom and the antivenom effectively cross-neutralized the hemotoxic and lethal effects of T. nebularis (lethality neutralizing potency = 1.6 mg venom per mL antivenom). The findings supported GPVAV use in treating T. nebularis envenoming.

The bovine parasite Onchocerca ochengi is a nodule-dwelling filarial nematode, closely related to O. volvulus, the causal agent of human River Blindness, and, sharing with it, the same vector. This brief review, based on a presentation at the BSP Autumn Symposium 1999, describes recent work supported by the WHO Drug Development Research Macrofil programme and the Edna McConnell Clark Foundation vaccine development programme, to research the chemotherapy and immunology of onchocerciasis utilising this model system, with experimental infections in Liverpool and field infections in northern Cameroon. In a series of chemotherapeutic trials involving 10 compounds in 20 treatment regimes, the comparability of drug efficacy against O. ochengi with that described against O. volvulus has been demonstrated. Repeated, long-term treatment with oxytetracycline has been shown to be macrofilaricidal and the effect is hypothesized to be related to action on Wolbachia endobacteria, abundant in O. ochengi. Avermectins/milbemycins are not macrofilaricidal (even in high and repeated long-term treatments) but induce sustained abrogation of embryogenesis. In prospective, field exposure experiments with naive calves, prophylactic treatments with ivermectin and moxidectin prevented the development of adult worm infection, raising the possibility that drug-attenuated larval challenge infections may induce immunity. Putatively immune adult cattle exist in endemically exposed populations, and these have been shown to be significantly less susceptible to challenge than age-matched naive controls, whereas radically drug-cured, previously patently-infected cattle were not. Experimental infections with O. ochengi have revealed the kinetics of the immune response in relation to parasite development and demonstrate analogous responses to those reported in O. volvulus infection in humans and chimpanzees. In an immunization experiment with irradiated L3 larvae, cattle were significantly protected against experimental challenge – the first such demonstration of the experimental induction of immunity in a natural Onchocerca host–parasite system. Taken collectively, these studies not only demonstrate the similarity between the host–parasite relationships of O. ochengi in cattle and O. volvulus in humans, but promise to advance options for the control of human onchocerciasis.

The performance based financing approach is being tested in four regions of Cameroon, including the Littoral region. Our study aimed to study the effects associated with the implementation of the performance based financing approach within the health facilities based in the health district of Edea in the Littoral region in Cameroon. We’ve carried out a crosssectional analytical study among 178 health personnel from 21 health facilities under PBF-contract within the health district of Edea. We have studied their sociodemographic characteristics, the individual and collective effects resulting from the performance based financing subsidies and the level of job satisfaction. Participants’ job satisfaction was measured with the French version of the Minnesota satisfaction scale. The results were presented in a descriptive and analytical form at the alpha = 5% and the P-value 5%. We recruited 113 women and 65 men. The mean age was 39.19 ± 8.95 years. The individual results of the performance based financing were the regular collection of subsidies between F CFA 20-40.000 (42.1%), the improvement of working conditions (74.2%) and living conditions (67.4%) and the acquisition of new skills (69.7%). Collectively, participants confirmed the increase of the users attendance (65.7%), the improvement of the internal organization (79.8%), the purchase of new equipment (84.3%) and the improved quality of health care (86%). Satisfaction is influenced by age (P=0.016), gender (P=0.01), occupational category (P=0.04), type of health facility (P=0.02) and the amount of subsidies (P=0.03). The healthcare personnel’s were satisfied with the improvement of their social conditions (66.67%), working conditions (62.88%), the transparency in health centers management (69%) and their involvement in the health centers’ functioning (76.6%). Participants were dissatisfied with their salaries (70.2%) and the lack of opportunities for advancement (47.8%). The positive effects of the performance based financing approach contributed to the job satisfaction of the healthcare workers in the Edea health district. These results should prompt the government to extend the performance based financing approach to communities and other health districts in Cameroon.

The growth of ecotourism has an impact on the livelihoods of people living within and adjacent to protected areas, where ecotourism activities often take place. In some cases, evolving ecotourism has compromised the ability of locals to sustain and diversify their livelihoods. The aim of this study was to examine the impact of ecotourism and conservation measures implemented in protected areas in Cameroon on local communities residing either within or in close proximity to them. The study employed a mixed-method research approach based on two case study areas in Cameroon (the Mount Cameroon National Park and the Douala Edea Wildlife Reserve). Key findings of the study suggest that the geographic location of communities, coupled with instituted conservation and preservation measures and the level of ecotourism activity has a direct bearing on the severity of resultant impacts experienced by locals. Overall, measures in protected areas have been found to increase the conservation and preservation thereof. However, the extent to which communities are impacted upon by these measures differs in each case study area owing to factors such as geographical proximity, livelihood strategies, and community involvement in ecotourism.

AbstractBackgroundInflammation is the most common health problem faced in life relating to a vast number of diseases. The present study evaluated the pharmacological effect of three plants (Vitex thyrsiflora, Entandrophragma cylindricum, and Anonidium mannii) commonly used in the Cameroon pharmacopeia for the management of inflammatory response.MethodsThe pharmacological effect was characterized by the antioxidant capacity, anti-inflammatory, analgesic, and antipyretic properties of the ethanol extracts of the three plants. Antioxidant capacity was determined using total phenolic content, total flavonoid content, hydrogen peroxide, ferric reducing antioxidant power (FRAP), 2,2-diphenyl-1-picrylhydrazyl (DPPH), and 2,2′-azinobis(3-ethylbenzothiazoline-6-sulfonate) (ABTS) radical scavenging assays. Anti-inflammatory activity was evaluated in vitro by protein denaturation and hypotonic-induced hemolysis methods and in vivo by carrageenan paw edema method. Analgesic and antipyretic activities were studied in vivo using acetic acid-induced writhing and brewer’s yeast-induced hyperpyrexia models.ResultsAll selected extracts showed high phenolic (15.93–64.45 mgCAE/g) and flavonoid (336.03–1053.48 mgCAE/g) contents and high ferric reducing power (288.75–364.91 mgCAE/g). These extracts exhibited good DPPH (IC50 = 0.30–1.65 μg/mL), ABTS (IC50 = 0.52–1.90 μg/mL), and H2O2 (IC50 = 1.40–3.55 μg/mL) radical scavenging activities. All extracts inhibited protein denaturation (6.79–82.27%) and protected the erythrocyte membrane from lysis induced by hypotonic solution (18.90–88.00%). The extracts significantly reduced dose-dependent paw edema (p < 0.05), fever, and abdominal writhing (p < 0.001) especially at 400 mg/kg.ConclusionsAll extracts exhibited interesting antioxidant properties, as well as significant anti-inflammatory, analgesic, and antipyretic effects.

Abstract Background oxidative stress and inflammation remain the main health problems often linked to degenerative diseases. The aim of this study was to evaluate antioxidant, analgesic and anti-inflammatory properties of onion growth in Cameroon. Methods Aqueous extracts were produced from two varieties of onion (Violet of galmi; Goudami) and were quantified for their polyphenols content. Concentrations of extracts (0.1, 0.5, 1, 1.5 mg/mL) were also prepared, their in vitro antioxidant properties evaluated by using standard methods. Anti-inflammatory effect of onion extracts was assessed by applying carrageenan sub plantar test to Wistar rats, but acetic acid test was used to study analgesic effect. Results The polyphenols content and antioxidant activities of onion extracts changed significantly (p < 0.05) with variety and increased (p < 0.05) with concentration. Total phenolic (range 58.03–67.43%), Total Reducing power (range 0.27–0.94%), DPPH radical scavenging (range 37.33–202.08%) were higher in Violet of galmi extracts, while Ferrous ion chelating power (range 23.15–97.42%) was higher in Goudami extract. The two varieties of onion extracts reduce (p < 0.05) rat paw edema in a dose dependent manner compared with negative control group. Violet of Galmi variety (1.5 mg/kg) reaches 100% of inhibition after 2 h whereas the Goudami variety (1.5 mg/kg) reaches 100% of inhibition after 3 h. In terms of analgesic activity, aqueous extract of the two varieties of onion exhibited analgesic effect characterized by reduction in writhes. Analgesic activity increased significantly (p < 0.05) with concentration of onion but Violet of galmi extracts has also shown more efficacy than Goudami extracts. Conclusion The present findings suggest that aqueous extract of violet of galmi and Goudami bulb onions have antioxidant activity and protective effects against inflammation and pain.

IntroductionFestivals, according to Chris Gibson and John Connell, are like “glue”, temporarily sticking together various stakeholders, economic transactions, and networks (9). Australia’s First Nations peoples see festivals as an opportunity to display cultural vitality (Henry 586), and to challenge a history which has rendered them absent (587). The 2017 Australia Council for the Arts Showcasing Creativity report indicates that performing arts by First Nations peoples are under-represented in Australia’s mainstream venues and festivals (1). Large Aboriginal cultural festivals have long thrived in Australia’s northern half, but have been under-developed in the south. Each regional happening develops a cultural landscape connected to a long and intimate relationship with the natural environment.The Far South East coast and mountainous hinterland of New South Wales is rich in pristine landscapes that ground the Yuin and Monaro Nations to Country as the Monaroo Bobberrer Gadu (Peoples of the Mountains and the Sea). This article highlights cross-sector interaction between Koori and mainstream organisations in producing the Giiyong (Guy-Yoong/Welcoming) Festival. This, the first large festival to be held within the Yuin Nation, took place on Aboriginal-owned land at Jigamy, via Eden, on 22 September 2018. Emerging regional artists joined national headline acts, most notably No Fixed Address (one of the earliest Aboriginal bands to break into the Australian mainstream music industry), and hip-hop artist Baker Boy (Danzal Baker, Young Australian of the Year 2019). The festival followed five years of sustained community preparation by South East Arts in association with Grow the Music, Twofold Aboriginal Corporation, the Eden Local Aboriginal Land Council, and its Elders. We offer dual understandings of the Giiyong Festival: the viewpoints of a male Yuin Elder wedded to an Australian woman of European descent. We acknowledge, and rely upon, key information, statistics, and photographs provided by the staff of South East Arts including Andrew Gray (General Manager), Jasmin Williams (Aboriginal Creative and Cultural Engagement Officer and Giiyong Festival Project Manager), and Kate Howarth (Screen Industry Development Officer). We are also grateful to Wiradjuri woman Alison Simpson (Program Manager at Twofold Aboriginal Corporation) for valuable feedback. As community leaders from First Nations and non-First Nations backgrounds, Simpson and Williams complement each other’s talents for empowering Indigenous communities. They plan a 2020 follow-up event on the basis of the huge success of the 2018 festival.The case study is informed by our personal involvement with community. Since the general population barely comprehends the number and diversity of Australia’s Indigenous ‘nations’, the burgeoning Indigenous festival movement encourages First Nations and non-First Nations peoples alike to openly and confidently refer to the places they live in according to Indigenous names, practices, histories, and knowledge. Consequently, in the mental image of a map of the island-continent, the straight lines and names of state borders fade as the colours of the Indigenous ‘Countries’ (represented by David Horton’s wall map of 1996) come to the foreground. We reason that, in terms of ‘regionality,’ the festival’s expressions of “the agency of country” (Slater 141) differ vastly from the centre-periphery structure and logic of the Australian colony. There is no fixed centre to the mutual exchange of knowledge, culture, and experience in Aboriginal Australia. The broader implication of this article is that Indigenous cultural festivals allow First Nations peoples cultures—in moments of time—to assume precedence, that is to ‘stitch’ back together the notion of a continent made up of hundreds of countries, as against the exploitative structure of ‘hub and region’ colonial Australia.Festival Concepts and ContextsHoward Becker observed that cultural production results from an interplay between the person of the artist and a multitude of support personnel whose work is not frequently studied: “It is through this network of cooperation that the art work we eventually see or hear comes to be and continues to be” (1). In assisting arts and culture throughout the Bega Valley, Eurobodalla, and Snowy Monaro, South East Arts delivers positive achievements in the Aboriginal arts and cultural sector. Their outcomes are significant in the light of the dispossession, segregation, and discrimination experienced by Aboriginal Australians. Michael Young, assisted by Indigenous authors Ellen Mundy and Debbie Mundy, recorded how Delegate Reserve residents relocating to the coast were faced with having their lives controlled by a Wallaga Lake Reserve manager or with life on the fringes of the towns in shacks (2–3). But as discovered in the records, “their retention of traditional beliefs, values and customs, reveal that the accommodation they were forced to make with the Europeans did not mean they had surrendered. The proof of this is the persistence of their belief in the value of their culture” (3–4). The goal of the Twofold Aboriginal Corporation is to create an inclusive place where Aboriginal people of the Twofold Bay Region can be proud of their heritage, connect with the local economy, and create a real future for their children. When Simpson told Williams of the Twofold Aboriginal Corporation’s and Eden Local Aboriginal Land Council’s dream of housing a large cultural festival at Jigamy, Williams rigorously consulted local Indigenous organisations to build a shared sense of community ownership of the event. She promoted the festival as “a rare opportunity in our region to learn about Aboriginal culture and have access to a huge program of Aboriginal musicians, dancers, visual artists, authors, academics, storytellers, cooks, poets, creative producers, and films” (McKnight).‘Uncle Ossie’ Cruse of Eden envisaged that the welcoming event would enliven the longstanding caring and sharing ethos of the Yuin-Monaro people. Uncle Ossie was instrumental in establishing Jigamy’s majestic Monaroo Bobberrer Gudu Keeping Place with the Eden Local Aboriginal Land Council in 1994. Built brick by brick by Indigenous workers, it is a centre for the teaching and celebration of Aboriginal culture, and for the preservation of artefacts. It represents the local community's determination to find their own solutions for “bridging the gap” by creating education and employment opportunities. The centre is also the gateway to the Bundian Way, the first Aboriginal pathway to be listed on the NSW State Heritage Register. Festival Lead-Up EventsEden’s Indigenous students learn a revived South Coast language at Primary and Secondary School. In 2015, Uncle Ossie vitally informed their input into The Black Ducks, a hip-hop song filmed in Eden by Desert Pea Media. A notable event boosting Koori musical socialisation was a Giiyong Grow the Music spectacle performed at Jigamy on 28 October 2017. Grow the Music—co-founded by Lizzy Rutten and Emily White—specialises in mentoring Indigenous artists in remote areas using digital recording equipment. Eden Marine High School students co-directed the film Scars as part of a programme of events with South East Arts and the Giiyong Festival 2018. The Eden Place Project and Campbell Page also create links between in- and out-of-school activities. Eden’s Indigenous students thus perform confidently at NAIDOC Week celebrations and at various festivals. Preparation and PersonnelAn early decision was made to allow free entry to the Giiyong Festival in order to attract a maximum number of Indigenous families. The prospect necessitated in-kind support from Twofold Aboriginal Corporation staff. They galvanised over 100 volunteers to enhance the unique features of Jigamy, while Uncle Ossie slashed fields of bushes to prepare copious parking space. The festival site was spatially focused around two large stages dedicated to the memory of two strong supporters of cultural creativity: Aunty Doris Kirby, and Aunty Liddy Stewart (Image 1). Image 1: Uncle Ossie Cruse Welcomes Festival-Goers to Country on the Aunty Liddy Stewart Stage. Image Credit: David Rogers for South East Arts, Reproduction Courtesy of South East Arts.Cultural festivals are peaceful weapons in a continuing ontological political contest (Slater 144). In a panel discussion, Uncle Ossie explained and defended the Makarrata: the call for a First Nations Voice to be enshrined in the Constitution.Williams also contracted artists with a view to capturing the past and present achievements of Aboriginal music. Apart from her brilliant centrepiece acts No Fixed Address and Baker Boy, she attracted Pitjantjatjara singer Frank Yamma (Image 2), Yorta Yorta singer/songwriter Benny Walker, the Central Desert Docker River Band, and Jessie Lloyd’s nostalgic Mission Songs Project. These stellar acts were joined by Wallaga Lake performers Robbie Bundle, Warren Foster, and Alison Walker as well as Nathan Lygon (Eden), Chelsy Atkins (Pambula), Gabadoo (Bermagui), and Drifting Doolgahls (Nowra). Stage presentations were technologically transformed by the live broadcast of acts on large screens surrounding the platforms. Image 2: Singer-Songwriter Frank Yamma Performs at Giiyong Festival 2018. Image Credit: David Rogers for South East Arts, Reproduction Courtesy of South East Arts.Giiyong Music and Dance Music and dance form the staple components of Indigenous festivals: a reflection on the cultural strength of ancient ceremony. Hundreds of Yuin-Monaro people once attended great corroborees on Mumbulla Mountain (Horton 1235), and oral history recorded by Janet Mathews evidences ceremonies at Fishy Flats, Eden, in the 1850s. Today’s highly regarded community musicians and dancers perform the social arrangements of direct communication, sometimes including their children on stage as apprentices. But artists are still negotiating the power structures through which they experience belonging and detachment in the representation of their musical identity.Youth gain positive identities from participating alongside national headline acts—a form of learning that propels talented individuals into performing careers. The One Mob Dreaming Choir of Koori students from three local schools were a popular feature (Image 3), as were Eden Marine student soloists Nikai Stewart, and Nikea Brooks. Grow the Music in particular has enabled these youngsters to exhibit the roots of their culture in a deep and touching way that contributes to their life-long learning and development. Image 3: The One Mob Dreaming Choir, Directed by Corinne Gibbons (L) and Chelsy Atkins (R). Image Credit: David Rogers for South East Arts, Reproduction Courtesy of South East Arts. Brydie-Leigh Bartleet describes how discourses of pride emerge when Indigenous Australian youth participate in hip-hop. At the Giiyong Festival the relationship between musical expression, cultural representation, and political positioning shone through the songs of Baker Boy and Gabadoo (Image 4). Channelling emotions into song, they led young audiences to engage with contemporary themes of Indigeneity. The drones launched above the carpark established a numerical figure close on 6,000 attendees, a third of whom were Indigenous. Extra teenagers arrived in time for Baker Boy’s evening performance (Williams), revealing the typical youthful audience composition associated with the hip-hop craze (Image 5).Image 4: Bermagui Resident Gabadoo Performs Hip-Hop at the Giiyong Festival. Image Credit: David Rogers for South East Arts, Reproduced Courtesy South East Arts.Image 5: A Youthful Audience Enjoys Baker Boy’s Giiyong Festival Performance. Image Credit: David Rogers for South East Arts, Reproduced Courtesy South East Arts.Wallaga Lake’s traditional Gulaga Dancers were joined by Bermagui’s Gadhu Dancers, Eden’s Duurunu Miru Dancers, and Narooma’s Djaadjawan Dancers. Sharon Mason founded Djaadjawan Dancers in 2015. Their cultural practice connects to the environment and Mingagia (Mother Earth). At their festival tent, dancers explained how they gather natural resources from Walbanja Country to hand-make traditional dance outfits, accessories, and craft. They collect nuts, seeds, and bark from the bush, body paint from ancient ochre pits, shells from beaches, and bird feathers from fresh roadkill. Duurunu Miru dancer/didjeriduist Nathan Lygon elaborates on the functions of the Far South East Coast dance performance tradition:Dance provides us with a platform, an opportunity to share our stories, our culture, and our way of being. It demonstrates a beautiful positivity—a feeling of connection, celebration, and inclusion. The community needs it. And our young people need a ‘space’ in which they can grow into the knowledge and practices of their culture. The festival also helped the wider community to learn more about these dimensions. (n.p.)While music and dance were at the heart of the festival, other traditional skills were included, for example the exhibitions mounted inside the Keeping Place featured a large number of visual artists. Traditional bush cooking took place near Lake Pambula, and yarn-ups, poetry, and readings were featured throughout the day. Cultural demonstrations in the Bunaan Ring (the Yuin name for a corroboree circle) included ‘Gum Leaf Playing.’ Robin Ryan explained how the Yuin’s use of cultural elements to entertain settlers (Cameron 79) led to the formation of the Wallaga Lake Gum Leaf Band. As the local custodian of this unique musical practice, Uncle Ossie performed items and conducted a workshop for numerous adults and children. Festival Feedback and Future PlanningThe Giiyong Festival gained huge Indigenous cultural capital. Feedback gleaned from artists, sponsors, supporters, volunteers, and audiences reflected on how—from the moment the day began—the spirit of so many performers and consumers gathered in one place took over. The festival’s success depended on its reception, for as Myers suggests: “It is the audience who create the response to performance and if the right chemistry is achieved the performers react and excel in their presentation” (59). The Bega District News, of 24 September 2018, described the “incredibly beautiful event” (n.p.), while Simpson enthused to the authors:I believe that the amount of people who came through the gates to attend the Giiyong Festival was a testament to the wider need and want for Aboriginal culture. Having almost double the population of Eden attend also highlights that this event was long overdue. (n.p.)Williams reported that the whole festival was “a giant exercise in the breaking down of walls. Some signed contracts for the first time, and all met their contracts professionally. National artists Baker Boy and No Fixed Address now keep in touch with us regularly” (Williams). Williams also expressed her delight that local artists are performing further afield this year, and that an awareness, recognition, and economic impact has been created for Jigamy, the Giiyong Festival, and Eden respectively:We believe that not only celebrating, but elevating these artists and Aboriginal culture, is one of the most important things South East Arts can do for the overall arts sector in the region. This work benefits artists, the economy and cultural tourism of the region. Most importantly it feeds our collective spirit, educates us, and creates a much richer place to live. (Giiyong Festival Report 1)Howarth received 150 responses to her post-event survey. All respondents felt welcome, included, and willing to attend another festival. One commented, “not even one piece of rubbish on the ground.” Vanessa Milton, ABC Open Producer for South East NSW, wrote: “Down to the tiniest detail it was so obvious that you understood the community, the audience, the performers and how to bring everyone together. What a coup to pull off this event, and what a gift to our region” (Giiyong Festival Report 4).The total running cost for the event was $257,533, including $209,606 in government grants from local, state, and federal agencies. Major donor Create NSW Regional Partnerships funded over $100,000, and State Aboriginal Affairs gave $6,000. Key corporate sponsors included Bendigo Bank, Snowy Hydro and Waterway Constructions, Local Land Services Bega, and the Eden Fisherman’s Club. Funding covered artists’ fees, staging, the hiring of toilets, and multiple generators, including delivery costs. South East Arts were satisfied with the funding amount: each time a new donation arrived they were able to invite more performers (Giiyong Festival Report 2; Gray; Williams). South East Arts now need to prove they have the leadership capacity, financial self-sufficiency, and material resources to produce another festival. They are planning 2020 will be similar to 2018, provided Twofold Aboriginal Corporation can provide extra support. Since South East Arts exists to service a wider area of NSW, they envisage that by 2024, they would hand over the festival to Twofold Aboriginal Corporation (Gray; Williams). Forthcoming festivals will not rotate around other venues because the Giiyong concept was developed Indigenously at Jigamy, and “Jigamy has the vibe” (Williams). Uncle Ossie insists that the Yuin-Monaro feel comfortable being connected to Country that once had a traditional campsite on the east side. Evaluation and ConclusionAlthough ostensibly intended for entertainment, large Aboriginal festivals significantly benefit the educational, political, and socio-economic landscape of contemporary Indigenous life. The cultural outpourings and dissemination of knowledges at the 2018 Giiyong Festival testified to the resilience of the Yuin-Monaro people. In contributing to the processes of Reconciliation and Recognition, the event privileged the performing arts as a peaceful—yet powerful truth-telling means—for dealing with the state. Performers representing the cultures of far-flung ancestral lands contributed to the reimagining of a First Nations people’s map representing hundreds of 'Countries.’It would be beneficial for the Far South East region to perpetuate the Giiyong Festival. It energised all those involved. But it took years of preparation and a vast network of cooperating people to create the feeling which made the 2018 festival unique. Uncle Ossie now sees aspects of the old sharing culture of his people springing back to life to mould the quality of life for families. Furthermore, the popular arts cultures are enhancing the quality of life for Eden youth. As the cross-sector efforts of stakeholders and volunteers so amply proved, a family-friendly, drug and alcohol-free event of the magnitude of the Giiyong Festival injects new growth into an Aboriginal arts industry designed for the future creative landscape of the whole South East region. AcknowledgementsMany thanks to Andrew Gray and Jasmin Williams for supplying a copy of the 2018 Giiyong Festival Report. We appreciated prompt responses to queries from Jasmin Williams, and from our editor Rachel Franks. We are humbly indebted to our two reviewers for their expert direction.ReferencesAustralian Government. Showcasing Creativity: Programming and Presenting First Nations Performing Arts. Australia Council for the Arts Report, 8 Mar. 2017. 20 May 2019 <https://tnn.org.au/2017/03/showcasing-creativity-programming-and-presenting-first-nations-performing-arts-australia-council/>.Bartleet, Brydie-Leigh. “‘Pride in Self, Pride in Community, Pride in Culture’: The Role of Stylin’ Up in Fostering Indigenous Community and Identity.” The Festivalization of Culture. Eds. Andy Bennett, Jodie Taylor, and Ian Woodward. New York: Routledge, 2014.Becker, Howard S. Art Worlds. 25th anniversary edition. Berkeley: U of California P, 2008.Brown, Bill. “The Monaroo Bubberer [Bobberer] Gudu Keeping Place: A Symbol of Aboriginal Self-determination.” ABC South East NSW, 9 Jul. 2015. 20 May 2019 <http://www.abc.net.au/local/photos/2015/07/09/4270480.htm>.Cameron, Stuart. "An Investigation of the History of the Aborigines of the Far South Coast of NSW in the 19th Century." PhD Thesis. Canberra: Australian National U, 1987. Desert Pea Media. The Black Ducks “People of the Mountains and the Sea.” <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8fbJNHAdbkg>.“Festival Fanfare.” Eden Magnet 28 June 2018. 1 Mar. 2019 <edenmagnet.com.au>.Gibson, Chris, and John Connell. Music Festivals and Regional Development in Australia. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2012.Gray, Andrew. Personal Communication, 28 Mar. 2019.Henry, Rosita. “Festivals.” The Oxford Companion to Aboriginal Art and Culture. Eds. Syvia Kleinert and Margot Neale. South Melbourne: Oxford UP, 586–87.Horton, David R. “Yuin.” Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia. Ed. David R. Horton. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press, 1994.———. Aboriginal Australia Wall Map Compiled by David Horton. Aboriginal Studies Press, 1996.Lygon, Nathan. Personal Communication, 20 May 2019.Mathews, Janet. Albert Thomas Mentions the Leaf Bands That Used to Play in the Old Days. Cassette recorded at Wreck Bay, NSW on 9 July 1964 for the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders (AIATSIS). LAA1013. McKnight, Albert. “Giiyong Festival the First of Its Kind in Yuin Nation.” Bega District News 17 Sep. 2018. 1 Mar. 2019 <https://www.begadistrictnews.com.au/story/5649214/giiyong-festival-the-first-of-its-kind-in-yuin-nation/?cs=7523#slide=2>. ———. “Giiyong Festival Celebrates Diverse, Enduring Cultures.” Bega District News 24 Sep. 2018. 1 Mar. 2019 <https://www.begadistrictnews.com.au/story/5662590/giiyong-festival-celebrates-diverse-enduring-cultures-photos-videos/>.Myers, Doug. “The Fifth Festival of Pacific Arts.” Australian Aboriginal Studies 1 (1989): 59–62.Simpson, Alison. Personal Communication, 9 Apr. 2019.Slater, Lisa. “Sovereign Bodies: Australian Indigenous Cultural Festivals and Flourishing Lifeworlds.” The Festivalization of Culture. Eds. Andy Bennett, Jodie Taylor, and Ian Woodward. London: Ashgate, 2014. 131–46.South East Arts. "Giiyong Festival Report." Bega: South East Arts, 2018.———. Giiyong Grow the Music. Poster for Event Produced on Saturday, 28 Oct. 2017. Bega: South East Arts, 2017.Williams, Jasmin. Personal Communication, 28 Mar. 2019.Young, Michael, with Ellen, and Debbie Mundy. The Aboriginal People of the Monaro: A Documentary History. Sydney: NSW National Parks and Wildlife Service, 2000.

Obscured in contemporary climate change discourse is the fact that under even the most serious mitigation scenarios being envisaged it will be virtually impossible to avoid runaway ecosystem collapse; so great is the momentum of global greenhouse build-up (Anderson and Bows). And under even the best-case scenario, two-degree warming, the ecological, social, and economic costs are proving to be much deeper than first thought. The greenhouse genie is out of the bottle, but the best that appears to be on offer is a gradual transition to the pro-growth, pro-consumption discourse of “ecological modernisation” (EM); anything more seems politically unpalatable (Barry, Ecological Modernisation; Adger et al.). Here, I aim to account for how cheaply EM has managed to allay ecology. To do so, I detail the operations of the co-optive, definitional strategy which I call the “high-ground” strategy, waged by a historic bloc of actors, discourses, and institutions with a common interest in resisting radical social and ecological critique. This is not an argument about climate laggards like the United States and Australia where sceptic views remain near the centre of public debate. It is a critique of climate leaders such as the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands—nations at the forefront of the adoption of EM policies and discourses. With its antecedent in sustainable development discourse, by emphasising technological innovation, eco-efficiency, and markets, EM purports to transcend the familiar dichotomy between the economy and the environment (Hajer; Barry, ‘Towards’). It rebuts the 1970s “limits to growth” perspective and affirms that “the only possible way out of the ecological crisis is by going further into the process of modernisation” (Mol qtd. in York and Rosa 272, emphasis in original). Its narrative is one in which the “dirty and ugly industrial caterpillar transforms into an ecological butterfly” (Huber, qtd. in Spaargaren and Mol). How is it that a discourse notoriously quiet on endless growth, consumer culture, and the offshoring of dirty production could become the cutting edge of environmental policy? To answer this question we need to examine the discursive and ideological effects of EM discourse. In particular, we must analyse the strategies that work to continually naturalise dominant institutions and create the appearance that they are fit to respond to climate change. Co-opting Environmental Discourse Two features characterise state environmental discourse in EM nations: an almost universal recognition of the problem, and the reassurance that present institutions are capable of addressing it. The key organs of neoliberal capitalism—markets and states—have “gone green”. In boardrooms, in advertising and public relations, in governments, and in international fora, climate change is near the top of the agenda. While EM is the latest form of this discourse, early hints can be seen in President Nixon’s embrace of the environment and Margaret Thatcher’s late-1980s green rhetoric. More recently, David Cameron led a successful Conservative Party “detoxification” program with an ostentatious rhetorical strategy featuring the electoral slogan, “Vote blue, go green” (Carter). We can explain this transformation with reference to a key shift in the discursive history of environmental politics. The birth of the modern environmental movement in the 1960s and 70s brought a new symbolic field, a new discourse, into the public sphere. Yet by the 1990s the movement was no longer the sole proprietor of its discourse (Eder 203). It had lost control of its symbols. Politicians, corporations, and media outlets had assumed a dominant role in efforts to define “what climate change was and what it meant for the world” (Carvalho and Burgess 1464). I contend that the dramatic rise to prominence of environmental issues in party-political discourse is not purely due to short-term tactical vote-winning strategy. Nor is it the case that governments are finally, reluctantly waking up to the scientific reality of ecological degradation. Instead, they are engaged in a proactive attempt to redefine the contours of green critique so as to take the discourse onto territory in which established interests already control the high ground. The result is the defusing of the oppositional element of political ecology (Dryzek et al. 665–6), as well as social critique in general: what I term the gentrification of climate change. If we view environmentalism as, at least partially, a cultural politics in which contested definitions of problem is the key political battleground, we can trace how dominant interests have redefined the contours of climate change discourse. We can reveal the extent to which environmentalism, rather than being integrated into capitalism, has been co-opted. The key feature of this strategy is to present climate change as a mere aberration against a background of business-as-usual. The solutions that are presented are overwhelmingly extensions of existing institutions: bringing CO2 into the market, the optimistic development of new techno-scientific solutions to climate problems, extending regulatory regimes into hitherto overlooked domains. The agent of this co-optive strategy is not the state, industry, capital, or any other manifest actor, but a “historic bloc” cutting across divisions between society, politics, and economy (Laclau and Mouffe 42). The agent is an abstract coalition that is definable only to the extent that its strategic interests momentarily intersect at one point or another. The state acts as a locus, but the bloc is itself not reducible to the state. We might also think of the agent as an assemblage of conditions of social reproduction, in which dominant social, political, and economic interests have a stake. The bloc has learned the lesson that to be a player in a definitional battle one must recognise what is being fought over. Thus, exhortations to address climate change and build a green economy represent the first stage of the definitional battle for climate change: an attempt to enter the contest. In practical terms, this has manifest as the marking out of a self-serving division between action and inaction. Articulated through a binary modality climate change becomes something we either address/act on/tackle—or not. Under such a grammar even the most meagre efforts can be presented as “tackling climate change.” Thus Kevin Rudd was elected in 2007 on a platform of “action on climate change”, and he frequently implored that Australia would “do its bit” on climate change during his term. Tony Blair is able to declare that “tackling climate change… need not limit greater economic opportunity” and mean it in all sincerity (Barry, ‘Towards’ 112). So deployed, this binary logic minimises climate change to a level at which existing institutions are validated as capable of addressing the “problem,” and the government legitimised for its moral, green stand. The Hegemonic Articulation of Climate Change The historic bloc’s main task in the high-ground strategy is to re-articulate the threat in terms of its own hegemonic discourse: market economics. The widely publicised and highly influential Stern Review, commissioned by the British Government, is the standard-bearer of how to think about climate change from an economic perspective. It follows a supremely EM logic: economy and ecology have been reconciled. The Review presents climate change, famously, as “the greatest market failure the world has ever seen” (Stern et al. viii). The structuring horizon of the Stern Review is the correction of this failure, the overcoming of what is perceived to be not a systemic problem requiring a reappraisal of social institutions, but an issue of carbon pricing, technology policy, and measures aimed at “reducing barriers to behavioural change”. Stern insists that “we can be ‘green’ and grow. Indeed, if we are not ‘green’, we will eventually undermine growth, however measured” (iv). He reassures us that “tackling climate change is the pro-growth strategy for the longer term, and it can be done in a way that does not cap the aspirations for growth of rich or poor countries” (viii). Yet Stern’s seemingly miraculous reconciliation of growth with climate change mitigation in fact implies a severe degree of warming. The Stern Review aims to stabilise carbon dioxide equivalent concentrations at 550ppm, which would correspond to an increase of global temperature of 3-4 degrees Celsius. As Foster et al. note, this scenario, from an orthodox economist who is perceived as being pro-environment, is ecologically unsustainable and is viewed as catastrophic by many scientists (Foster, Clark, and York 1087–88). The reason Stern gives for not attempting deeper cuts is that they “are unlikely to be economically viable” (Stern et al. 231). In other words, the economy-ecology articulation is not a meeting of equals. Central to the policy prescriptions of EM is the marketising of environmental “bads” like carbon emissions. Carbon trading schemes, held in high esteem by moderate environmentalists and market economists alike, are the favoured instruments for such a task. Yet, in practice, these schemes can do more harm than good. When Prime Minister Kevin Rudd tried to legislate the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme as a way of addressing the “greatest moral challenge of our generation” it represented Australia’s “initial foray into ecological modernisation” (Curran 211). Denounced for its weak targets and massive polluter provisions, the Scheme was opposed by environmental groups, the CSIRO, and even the government’s own climate change advisor (Taylor; Wilkinson). While the Scheme’s defenders claimed it was as a step in the right direction, these opponents believed it would hurt more than help the environment. A key strategy in enshrining a particular hegemonic articulation is the repetition and reinforcement of key articulations in a way which is not overtly ideological. As Spash notes of the Stern Review, while it does connect to climate change such issues as distributive justice, value and ethical conflicts, intergenerational issues, this amounts to nothing but lip service given the analysis comes pre-formed in an orthodox economics mould. The complex of interconnected issues raised by climate change is reduced to the impact of carbon control on consumption growth (see also Swyngedouw and While, Jonas, and Gibbs). It is as if the system of relations we call global capitalism—relations between state and industry, science and technology, society and nature, labour and capital, North and South—are irrelevant to climate change, which is nothing but an unfortunate over-concentration of certain gases. In redrawing the discursive boundaries in this way it appears that climate change is a temporary blip on the path to a greener prosperity—as if markets and capitalism merely required minor tinkering to put them on the green-growth path. Markets are constituted as legitimate tools for managing climate change, in concert with regulation internalised within neoliberal state competition (While, Jonas, and Gibbs 81). The ecology-economy articulation both marketises “green,” and “greens” markets. Consonant with the capitalism-environment articulation is the prominence of the sovereign individual. Both the state and the media work to reproduce subjects largely as consumers (of products and politics) rather than citizens, framing environmental responsibility as the responsibility to consume “wisely” (Carvalho). Of course, what is obscured in this “self-greening” discourse is the culpability of consumption itself, and of a capitalist economy based on endless consumption growth, exploitation of resources, and the pursuit of new markets. Greening Technology EM also “greens” technology. Central to its pro-growth ethos is the tapering off of ecosystem impacts through green technologies like solar, wind, tidal, and geothermal. While green technologies are preferable to dependence upon resource-intensive technologies of oil and coal, that they may actually deliver on such promises has been shown to be contingent upon efficiency outstripping economic growth, a prospect that is dubious at best, especially considering the EM settlement is one in which any change to consumption practices is off the agenda. As Barry and Paterson put it, “all current experience suggests that, in most areas, efficiency gains per unit of consumption are usually outstripped by overall increases in consumption” (770). The characteristic ideological manoeuvre of foregrounding non-representative examples is evident here: green technologies comprise a tiny fraction of all large-scale deployed technologies, yet command the bulk of attention and work to cast technology generally in a green light. It is also false to assume that green technologies do not put their own demands on material resources. Deploying renewables on the scale that is required to address climate change demands enormous quantities of concrete, steel, glass and rare earth minerals, and vast programs of land-clearing to house solar and wind plants (Charlton 40). Further, claims that economic growth can become detached from ecological disturbance are premised on a limited basket of ecological indicators. Corporate marketing strategies are driving this green-technology articulation. While a single advertisement represents an appeal to consume an individual commodity, taken collectively advertising institutes a culture of consumption. Individually, “greenwash” is the effort to spin one company’s environmental programs out of proportion while minimising the systemic degradation that production entails. But as a burgeoning social institution, greenwash constitutes an ideological apparatus constructing industry as fundamentally working in the interests of ecology. In turn, each corporate image of pristine blue skies, flourishing ecosystems, wind farms, and solar panels constitutes a harmonious fantasy of green industry. As David Mackay, chief scientific advisor to the UK Government has pointed out, the political rhetoric of green technology lulls people into a false sense of security (qtd. in Charlton 38). Again, a binary logic works to portray greener technologies—such as gas, “clean coal”, and biomass combustion—as green. Rescuing Legitimacy There are essentially two critical forces that are defused in the high-ground strategy’s definitional project. The first is the scientific discourse which maintains that the measures proposed by leading governments are well below what is required to reign in dangerous climate change. This seems to be invisible not so much because it is radical but because it is obscured by the uncertainties in which climate science is couched, and by EM’s noble-sounding rhetoric. The second is the radical critique which argues that climate change is a classic symptom of an internal contradiction of a capitalist economy seeking endless growth in a finite world. The historic bloc’s successful redefinition strategy appears to jam the frequency of serious, scientifically credible climate discourse, yet at the level of hegemonic struggle its effects range wider. In redefining climate change and other key signifiers of green critique – “environment”, “ecology”, “green”, “planet”—it expropriates key properties of its antagonist. Were it not that climate change is now defined on the cheery, reassuring ground of EM discourse, the gravity of the alarming—rather than alarmist (Risbey)—scientific discourse may just have offered radical critique the ammunition it needed to provoke society into serious deliberations over its socioeconomic path. Radical green critique is not in itself the chief enemy of the historic bloc. But it is a privileged element within antagonistic discourse and reinforces the critical element of the feminist, civil rights, and student movements of the 1960s and 1970s. In this way ecology has tended to act as a nodal point binding general social critique: all of the other demands began to be inscribed with the green critique, just as the green critique became a metaphor for all of the others (Laclau). The metaphorical value of the green critique not only relates to the size and vibrancy of the movement—the immediate visibility of ecological destruction stood as a powerful symbol of the kernel of antagonistic politics: a sense that society had fundamentally gone awry. While green critique demands that progress should be conditional upon ecology, EM professes that progress is already green (Eder 217n). Thus the great win achieved by the high-ground strategy is not over radical green critique per se but over the shifting coalition that threatens its legitimacy. As Stavrakakis observes, what is novel about green discourse is nothing essential to the signifiers it deploys, but the way that a common signifier comes to stand in and structure the field as a whole – to serve as a nodal point. It has a number of signifiers: environmental sustainability, social justice, grassroots democracy, and peace and non-violence, all of which are “quilted” around the master-signifiers of “ecology”, “green”, or “planet”. While these master-signifiers are not unique to green ideology, what is unique is that they stand at the centre. But the crucial point to note about the green signifier at the heart of political ecology is that its value is accorded, in large part, through its negation of the dominant ideology. That is to say, it is not that green ideology stands as merely another way of mapping the social; rather, the master-signifier "green" contains an implicit refutation of the dominant social order. That “green” is now almost wholly evacuated of its radical connotations speaks to the effectiveness of the redefinitional effort.The historic bloc is aided in its efforts by the complexity of climate change. Such opacity is characteristic of contemporary risks, whose threats are mostly “a type of virtual reality, real virtuality” (Beck 213). The political struggle then takes place at the level of meaning, and power is played out in a contest to fix the definitions of key risks such as climate change. When relations of (risk) definition replace relations of production as the site of the effects of power, a double mystification ensues and shifts in the ground on which the struggle takes place may go unnoticed. Conclusion By articulating ecology with markets and technology, EM transforms the threat of climate change into an opportunity, a new motor of neoliberal legitimacy. The historic bloc has co-opted environmentalist discourse to promote a gentrified climate change which present institutions are capable of managing: “We are at the fork in the road between order and catastrophe. Stick with us. 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