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Journal articles on the topic 'Education and state – serbia – kosovo'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Kastrati, Ardian. "The Role of Education for Identity Formation Among Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo: the Application of the Difference-Blinded Approach for Establishing Citizenship Regime in a Multi-Cultural Society." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 6, no. 1 (2016): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i1.p146-153.

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As a result of striving accession to the EU, all states in southeast Europe have as precondition to solve inter ethnic conflicts and to balance the system in a way that makes the relations between dominant group and minorities one of the mutual respect, based upon the principle of non discrimination. In Western Balkans some of the most controversial issues in the past decade have revolved around the educational rights. The fragile society of Kosovo faces many challenges, and the system of education is just one of them. The ongoing dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo and painful process of state

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Stanić, M., D. Stašić, D. Rakić, and S. Zakić. "THE HIST THE HISTORY OF CHEMISTR CHEMISTRY SERVICE IN KOSOV VICE IN KOSOVO AND MET AND METOHIJA." Praxis medica 35, no. 2 (2007): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.70949/pramed200702216s.

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&lt;p&gt;The biggest Serbian medival hospital had founded Stefan Urosh III Nemanjich in the monastery named Dechani. In 1340, it had been founded the hospital of the emperors Dushan in monastery of St.Arhangel near tawn Prizren. By liberation of the province Kosovo and Metohija from the Turkish rule and by united with Serbia,the health had been diveloping in this region. In 1922, it had been founded the state hospital in 1931. Governor, and in 1938, this hospital had the 120 beds and three laboratory rooms for analyses of blood and of urine. In 1924, it had been formed the first bacter

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Mustafë Mustafa, Liburn. "THE EDUCATIONAL POLICIES OF THE SERBIAN STATE TO THE ALBANIAN MINORITY IN SERBIA." Knowledge International Journal 32, no. 1 (2019): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3201129m.

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The right to be educated in mother tongue is considered among the most important human rights in the contemporary world. Such a right is guaranteed to the all world communities in spite of the state and international rights, regardless of the location, extent, and size of the community. Every state is obliged to respect and make possible the realization of the rights to be educated in their language to every minority within it, because the right to education in mother tongue is now considered a crucial tool for preserving and strengthening the cultural and ethnic identity, and vice versa, the

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4

Gruden Milentijević, Ivana, and Ivan Mitić. "INTEGRACIJA PROGNANIH SLOVENACA MEĐU SRPSKO STANOVNIŠTVO TOKOM DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA." Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.247gm.

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The establishment of the Commissariat for Refugees and Emigrants greatly facilitated the lives of people who fled from terror or were forcibly evicted due to war events. Occupied Serbia, in addition to ongoing problems that tormented the local population, also encountered a large number of refugees who came from the territory of the Independent State of Croatia, from Slovenia, Macedonia, and the Kosovo-Metohija region. In Serbia, in addition to the terror carried out by the occupier, a civil war was also simmering, while the population faced various restrictions, repressions and food shortages

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5

Sajter, Domagoj. "Scientific Impact of Central and Eastern European Higher Education Lecturers." Naše gospodarstvo/Our economy 67, no. 3 (2021): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ngoe-2021-0014.

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Abstract The purpose of this paper is to obtain and analyse data on the higher education lecturers at the 16 largest, state-owned faculties of economics in seven central and eastern European countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and Slovenia), about their scientific impact and reach. An analysis of their research areas and scientometrics (citations, h-indices) was performed, and aggregate rankings are presented. Data was collected from Google Scholar, Web of Science and Scopus by using proprietary specialized web crawlers (“bots”). The differe

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Vukadinović, Igor. "Prosvetna politika Kraljevine Albanije na Kosovu i Metohiji tokom Drugog svetskog rata." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 1 (2021): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.1.vuk.109-132.

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Kingdom of Albania’s fascist regime considered education as one of the pillars of its policy in Kosovo and Metohija during World War II. With the aim of spreading and strengthening Albanian national identity and culture, several hundreds of educators were sent from the “Old Albania” to Kosovo and Metohija. The Italian occupation authorities were not supportive of the educational policy pursued by the officials in Tirana, which often resulted in disagreement between the two sides. After liberating the province in 1944, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia decided to keep the teachers and educators

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Stamova, Mariyana. "The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (2021): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.130.

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The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main go

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Slavković Mirić, Božica. "PRIŠTINA: FROM SMALL TOWN TO CITY (1929-1941)." Leskovački zbornik 64, no. 1 (2024): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-liv1.253sm.

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Priština, within the Gračanica county, belonged to the Vardar Banovina. Based on the population census in 1931, it was one of the largest cities in Southern Serbia. However, at the beginning of the thirties of the 20th century, it was an underdeveloped town that needed state investments. The Yugoslav state made efforts to modernize Priština, as well as other cities in Kosovo and Metohija. Investments were made in construction, so nine buildings were built in Priština, electric lighting was introduced, streets and roads were improved. The railway line Kosovo Polje - Priština was built. However,

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Shpresa, Syl, and Bunjaku Kaltrina. "Trends and Challenges of Unemployment Rate by Gender in the Republic of Kosovo: A Regional Comparative Study." International Journal of Management Sciences and Business Research 7, no. 4 (2018): 124–31. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3483477.

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The Republic of Kosovo is facing numerous problems in many areas, such as political situation, low economic growth, high unemployment, and high trade deficit. In general, the situation of Kosovo's economy is in a deep crisis for many years now. Weak labor market indicators and high level of unemployment, remain a great concern and persisting challenges for the country.The aim of this study is to examine the development of unemployment rate by gender for the period 2005-2015 in the Republic of Kosovo from a multi-dimensional perspective ,which is based on official data from the Labor Force

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Kolaj Ristanović, Irena. "Serbsko-albańska koegzystencja w Kosowie w latach 1878–1912 na przykładzie osmańskiego państwowego systemu edukacyjnego." Bracia, wrogowie, renegaci. Słowiańszczyzna i muzułmanie na Bałkanach w xix i xx w. 150, no. 2 (2023): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.23.017.17954.

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Serbian-Albanian coexistence in Kosovo in 1878–1912: the example of the Ottoman State Education System The principle of equality proclaimed by the Edict of Gulhane (tur. Gülhane Hatt-ı Şerîf) in 1839 resulted in many changes in the socio-political sphere of the Ottoman society, but also with several legal acts regarding education issued by the Ottoman authorities. The Constitution of the Ottoman Empire from 1876 proclaimed equality between all citizens of the state regardless of ethnicity and religion. Even though, relations between the Albanian and Serbian populations in the Kosovo Vilayet we

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Zejnullahi, Veton. "Albanians in Presevo Valley and Their National Rights." European Journal of Language and Literature 2, no. 1 (2015): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls.v2i1.p90-99.

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The situation of Albanians in Serbia, especially in three municipalities bordering with Kosovo-Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvegja, which are known as the Presevo Valley region remains the same even after the Kosovo war and after the war that took place in this region between Serbian government forces and ethnic Albanian fighters LAPMB. Since in this region the majority of the population is Albanian, then the object of study will be focused in the situation of the population there and the challenges facing it in everyday life and problems they encounter, starting from the most basic ones like: edu

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Miketić, Uroš D. "NEURALGIA BETWEEN ORAL HISTORY AND HISTORIOGRAPHY ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN KOSOVO AND METOHIA: A CASE STUDY ORAL HISTORY KOSOVO." Leskovački zbornik 64, no. 2 (2024): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-liv2.159m.

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Albanians, interlocutors of the Oral History Kosovo project, most of whom are contemporaries of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the war period, have a negative memory of the Kingdom. They state that Albanians were victims of agrarian policy / colonization and forced emigration, that is, that they were prevented from normal cultural development by denying them the right to education in their mother tongue. However, the facts show that much less land was taken from the Albanians for the purposes of agrarian reform / colonization than they think, then that emigration to Turkey was on a smaller scal

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Mirkovic, Momcilo, Snezana Simic, Jelena Marinkovic, and Sladjana Djuric. "Health state of the citizens of Nothern Kosovska Mitrovica." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 138, no. 11-12 (2010): 746–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh1012746m.

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Introduction. For health assessment, beside the data of routine health statistics, it is necessary to include and data obtained by a health survey of the citizens. Objective. The aim of this study was to establish how northern Kosovska Mitrovica adults assess their health and which diseases are most common among the population, as well as to investigate differences in relation to demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, the characteristics of social interaction and health behavior and habits. Methods. The research was conducted as a cross-sectional study conducted on the representative s

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Rajović, Jelena, and Milica Spasić-Stojković. "English for specific purposes in the curriculum of vocational secondary schools." Bastina, no. 51 (2020): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26741.

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The curriculum is the starting point for effective teaching planning. The outcome of the teaching process in secondary vocational schools depends, to a large extent, on the conception of the curriculum prescribed by state bodies, which is the case with most countries of the Western Balkans, including Serbia. The paper deals with the issue of English for specific purposes in secondary vocational schools, the representation of English for specific purposes in the curriculum of secondary vocational schools in Kosovo and Metohija, which are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education, Scie

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Basic, Goran. "What really separates us? Survey of attitudes of young people in the cities of Kikinda (Vojvodina), Nis, Bor (South and East Serbia), and Pristina, Pec, Prizren (Kosovo)." Stanovnistvo 52, no. 1 (2014): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1401017b.

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The results of the survey point to a high level of agreement among youth aged between 15 and 25 years of age, high school and college students, employed and unemployed youth, men and women in the cities of Pec, Pristina, Prizren in Kosovo, and Bor, Kikinda, and Nis in Serbia, on whether the question of mutual cooperation is burdened by prejudice and events from the past, and that the possibility and the quality of cooperation is influenced by the attitudes the receive in their primary social groups such as families and peers, and also by the attitudes they receive through education and media.

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Hadžiristić, Tea. "Unveiling Muslim Women in Socialist Yugoslavia: the Body between Socialism, Secularism, and Colonialism." Religion and Gender 7, no. 2 (2017): 184–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/rg.10137.

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The creation of the second Yugoslavia (1943–1992) heralded the legal and economic emancipation of women, a social change deeply indebted to the role of female combatants in the Partisan army, and catalyzed by post-war state-building. The Anti- Fascist Women’s Front (AFŽ) was a primary agent in rapid social changes that followed. Along with education and literacy campaigns, from 1947–1950 local chapters of the AFŽ organized campaigns to unveil Muslim women in Yugoslavia, as the practice was deemed incompatible with economic and political participation as well as multiethnic unity. This paper fo

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Eminov, Ilhan. "IS THE WESTERN BALKANS A FAVORABLE REGION FOR RECRUITMENT OF JIHADISTS?" Knowledge International Journal 32, no. 1 (2019): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3201187e.

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There are over 5 million Muslims representing 25 % of the region's population living on the territory of former Yugoslavia which had roughly 20 million citizens. By comparison, there are also around 5 million Muslims living in France, a country that had several colonies in the Muslim world, but the population ratio is different compared to the 60 million of the French population. Unlike the developed countries of Europe, the economies of the Balkan countries were destroyed by numerous interethnic conflicts. After the war of the '90s, the Balkans were living in a longtime economic and social cr

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Simić, Mirjana. "Regulation of teachers' salaries and verification of certificates in Kosovo and Metohija in the period from 1878 to 1912." Megatrend revija 18, no. 2 (2021): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2102205s.

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The position of the Serbian schools and teachers in Kosovo and Metohija was harsh and insecure due to constant attack and criticism from the Turks and Arbanasi. The Turkish government considered the teachers to be the people actively working on achieving Serbian national interests, and the schools were believed to be places where the utmost authority of the Turkish government and state is being constantly undermined. Educational politics sought to make schools places where students and bearers of national cultural prosperity are educated. Perceived this way, elementary school and conception of

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19

Bobic, Mirjana, and Milica Veskovic-Andjelkovic. "Socio-psychological cost of childbearing in Serbia and political response." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 167 (2018): 345–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1867345b.

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Serbia is a part of the corpus of more than a half of world populations with very low fertility. According to census from 2011, none of the generations born between 1930 and 1962 in Serbia (without Kosovo and Metohija) gave birth to more than two children. The share of childless women aged 30-34 has been on rise, from 21.2% in census 2002 up to 30.3% in census 2011. These women are most often single, living out of unions, with tertiary education, economically active, employed, living in urban settings. Government of the Republic of Serbia has adopted revised Birth Promotion Strategy by the end

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Drançolli Ramadani, Albina, and Kujtime Boshtrakaj Camaj. "Parallel University of Prishtina, 1991-1999: Functioning, challenges and peaceful resistance." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 10 (2023): 437–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.437.

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University of Prishtina, serving as an institution of education and science and as a centre of Albanian democratic and cultural movements, since its foundation was amongst the institutions on the target of Serbian regime. Upon abolition of the autonomy of Kosovo in 1989, the Serbian regime started the discriminatory policies against the Albanian population, the overwhelming majority population in Kosovo, including the expulsion of the Albanian pupils and students from the schools and university premises, massive dismissals from work, etc. It was the academic year 1991/1992 when the doors of th

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KAMBERI, Moses. "WOMEN'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE LIBERATION OF KOSOVO IN 1998-1999." International Journal of Legal Sciences-JUSTICIA 12, no. 21-22 (2024): 126–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.62792/ut.jus.v12.i21-22.p2763.

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The work brings to mind the years 1998 and 1999 in Kosovo, which brought a lot of suffering. Serbian forces carried out massacres, murders, raped women and men and destroyed almost the entire country. Approximately 90% of Kosovo Albanians were forcibly expelled from their homes. The paper brings to attention a contemporary issue, in these times of horror that are being repeated in the same form again in Ukraine and Palestine, groups of women and girls who are raped, massacred and killed, help displaced people with food, support, medical care, housing and education. Over 20 thousand Albanian wo

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Kolaković, Aleksandra. "The role of France in strengthening science in Serbia and the Western Balkans: Between scientific cooperation and science diplomacy." Srpska politička misao 82, no. 4 (2023): 11–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm82-46216.

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France has a long tradition of cultural and scientific influence in the Balkan region, and historically especially in Serbia and in the countries formed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Kingdom of Yugoslavia). The aforementioned influence, which followed its economic and political influence, was founded not only on the basis of the Alliance in the Great War (1914-1918), but primarily on the basis of the education and training of the Serbs and Balkans at the Sorbonne and at other French universities. After returning to their homeland, they not on

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Suvakovic, Aleksandra. "Communication as necessary factor of a collective remembrance of the common life on example of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 171 (2019): 327–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1971327s.

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Far-reaching consequences that linguistic policy may leave in the future decades are denoted in the paper, especially in regions where two nations with their differences interlace. After the World War II, it was enabled for the Albanians in the region of Kosovo and Metohija to get education entirely in their mother tongue, Albanian language, which simultaneously reduced the range of interactions with fellow citizens of Serbian nationality, the ability to understand each other, reducing also their professional possibilities. The years that followed only deepened the linguistic barrier between t

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Dimitrijević, Nemanja. "Reactions and plans of the state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro during the crisis in Kosovo and Metohija (march 17-19, 2004)." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 54, no. 1 (2024): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp54-45097.

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The article analyzes the reactions and plans of the state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro during the crisis in Kosovo and Metohija in March 17-19, 2004, when radicalized groups of Kosovo Albanians expelled more than 4,000 Serbs from their homes. The same radicalized groups burned and destroyed 35 churches of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro monitored the situation in Kosovo and Metohija and was ready to engage the army with the task of creating the humanitarian corridor for the evacuation of Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija to Serbia. During the cris

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Pavlica, Branko. "Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany: Migrants, emigrants, refugees and asylum-seekers." Medjunarodni problemi 57, no. 1-2 (2005): 121–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502121p.

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Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany have a long tradition. There have been various economic and social causes, and in some periods even political ones for that phenomenon. Taking into consideration the historical aspect and also the contemporary migration flows, the dynamics of migrations of the Yugoslav population to Germany has the following stages in its development. The first stage had begun in late XIX century and ended with the World War I. Although the overseas migration flows prevailed, yet the German agriculture and its mine industry attracted a part of the Yugoslav population. Betw

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Ademi, Haxhi, and Oktaj Hasani. "Kosovo – From Occupation to Liberation: a Historical Perspective From the Balkan Wars 1912/13 to the War of Kosovo 1998/99." Eminak, no. 4(48) (January 10, 2025): 211–30. https://doi.org/10.33782/eminak2024.4(48).760.

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The purpose of the research paper is to study examines Kosovo’s political, economic, social and cultural developments under Serbian occupation from 1912-1913 to 1998-1999. The scientific novelty. The paper highlights the key factors that led Kosovo Albanians to initiate armed resistance during the period 1998-1999, demonstrates that this conflict was a consequence of systematic discrimination against Albanians. It’s will enable to better understand the historical trajectory of Kosovo from its occupation in 1912-1913, to its eventual liberation in 1999. Conclusions. The London Conference of 191

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Mirovic, Dejan. "Why Serbia is asked to recognize Kosovo with comparative examples of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 149 (2014): 991–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1449991m.

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In the context of public international law and relations between principles of territorial integrity and right to self-determination, independence of Kosovo will never be legal if it is not recognized by Serbia. This can be concluded from the examples of violent secession of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. That is why Serbia still has a right to decide about the independence of Kosovo and Metohija despite signing Brussels Agreement and the fact that 100 UN member states recognized Kosovo as an independent state. Forty years after the secession of northern part of the island

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Demjaha, Agon. "Inter-Ethnic Relations in Kosovo." SEEU Review 12, no. 1 (2017): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0013.

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AbstractThe paper aims to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs, with special focus on the period after unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008. Inter-ethnic conflict in Kosovo has exclusively been over its territory since both Serbs and Albanians have made claims about history and ethno-demography to justify their alleged exclusive right to this ethnically mixed region. Consequently, inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have been rather problematic throughout the most of the 20thcentury. During

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Bobic, Mirjana. "Modern rural family and household in Yugoslavia." Stanovnistvo 37, no. 1-4 (1999): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv9904093b.

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The paper analyzes modern rural household in Yugoslavia, both by region and at the level of the country as a whole. The author begins by providing a statistical and sociological definition of basic terms, and proceeds with a combination of social and demographic analysis. The basic criterion used is the residential status of the population (permanent residence) based on the administrative distribution of settlements with the non-city ("other") population treated as part of rural population. The descriptive basis was formed on the basis of two types of sources: population census data and releva

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Batakovic, Dusan. "Kosovo and Metohija: Serbia’s troublesome province." Balcanica, no. 39 (2008): 243–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0839243b.

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Kosovo and Metohija, the heartland of medieval Serbia, of her culture politics and economy (1204-1455), experienced continuous waves of spiralling violence, forced migration and colonization under centuries-long Ottoman rule (1455-1912). A region which symbolizes the national and cultural identity of the Serbian nation as a whole now has an Albanian majority population, who consider it an ancient Albanian land, claiming continuity with ancient Illyrians. Kosovo was reincorporated into Serbia (1912) and Yugoslavia (1918) as a region lacking tradition of interethnic and interreligious tolerance

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Vukadinović, Igor. "Uklanjanje reči „Metohija“ iz naziva Autonomne pokrajine Kosova i Metohije 1968–1969. godine." Tokovi istorije 32, no. 2 (2024): 239–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2024.2.vuk.239-267.

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This research attempts to shed light on the removal of the word “Metohija” from the name of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija in 1968–1969, as well as the circumstances under which this change has been implemented. The research draws upon the unpublished archival documents from the Archives of Yugoslavia, State Archives of Serbia and Central state archives of Albania. Deputies of the Federal Assembly of Yugoslavia and the Assembly of Serbia removed the term “Metohija” from the name of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija during assembly sessions in 1968 and 1969. The

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Pavlenko, Alexander. "The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.

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Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial

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Bargués-Pedreny, Pol, Assem Dandashly, Hylke Dijkstra, and Gergana Noutcheva. "Engagement against All Odds? Navigating Member States' Contestation of EU Policy on Kosovo." International Spectator 59, no. 1 (2024): 19–38. https://doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2023.2295893.

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Disagreements between European Union (EU) member states constrain the Union’s capacity to manage conflicts such as Kosovo-Serbia. While Kosovo has long received EU support, five EU member states do not recognise its independence. How does the EU manage to work around member states’ vetoes and mitigate contestation? In contrast to previous scholarship, the analysis of the EU enlargement process and visa liberalisation, the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue and the EULEX mission illustrate how institutional, technical and diplomatic solutions have allowed the provision of support to Kosovo,

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Hamiti, Urtak. "Prishtina-Belgrade Technical Agreement Promotes Political Dialogue but with Delay of its Implementation It Sharpens Ethnic Divisons." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i2.p45-48.

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The Technical Agreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, brokered by European Union in April 2013, was hailed as a milestone in the process of normalization of relations between the two countries as well as unblocking the path of both Kosovo and Serbia towards European Union. The dialogue held a promise as a vehicle which, in conjunction with bilateral pressure on both sides by EU and a tailored enlargement process, could finally lead to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. However, most of the deadlines set up in the implementation plan of the Agreement have been stepped over.

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Hamiti, Urtak. "Prishtina-Belgrade Technical Agreement Promotes Political Dialogue but with Delay of its Implementation It Sharpens Ethnic Divisons." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p45-48.

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The Technical Agreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, brokered by European Union in April 2013, was hailed as a milestone in the process of normalization of relations between the two countries as well as unblocking the path of both Kosovo and Serbia towards European Union. The dialogue held a promise as a vehicle which, in conjunction with bilateral pressure on both sides by EU and a tailored enlargement process, could finally lead to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. However, most of the deadlines set up in the implementation plan of the Agreement have been stepped over.

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Havolli, Refik, and Bastrie Uka Havolli. "WORLDWIDE GOODS PRODUCED IN SERBIA AND THE 100% TAX EFFECT ON THEIR IMPORTS TO KOSOVO." Knowledge International Journal 30, no. 6 (2019): 1627–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij30061627h.

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The imposition of a 10% defensive measure by the Kosovo Government, pursuant to Decision No. 01/74 dated 06.11.2018, for product imported from Serbia and Bosnia Herzegovina, had a big impact on the brands trademarks of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.On 21.12.2018, the Government of Kosovo raised the tax rate from 10% to 100% as well as for the international brands it produces in these countries. Only a few of these international brands had been deployed.On December 28, 2019, the Kosovo Government also took the decision to ban all non-produced trademarks produced in Serbia and Bosnia and Her

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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.

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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languish

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Imeri, Dorajet, and Bujar Dugolli. "Endless Negotiations Between Kosovo and Serbia: Normalization, Mutual Recognition, or Status Quo?" Eminak, no. 4(48) (January 10, 2025): 243–59. https://doi.org/10.33782/eminak2024.4(48).762.

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The purpose of the research paper is to examine the process of recognizing Kosovo’s independence, which has faced numerous obstacles since its inception. These challenges have divided states into two groups: those that recognize Kosovo and support its sovereignty, and those that do not recognize it and actively oppose its legitimacy. The prospects for a resolution have been limited; however, current expectations are tied to the potential for a comprehensive agreement between Kosovo and Serbia. The scientific novelty to lies in its focus on the geopolitical dimensions of the issue, shifting the

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Jovanović, Vladislav. "The destruction of SFRY and Serbia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-34635.

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The paper recapitulates the process of the destruction of the Yugoslav state (SFRY and FRY). Special attention is given to the key factor in that process, the will of the West, embodied in the USA and the EC (EU), for whom the continued existence of Yugoslavia was no longer of geopolitical interest. The conferences on Yugoslavia, organized in Brussels and The Hague, were supposed to serve to legitimize this goal: the disappearance of Yugoslavia. The author points out that when the West did not manage to achieve its goal with political solutions, it involved NATO, through the aggression in 1999

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BUDUROI, Ioan-Sebastian. "Precedentul Kosovo – efecte similare asupra altor state. Studiu de caz: Georgia şi Ucraina." Gândirea Militară Românească 2024, no. 4 (2024): 462–81. https://doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2024.4.29.

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Kosovo, the battlefield of the last major conflict in the Yugoslav Wars, has undergone radical ethnic changes over the centuries, resulting in inter-ethnic tensions that are still felt today. A region rich in culture, history and minerals, whose hilly configuration forms a logistically defensible border for southern Serbia, Kosovo finds itself in a diplomatic stalemate over the non-recognition of the full independence declared by the Albanian majority in the Republic of Kosovo. Using the Kosovo precedent, Russia is trying to legitimise its own actions that violate the sovereignty and territori

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Todorović, Zoran D. "The Role of the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Serbia in the Conduct of Ethnic Cleansing of the Albanian Population in Kosovo and Metohija From 1998 to 1999." Kriminalističke teme 22, no. 1 (2022): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51235/kt.2022.22.1.73.

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The paper presents a short chronology of the political conflict in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, until the constitutional changes of 1989), which in the 1990s turned into an armed conflict in which the security forces of the Republic of Serbia from October 1998 to June 1999, carried out a planned action of ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians. In the action, several thousand Albanian civilians were executed extrajudicially and between 800,000 and 850,000 Albanians were forcefully expelled to Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania and Bosnia an

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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. "The role of Zoran Djindjic in resolving the Kosovo issue." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 5 (April 22, 2021): 372 (402)—383 (409). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2105-05.

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The article is devoted to one of the most dramatic events in the history of Serbia - the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, in terms of analyzing two key aspects. Firstly, numerous inconsistencies, discrepancies, contradictions and outright falsifications were revealed on the part of the official investigation and the official version of the attentate, in which it was not possible to reliably establish the motives, methods of committing the crime and the true perpetrators of the prime minister's death. Consequently, the reason for the murder of the prime minister, which, no doubt,

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Surlan, Tijana. "Recognition in international law: The case of Kosovo and Metohija." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 151 (2015): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1551289s.

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Recognition is an instrument of the public international law founded in the classical international law. Still, it preserves its main characteristics formed in the period when states dominated as the only legal persons in international community. Nevertheless, the instrument of recognition is today as vibrant as ever. As long as it does not have a uniform legal definition and means of application, it leaves room to be applied to very specific cases. In this paper, the instrument of recognition is elaborated from two aspects - theoretical and practical. First (theoretical) part of the paper pre

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Mustafa, Liburn, and Mensur Morina. "Central governance and minority rights: The case of the developing country." Corporate Law and Governance Review 4, no. 2 (2022): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/clgrv4i2p7.

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The purpose of the paper is to study the institutional approach of the Serbian state toward ethnic minorities, specifically towards the Albanian ethnic minority in Serbia. The research focuses on the Serbian state governance forms and how these forms reflect on local governance policies by the Albanian majority. The deprivation of many individual and national rights has influenced the strengthening of the national identity (Searle-White, 2001). The paper is a theoretical study that is based on the qualitative research method and includes the discourse analysis of programs, events, writings, an

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Arsić, Radomir. "Teacher education in "old Serbia": With special reference to education in Prizren." Metodicka praksa 25, no. 1 (2022): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/metpra2201012a.

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The historical and geographical notion of Old Serbia originated in the 19th century and almost does not exist today and the Serbian people do not use it, although it included the territories of Old Raška, Kosovo and Metohi and Vardar Serbia (nowadays Northern Macedonia). The Serbian people have always believed that learned people are the initiators of the people and national ideas of unification of all territories where they live, the small Principality of Serbia realized early and tried to educate and tried to develop education, tried to establish those sciences. Thus, supporting them, a semi

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R. Copley, Gregory. "MEETING THE BURDEN OF STATEHOOD: IS KOSOVO READY?" POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 1, no. 1 (2007): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj010125c.

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There is ample evidence that Kosovo has no legitimacy in the normal sense of a sovereign state, and that, if it was to be recognized as such, it would further erode the credibility of the international system. Kosovo does not meet any historical standards for sovereignty. For Kosovo to be recognized as a legitimate sovereign state, the international community must violate the sovereignty of another recognized state, the Republic of Serbia. One should also take to consideration that Kosovo is already a territory run as a criminal enterprise, with links into jihadist movements. Already Kosovo is

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Mladenovich, M., and M. Tomic. "The unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo and Metohija is a precedent in international politics." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, no. 1 (2023): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.1.10.

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The attempt to secede from Kosovo, which began in the nineties of the twentieth century, ended with NATO’s aggression against Yugoslavia, which formally usurped the southern Serbian province by the most powerful Western countries. The threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia by the armed aggression of the NATO Pact is a unique example of the violation of all existing international legal norms prohibiting aggression against a sovereign and independent state. It is emphasized that even with the introduction of the Interim International Administration (UNMIK), the security situat

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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet, and MSc Nehat Demiri. "Rational Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia - Way Toward Reconciliation." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 1 (2015): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.67.

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Within a decade, Kosovo has compromised twice: accepting the process of decentralization in order to achieve independence and international recognition, through the President Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (2 February 2007), and finally, by approving to offer autonomy for Kosovo Serbs for the sovereignty, but still within the limits of the Ahtisaari Plan.Coincidentally, the same Serbian political parties which had fought three wars, resulting in dissolution of the state (Former Yugoslavia) at that time (the Socialist Party and the Serbian Radical Par

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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet. "Institutional fragility – challenge for peacebuilding in Kosovo." ILIRIA International Review 2, no. 2 (2012): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v2i2.149.

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Peace building, as part of conflict resolution strategy, is challenged by several internal factors with socio-economic, political, governmental nature, and factors coming from outside the country and violent past under governance of ex Yugoslavia/Serbia. This process becomes more difficult by the transition from socialist to free economy.Kosovo independence undermines taking responsibilities by institutions on peace building perspective which will bring to the gradual reconciliation with neighbors, including Serbia. Growing authoritarian tendencies on decision making mechanisms chock already e

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Milović, Marko, and Borivoje Baltezarević. "Ravishment of the material treasure of Kosovo and Metohija by international and domestic factors." Megatrend revija 18, no. 4 (2021): 293–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104293m.

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The material and cultural treasures of Kosovo and Metohija have been written and spoken about for decades, even centuries. Somehow, this story about both treasures, both for us and for others, and here we also mean various international factors, never loses its significance. Although the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, as it has been known since 1999, is not under the jurisdiction of the state of Serbia, this topic is not extreme. Conflicts, wars, riots and the like in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija are an inseparable part of its history, and the background of all these unpleasant even

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