Journal articles: 'Edwardian politics'

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Swartz, Marvin, and George L. Bernstein. "Liberalism and Liberal Politics in Edwardian England." American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (October 1987): 959. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864002.

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Jackson, Alvin. "Unionist Politics and Protestant Society in Edwardian Ireland." Historical Journal 33, no. 4 (December 1990): 839–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013789.

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Like the ‘Tory in clogs’ of Edwardian Britain, the Unionist working man has generally eluded the historian of modern Ireland. Indeed, to some extent, the image of Irish Unionism, whether popular or scholarly, has been supplied by the apologetic biographers of the ‘great men’ of loyalism, and by the rhetoric of political opponents like Michael Farrell: at any rate the historiography of the movement is peopled with irredentist squires and Anglo-Irish peers, bowler-hatted Orange artisans – Engel's ‘Protestant brag-garts’ – and cynical industrial barons. The existence of a more popular Unionism is acknowledged, though only in a context (the militancy of 1912, the bravura of 12 July marches) when it may not be ignored: even so, as with an older scholarly attitude towards popular British toryism, there has been a tendency among historians to treat mass Unionism as a freak of progress, demanding apologetic explanation rather than sustained illumination. With the institutions of popular Conservatism now, after thirty years of historical research, a firm feature of the British historical landscape, the need to reveal something of the electoral base of Ulster Unionism is all the more apparent. This is particularly true of the rural hinterland of the loyalist movement which, even more than Belfast, has been the victim of neglect.

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Tilghman, Carolyn. "Staging Suffrage: Women, Politics, and the Edwardian Theater." Comparative Drama 45, no. 4 (2011): 339–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cdr.2011.0031.

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Coetzee, Frans. "The Age of Upheaval: Edwardian Politics, 1899–1914." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 4 (June 1996): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9952508.

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Wood, Harry. "Radical Reactionary." Critical Survey 32, no. 1-2 (June 1, 2020): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2020.32010207.

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This article provides a detailed examination of the politics of William Le Queux. It argues that he is best understood as a product of the Edwardian radical right. Firstly, through exploring the politics of pre-1914 invasion anxieties and invasion-scare fiction, the article will question the idea that such literature was fundamentally Tory in quality. Instead, this emerging genre of popular fiction will be placed to the right of Edwardian Conservatism. Approaching Le Queux through his position as the most prominent author of British invasion literature at this time, the article will re-examine the available biographical evidence, highlighting the challenges scholars face in pinpointing his political leanings. Le Queux’s numerous invasion-scare novels will be interpreted through the disparate ideas of the radical right. Although Le Queux’s writing had little intellectual influence on radical right thinking in Britain, his novels provided this developing ideology with a prominent popular platform.

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Martel, Michael. "Radioactive Forms: Radium, the State, and the End of Victorian Narrative." Genre 52, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00166928-7965779.

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This article examines Edwardian “radioactive fiction”—narratives about radium’s transformative political implications—to demonstrate how radioactivity shaped narrative form and English politics between 1898 and 1914. Recent scholarship on this period’s literary engagements with energy physics and politics shows that thermodynamics’ second law provided the narrative structures that shaped turn-of-the-century scientific, cultural, and political discourses. At this moment, however, radioactivity upended these “entropolitical” narrative forms through its seemingly endless self-regeneration. Attending to this narratological and scientific upheaval, the article argues that formal experiments as varied as Joseph Conrad’s Secret Agent ([1907] 2007) and H. G. Wells’s World Set Free (1914) exemplify a widespread regrounding of narrative and political form in a universe where the fundamental laws of energy no longer apply. The article first examines how espionage, detective, and invasion fiction, exemplified by The Secret Agent, incorporated the Edwardian press’s figuration of radium to suggest that the entropic nation-state’s raison d’être, degenerate populations, was not so entropic after all. It then examines utopian treatments of radioactivity to argue that nonentropic narrative forms modeled political orders beyond the nation-state. Through narrative chiasmus, The World Set Free figures an atomic state capable of organizing its constituent parts into a new collectivity, the global atomic commons.

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Church, Roy. "Edwardian Labour Unrest and Coalfield Militancy, 1890–1914." Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (December 1987): 841–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00022342.

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For many years a consensus among historians of the Edwardian age drew a contrast between the essentially stable, liberal society of the late Victorian years, when discussion, compromise and orderly behaviour were the norm, and an Edwardian society in which tacit conventions governing the conduct of those involved in social and political movements began to be rejected – by Pankhurst feminists, Ulster Unionists, trade union militants and syndicalists. This period of crisis was so described in 1935 by Edward Dangerfield in the The strange death of liberal England, a brilliantly evocative title which, despite the lack of precision contained in the argument presented in his book, exercised an enduring influence on subsequent interpretations of British social and political history before 1914. G. D. H. Cole and Raymond Postgate reinforced this interpretation of a society in crisis, and not until Dr Henry Pelling's Politics and society in late Victorian Britain appeared in 1968 was the notion firmly rejected. There he denied that the convergence of the Irish conflict over home rule, the violence of the militant suffragettes, and unprecedented labour unrest signified either connexions or a common fundamental cause. The re-printing of Dangerfield's book in 1980 (and Pelling's in 1979) has been followed by renewed interest in these competitive hypotheses, and has led historians to re-examine the Edwardian age.

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Cole. "On the Politics of Folk Song Theory in Edwardian England." Ethnomusicology 63, no. 1 (2019): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/ethnomusicology.63.1.0019.

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DOYLE, BARRY M. "A Crisis of Urban Conservatism? Politics and Organisation in Edwardian Norwich." Parliamentary History 31, no. 3 (October 2012): 396–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2012.00328.x.

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SUNDERLAND, HELEN. "POLITICS IN SCHOOLGIRL DEBATING CULTURES IN ENGLAND, 1886–1914." Historical Journal 63, no. 4 (October 21, 2019): 935–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000414.

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ABSTRACTDebating was an important part of schoolgirls’ political education in late Victorian and Edwardian England that has been overlooked in the scholarship on female education and civics instruction. Debates offered middle- and working-class schoolgirls an embodied and interactive education for citizenship. Considering both the content of discussions and the process of debating, this article argues that school debates provided a unique opportunity for girls to discuss political ideas and develop political skills. Debates became intertwined with girls’ peer cultures, challenging contemporary and historiographical assumptions of girlhood apoliticism. Positioning girls as political subjects sheds new light on political change in modern Britain. Schoolgirl debates show how gendered political boundaries were shifting in this period. Within the unique space of the school debating chamber, girls were free to appropriate and subvert ‘masculine’ political subjects and ways of speaking. In mock parliaments, schoolgirls re-created the archetypal male political space of the House of Commons, demonstrating their familiarity with parliamentary politics. Schoolgirl debates therefore foreshadowed initiatives that promoted women's citizenship after partial suffrage was achieved in 1918, and they help to explain how the first women voters were assimilated easily into existing party and constitutional politics.

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Gorham, Deborah. "Women and the Politics of Schooling in Victorian and Edwardian England (review)." Victorian Studies 43, no. 3 (2001): 531–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2001.0058.

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Schneer, Jonathan. "Politics and Feminism in “Outcast London”: George Lansbury and Jane Cobden's Campaign for the First London County Council." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 1 (January 1991): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385973.

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This article examines Jane Cobden's campaign for the London County Council (L.C.C.) in 1888–89 and its controversial aftermath. Cobden's effort, a pioneering political venture of British feminism, illuminates late-Victorian concepts of gender. It provides at once an anticipation of, and a distinct contrast to, the militant suffragism of the Edwardian era. In addition, it suggests new ways of thinking about the connection between women's-suffragist and labor politics. Perhaps because the campaign was a comparatively obscure incident when measured against the broad sweep of British political history, however, no scholar has done much more than sketch its bare outline. Hopefully, the fuller depiction provided below will accord it the treatment it really deserves.This article approaches the subject from a tangent, however. Cobden's campaign was a significant if little-known episode not only in the history of British suffragism but also in the life of a man who went on to play a major role in British politics long after the first county council elections had been forgotten. This was George Lansbury, Cobden's political agent during 1888–89 and secretary of the Bow and Bromley Radical and Liberal Federation. Lansbury eventually became one of the main architects of the socialist movement in East London and a chief male supporter of the militant suffragettes during the Edwardian era (in 1912 he temporarily lost his seat in the House of Commons and went to prison on their behalf). He also became a founder and editor of the quintessential “rebel” newspaper, theDaily Herald(which was designated Labour's official organ after Lansbury left it in 1922), a pacifist opponent of World War I, and, from 1931 to 1935, leader of the Labour party itself.

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Doyle, Barry M. "Modernity or Morality? George White, Liberalism and the Nonconformist Conscience in Edwardian England." Historical Research 71, no. 176 (October 1, 1998): 324–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00067.

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Abstract This article addresses the debate about the character of the Edwardian Liberal party and the degree to which it had modernized its ideas by the outbreak of the First World War. It employs the concept of a ‘crisis of modernity’ to analyse the politics of the provincial businessman and leading Baptist, Sir George White, Liberal M.P. for North‐West Norfolk, 1900–12 and chairman of the Nonconformist Members of Parliament, 1907–12. It suggests White's views were shaped more by his experience of modernity than his sectarian position and that historians have underestimated the ends nonconformists sought from their traditional politics and the extent of their support for welfare reforms.

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Shoop‐Worrall, Christopher. "Leaps and Light Shows: Visual Politics in the Edwardian Mass Press, 1900–10." Parliamentary History 40, no. 2 (June 2021): 362–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12568.

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Cowman, Krista. "“Doing Something Silly”: The Uses of Humour by the Women's Social and Political Union, 1903–1914." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (November 21, 2007): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003239.

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Investigations into uses of humour associated with the militant suffrage campaign of the Women's Social and Political Union have been largely concerned with the satirizing of suffragettes. The uses that suffragettes themselves made of humour as a considered political tactic have been less considered. This paper explores three ways in which suffragettes turned humour to their advantage during their campaign: by deliberately adopting “silly” behaviours as a counterpoint to over-formal and male dominated Edwardian politics; by quick-witted retorts to hecklers who sought to disrupt suffragette meetings and finally as a means of venting private political dissent and alleviating some of the stresses of hectic political campaigning. The exploration of humour within the WSPU's work reveals some of the links between humour and social protest in the early twentieth century, and considers the extent to which its use in public political behaviour might be gendered.

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Nash, David S. "F. J. GOULD AND THE LEICESTER SECULAR SOCIETY: A POSITIVIST COMMONWEALTH IN EDWARDIAN POLITICS." Midland History 16, no. 1 (January 1991): 126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/mdh.1991.16.1.126.

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BISHOP, JENNIFER. "UTOPIA AND CIVIC POLITICS IN MID-SIXTEENTH-CENTURY LONDON." Historical Journal 54, no. 4 (November 7, 2011): 933–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000343.

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ABSTRACTDuring the seven years of Edward VI's reign, a variety of ideas about how best to reform the religious, economic, political, and social structures of the English commonwealth were devised, debated, and enacted. London's citizens and governors were increasingly occupied with developing legislative and institutional solutions for pressing social ills such as poverty and vagrancy: the question of how best to govern the commonwealth was not just a philosophical dilemma, but a practical concern. It was within this context that the first English translation of Thomas More's Utopia appeared in London. Published in 1551 by a group of citizens with a keen interest in social reform, the English Utopia may best be described as constituting an engagement with ideas of ‘good government’. This article draws on surviving evidence for the activities and concerns of Utopia's producers, and in particular the sponsor and instigator of the translation, George Tadlowe, in order to demonstrate that this publication represented a timely combination of humanist theory and political practice typical of the civic culture of the Edwardian reformation.

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Williams, Chris. "Championing the 'Alien Church': The Religious Politics of Late Victorian and Edwardian Wales – in Cartoons." Journal of Religious History, Literature and Culture 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 34–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jrhlc.7.1.2.

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J. M. Staniforth was a popular cartoonist working (from the early 1890s until his death in 1921) for the Cardiff Western Mail and the Sunday News of the World. Himself an Anglican, he took a keen interest in the religious politics of the day, particularly those which involved Nonconformist and Liberal attacks on the position of the Established Church. Recognized as an important commentator by both opponents (such as David Lloyd George) and fellow Anglicans (including a number of Anglican clerics), Staniforth's cartoons challenged the assumptions which governed the arguments in favour of disestablishment and disendowment, as well as critiquing the motives and ethics of their proponents. A study of his work affords fascinating insights into the visual culture of some of the most hardfought debates of late Victorian and Edwardian Wales.

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Bush, Julia. "Ladylike Lives? Upper Class Women's Autobiographies and the Politics of Late Victorian and Edwardian Britain." Literature & History 10, no. 2 (November 2001): 42–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/lh.10.2.3.

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Howarth, J. "Shorter notice. Women and the Politics of Schooling in Victorian and Edwardian England. Jane Martin." English Historical Review 115, no. 460 (February 2000): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.460.234.

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Howarth, J. "Shorter notice. Women and the Politics of Schooling in Victorian and Edwardian England. Jane Martin." English Historical Review 115, no. 460 (February 1, 2000): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.460.234.

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22

Carlson, Susan. "Portable Politics: Creating New Space for Suffrage-ing Women." New Theatre Quarterly 17, no. 4 (November 2001): 334–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00014974.

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A few of the plays written in support of the movement for women's suffrage in Britain before the First World War have recently been recovered and published, but most of these were intended for some kind of professional or at least conventional production. Susan Carlson is here concerned to look also at some of the pieces which saw print only in the ephemeral suffrage press, and production (if at all) only as part of meetings or demonstrations. Breaking down traditional distinctions between social, political, and theatrical spaces, she argues that all were part both of the dramatization of the struggle, and also of a broader reclamation of public spaces for women, whether of a public venue such as the Albert Hall, outdoor spaces such as Hyde Park and Trafalgar Square – or the humbler and lonelier space of the street corners on which women sold the suffrage newspapers that contained the plays – some of them about women on street corners selling suffrage newspapers.…Susan Carlson is Professor of English and Associate Provost at Iowa State University. Her books include Women and Comedy (University of Michigan Press), and she has recently published essays on Aphra Behn, Timberlake Wertenbaker, Shakespeare, and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century women playwrights. This essay is part of a longer study of British suffrage theatre and its connections to Edwardian productions of Shakespeare's works.

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ROBERT MOORE, JAMES. "PROGRESSIVE PIONEERS: MANCHESTER LIBERALISM, THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY, AND LOCAL POLITICS IN THE 1890s." Historical Journal 44, no. 4 (December 2001): 989–1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0100214x.

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The Manchester Progressive Municipal Programme of 1894 has been viewed as indicative of a new Liberal approach to labour and social questions, heralding the New Liberalism of the Edwardian era and marking a gradual transition to class-based politics. Rather than focus on the role of senior individuals, such as Manchester Guardian editor C. P. Scott, in fostering the change, this article explores the practical problems of grass-roots party co-operation and the problems that Progressive approaches brought to Liberals. Progressive ideas had already permeated much Liberal thinking before 1890 and the Progressive Programme was less of a departure than might be imagined. Progressive policies may have helped consolidate Liberal working-class support but they did little to encourage co-operation with the Independent Labour Party (ILP). Where senior Liberals attempted to forge alliances they were invariably rebuffed. When Liberal candidates stepped down in deference to the ILP, Irish and working-class Liberal trade unionists revolted and split the party. The 1895 general election demonstrated the dangers of being too closely associated with the ILP and the limitations of Progressivism as a political strategy.

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Linstrum, Erik. "The Making of a Translator: James Strachey and the Origins of British Psychoanalysis." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 3 (July 2014): 685–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.56.

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AbstractBoth critics and defenders of James Strachey's translations of Sigmund Freud have tended to judge their worth by the standard of “accuracy”—in other words, their faithfulness to Freud's theories. This article takes a different approach, tracing Strachey's choices as a translator to his own experiences in Edwardian, wartime, and interwar Britain. Convinced that the ruling elite and the mass public alike were captive to dangerously irrational forces, Strachey saw the science of the unconscious as a vehicle for political and social criticism. As an attempt to mobilize expert knowledge against the status quo, Strachey's translation represents a divergence from two influential paradigms for interpreting the history of psychoanalysis: Carl Schorske's account of the Freudian “retreat from politics” and Michel Foucault's portrait of the “superstructural” state as an extension and ally of the human sciences. Strachey's translation also demonstrates that the political and social ambitions of British psychoanalysis were powerfully formed by the era of the First World War, and not only the Second, which historians have often identified as the crucial moment.

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RIEDI, ELIZA. "WOMEN, GENDER, AND THE PROMOTION OF EMPIRE: THE VICTORIA LEAGUE, 1901–1914." Historical Journal 45, no. 3 (September 2002): 569–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002558.

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The Victoria League, founded in 1901 as a result of the South African War, was the only predominantly female imperial propaganda society in Britain during the Edwardian period. To accommodate women's activism within the ‘man's world’ of empire politics the League restricted its work to areas within woman's ‘separate sphere’ while transforming them into innovative methods of imperial propaganda. Through philanthropy to war victims, hospitality to colonial visitors, empire education, and the promotion of social reform as an imperial issue, the League aimed to encourage imperial sentiment at home and promote colonial loyalty to the ‘mother country’. The League's relationship with its colonial ‘sister societies’, the Guild of Loyal Women of South Africa and the Canadian Imperial Order, Daughters of the Empire, demonstrates both the primacy of the self-governing dominions in its vision of empire, and the importance of women's imperial networks. The Victoria League illustrates both significant involvement by elite women in imperial politics and the practical and ideological constraints placed on women's imperial activism.

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Tanner, Duncan. "Elections, Statistics, and the Rise of the Labour Party, 1906–1931." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 893–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017349.

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Between 1900 and 1918 the Labour party changed from being a new organization operating on the fringes of the Liberal party, to being the largest British opposition party. This change has attracted a great deal of historical attention. The analysis of electoral results in general, and municipal election results in particular, rightly plays a major part in the conflicting explanations of why this realignment took place. Negatively, this paper seeks to establish that many of the methods of examining electoral material common in the literature are in fact inadequate. It is also suggested, more positively, that despite problems with the way results are currently used, even a modestly elaborated treatment of municipal election results can reveal significant information about the origins and location of Labour's support. Accurate ‘quantification’ cannot of itself explain the rise of Labour, or the pattern of electoral politics more generally. It can, however, be an important component of broader attempts at establishing why political changes took place both in Edwardian Britain and in the still under-researched period between 1918 and 1931.

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Taylor, Quentin. "Ernest Barker and Greek Political Thought: Aristotle." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 23, no. 2 (2006): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000095.

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Ernest Barker is best remembered for his study of Plato and his Predecessors (1918), yet his early efforts to mine Greek political theory for relevant insights centred on Aristotle.While not as original as his teacher, Aristotle represents a significant advance in political science, first, by avoiding Plato’s extremes, second, by forwarding a naturalistic and ethical vision of civic life, and finally, by adopting a pragmatic approach to improving ‘deviant’ regimes. Both thinkers serve as a foil for exposing the shortcomings of modern politics, particularly the atomistic individualism of Hobbes, Locke, and Bentham. Unlike Plato, Aristotle exhibits an ‘English spirit’ of compromise, moderation, and balance, although from a distinctly Burkean perspective. Barker’s sympathies did not, however, blind him to the ‘reactionary’, ‘primitive’, and ‘illiberal’ aspects of Aristotle’s teaching. His failure to reconcile these discordant elements—culminating in a quixotic call for an ‘aristocratic democracy’ — merely echoed the ambiguity and equivocation that marked his treatment of Plato. Barker maintained a grudging respect for Plato, but knew he was politically incorrigible. Aristotle showed farmore promise, but in the end could not be made to fit the mould of the Edwardian progressive.

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Jefferys, Kevin. "British Politics and Social Policy during the Second World War." Historical Journal 30, no. 1 (March 1987): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021944.

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This article sets out to examine the relationship between party politics and social reform in the Second World War. The issue of government policy towards reform was raised initially by Richard Titmuss, who argued in his official history of social policy that the experience of total war and the arrival of Churchill's coalition in 1940 led to a fundamentally new attitude on welfare issues. The exposure of widespread social deprivation, Titmuss claimed, made central government fully conscious for the first time of the need for reconstruction; the reforms subsequently proposed or enacted by the coalition were therefore an important prelude to the introduction of a ‘welfare state’ by the post-war Labour administration. These claims have not been borne out by more recent studies of individual wartime policies, but as a general guide to social reform in the period the ideas of Richard Titmuss have never been entirely displaced. In fact the significance of wartime policy, and its close relationship with post-war reform, has been reaffirmed in the most comprehensive study of British politics during the war – Paul Addison's The road to 1945. For Addison, the influence of Labour ministers in the coalition made the government the most radical since Asquith's Liberal administration in the Edwardian period. The war, he notes, clearly placed on the agenda the major items of the post-war welfare state: social security for all, a national health service, full employment policies, improved education and housing, and a new system, of family allowances.

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Doyle, Barry M. "Urban Liberalism and the ‘lost generation’: politics and middle class culture in Norwich, 1900–1935." Historical Journal 38, no. 3 (September 1995): 617–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020008.

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ABSTRACTThis article utilizes the metaphor of the post-war Lost Generation to investigate the chronology of middle class political realignment and Liberal decline. It suggests that the Liberalism of twentieth-century Norwich owed its existence to the perpetuation of a closed culture based on business, chapel and urban residence. It questions the degree to which dissenting Liberals had been assimilated into the dominant ideology before 1914 by reference to marriage ties and associational links such as the freemasons. It asserts that the downfall of this Liberal culture in the long run, though not immediately, was the result of the Great War, which allowed the younger generation to break out of their insular world and mix more freely with the Anglican upper-middle class. However, it also demonstrates that the closed culture was such that those of the Edwardian political generation, although affected by the War, did not reject their Liberalism. Most continued to actively support the party into the 1930s, questioning the view that the middle classes had largely deserted the Liberals by 1924. Rather, it was the political maturation in the 1930s of the War generation which heralded the end of urban Liberalism and the triumph of middle class Conservatism.

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Macquiban, Tim. "Industrial Day-Dreams: S. E. Keeble and the Place of Work and Labour in Late Victorian and Edwardian Methodism." Studies in Church History 37 (2002): 331–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014832.

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Discussion of the use of time in industrial Britain hardened in the nineteenth century into debates about the morality of work and its rewards, about the ethics of labour and the exploitation of the labourer, issues neglected in a Methodism dominated by the prevailing social thought of evangelicalism which persisted throughout most of the century. While much valuable work has been done recently on a re-assessment of the place of Wesleyan Methodist businessmen’s influence in politics, commerce, and industry in the heyday of Victorian and Edwardian Britain, not so much has been done on the attitudes to poverty and wealth, work, and wages from within the Church establishment, or investigation of how ministers were shaping or reflecting social and political attitudes. This paper seeks to identify the particular contribution of one pivotal figure, Samuel Keeble (1853-1947) whose work deserves a more detailed biography than the Wesley Historical Society lecture published in 1977. His mentor, Hugh Price Hughes, a Wesleyan revivalist but less clearly a Christian socialist, created the environment in which the Wesleyan Methodist Union of Social Service (WMUSS) emerged, through which Keeble was able to channel much of his energies in the promotion of social issues, including those concerning work and labour. It is their contribution that this essay seeks to highlight.

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Moore, Patricia. "Kindred Nature: Victorian and Edwardian Women Embrace the Living World. Barbara T. Gates Ecological Politics: Ecofeminists and the Greens. Greta Gaard." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 27, no. 2 (January 2002): 573–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/495701.

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WINDSCHEFFEL, ALEX. "MEN OR MEASURES? CONSERVATIVE PARTY POLITICS, 1815–1951 Parliament and politics in the age of Churchill and Attlee: the Headlam diaries, 1935–1951. Edited by Stuart Ball. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press for the Royal Historical Society, Camden 5th ser., 14, 1999. Pp. xiii+665. ISBN 0-521-66143-9. £40.00. Disraeli. By Edgar Feuchtwanger. London: Arnold, 2000. Pp. xii+244. ISBN 0-340-71910-9. £12.99. The self-fashioning of Disraeli, 1818–1851. Edited by Charles Richmond and Paul Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Pp. ix+212. ISBN 0-521-49729-9. £30.00. Stanley Baldwin. By Philip Williamson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Pp. xvi+378. ISBN 0-521-43227-8. £25.00. Protection and politics: Conservative economic discourse, 1815–1852. By Anna Gambles. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press for the Royal Historical Society, Royal Historical Society Studies in History, n.s., 1999. Pp. xi+291. ISBN 0-86193-244-7. £40.00. Agriculture and politics in England, 1815–1939. Edited by J. R. Wordie. London: Macmillan Press, 2000. Pp. vii+260. ISBN 0-333-74483-7. £47.50." Historical Journal 45, no. 4 (December 2002): 937–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002753.

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With his unparalleled genius for self-promotion, Benjamin Disraeli advised us to ‘read no history, nothing but biography, for that is life without theory’. Historians of the British Conservative party have followed his instructions faithfully, long seduced by the charms of the political biography. In recent years alone the world has seen the publication of two scholarly and highly flattering biographies of the third marquess of Salisbury, by Andrew Roberts and David Steele, alongside a reconstruction of the distinctive Salisburian philosophical world by Michael Bentley, and a long overdue biography of Bonar Law by R. J. Q. Adams. Of the newer vintage, we now have Anthony Seldon's biography of John Major and the first instalment of John Campbell's deconstruction of Margaret Thatcher. One can only shudder with trepidation at the unedifying prospect of the weighty and earnest tomes devoted to William Hague or Iain Duncan Smith awaiting tomorrow's historians. The fates and fortunes of the party continue to be intertwined unproblematically with the qualities of its successive leaders. On one level this is inevitable, befitting the self-image of a party which has always valued leadership and hierarchy. But on another level the predilection for biography has encouraged Conservative studies to remain stubbornly immured within a set of sterile and untheoretical paradigms. The tendency is for narration rather than explanation, for ‘party’ to be defined institutionally rather than organically, and for the world of politics to be reduced to conversations held within the hermetic corridors of Westminster. The more imaginative and innovative work on Victorian and Edwardian politics to have appeared in recent years has been carried out by historians of the Liberal and Labour parties.

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Richardson, Edmund. "‘A Conjugal Lesson’: Robert Brough's Medea and the Discourses of Mid-Victorian Britain." Ramus 32, no. 1 (2003): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001296.

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The Athenian Captive (1838) was to constitute the last significant use of Greek tragedy on the professional stage in Britain for a radical political purpose until Gilbert Murray's stagings of Euripides in the Edwardian era.Edith HallI believe in the Revolution.Robert Brough, 1855The fiercest political debates in 1850s Britain were inextricably bound up with the Classical past. Traditionalists and eulogists, priests and pamphleteers, doctors and revolutionaries all set their arguments and their ideals within a Classical framework. Amongst those who sought to use the ancient for decidedly contemporary purposes, Robert Brough was one of the most passionate. He was a revolutionary, a playwright, and a Classicist—though up until the performance of his burlesque Medea (on July 14th 1856), he had never been all three at once. This article will explore how, at the time, the myth of Medea was the perfect vehicle for radical politics—and how Brough exploited its potential to the full. It will frame his play within some of the most controversial debates of the period. It will explore Brough's (on the face of it, startling) claim that his burlesque would give the audience more to think about than any play they had seen before, that it would be ‘a conjugal lesson, surpassing in intensity anything ever before presented’. Brough wrote his Medea believing in ‘the Revolution’. And, as I hope to show, he wanted his audiences to leave the theatre believing in it too.

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Coetzee, Frans. "Pressure Groups, Tory Businessmen and the Aura of Political Corruption Before the First World War." Historical Journal 29, no. 4 (December 1986): 833–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019075.

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When Gladstone's Liberal government passed the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act in 1883, its supporters hoped that the future conduct of politics would be purer and more equitable. Not only would the grosser forms of corruption (such as bribery or intimidation) now be punished more severely, but the advantages previously enjoyed by wealthier candidates would now be minimized because the new law imposed strict limits on campaign spending which applied equally to all candidates for a particular constituency. But these noble goals, it soon appeared, were little closer to realization because the law contained a crucial loophole by failing to constrain the expenditure of the numerous pressure groups active in British politics. Because of this loophole, electoral corruption might continue to flourish, even if the perpetrator would no longer be the candidate's agent, but rather the pressure group treasurer. This view that the intent (if not the letter) of the law was being subverted was a common theme of Edwardian political journalism. As the Westminster Gazette observed, ‘when a by-election takes place each candidate has the assistance of a cloud of outside organizations which spend on the election a large sum of money which is not included in the official election expenses… clearly the result is to drive a coach-and-six through the Corrupt Practices Act.’ On the floor of the House of Commons similar arguments were aired. One Liberal MP contended that the statute ‘had been of great service in securing more honest representation than before, but no one who had followed political events closely could fail to see that its whole purpose was avoided, and that its terms were entirely circumvented, by the action which political organizations took on behalf of a candidate, which he was wholly unable to do for himself.’ Such assertions remained unsubstantiated, however, because infringements by pressure groups were rarely subjected to legal review in the election courts, being considered too difficult to define and expensive to prove.

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Thompson, S. "To Relieve the Sufferings of Humanity, Irrespective of Party, Politics or Creed?: Conflict, Consensus and Voluntary Hospital Provision in Edwardian South Wales." Social History of Medicine 16, no. 2 (August 1, 2003): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/16.2.247.

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Gorham, Deborah. "BOOK REVIEW: Jane Martin.WOMEN AND THE POLITICS OF SCHOOLING IN VICTORIAN AND EDWARDIAN ENGLAND. London and New York: Leicester University Press, 1999." Victorian Studies 43, no. 3 (April 2001): 531–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2001.43.3.531.

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Riedi, Eliza. "Options for an Imperialist Woman: The Case of Violet Markham, 1899-1914." Albion 32, no. 1 (2000): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000064218.

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Recent years have seen growing interest both in the influence of the British Empire on metropolitan culture—what John M. MacKenzie described as “the centripetal effects of Empire”—and in the relationships between gender and imperialism. Early studies of European women and imperialism described the activities of women as “memsahibs,” travellers and colonists in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, challenged the notion that “women lost us the Empire,” and began to analyze the roles of white women in the “man’s world” of imperial rule. More recently attention has been drawn by Vron Ware, Barbara Ramusack and Antoinette Burton to the complex relationships between British and colonized women and, by Burton especially, to the ambiguities of “imperial feminism.” Nevertheless, apart from the well-documented female emigration societies, and the isolated study of Flora Shaw, colonial editor of The Times, by Helen Callaway and Dorothy O. Helly, the considerable activities of women as imperial propagandists have received little attention. This article traces the imperial activism of Violet Markham, the daughter of a Northern industrialist and sister of a Liberal M.P. who, roused from the aimless existence of Victorian young ladyhood by the Boer War, spent much of the Edwardian era promoting the cause of the British Empire. Through a study of her imperial career it explores the options available to an imperialist woman in an era when women were barred from formal politics, and when imperial politics in particular were considered a “masculine” preserve, and considers the obstacles—practical, ideological and psychological—which confronted her.

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Tanner, Duncan. "George L. Bernstein. Liberalism and Liberal Politics in Edwardian England. Winchester, Mass.: Allen & Unwin, Inc.1986. Pp. xviii, 247. $34.95 cloth $12.95 paper." Albion 19, no. 2 (1987): 291–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050444.

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Sanders, Lise Shapiro. "‘Equal Laws Based upon an Equal Standard’: the Garrett Sisters, the Contagious Diseases Acts, and the sexual politics of Victorian and Edwardian feminism revisited." Women's History Review 24, no. 3 (January 14, 2015): 389–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2014.964069.

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Fletcher, Ian Christopher. "“A Star Chamber of the Twentieth Century”: Suffragettes, Liberals, and the 1908 “Rush the Commons” Case." Journal of British Studies 35, no. 4 (October 1996): 504–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386120.

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The suffragette in the dock at Bow Street police court is one of the emblematic scenes of the “votes for women” agitation. She usually stood alone in the prisoners' box, facing the magistrate, flanked by tables lined with lawyers and police officials and backed by benches full of friends and supporters, newspaper reporters, and ordinary spectators. Notwithstanding the state's claims of legal equality and judicial impartiality, she seemed to be engaged in an unequal contest speaking truth to unbending masculine authority. She was powerless to alter the outcome, a guilty verdict and a spell of imprisonment. This scene, like those of the protester arrested in the streets and the hunger striker being forcibly fed in prison, underlines the spectacular nature of suffrage militancy. Yet its very power to seize and hold our attention can obscure the complex interactions and effects that made militancy such a profoundly ambiguous moment in the intertwined histories of the women's suffrage movement and the Liberal-ruled Edwardian state.Recent research has displaced the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) from its once central place in suffrage history. Jill Liddington, Jill Norris, and Jo Vellacott have recovered the very important contributions of radical and democratic feminists to the movement. In recounting the efforts of moderate women's suffragists, Claire Hirshfield, Leslie Parker Hume, and others have helped to paint a much more complex picture of the high politics of franchise reform. Historians have also begun to examine the distinct experiences of the movement in Ireland and Scotland.

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Fletcher, Ian Christopher. "“Prosecutions…are Always Risky Business”: Labor, Liberals, and the 1912 “Don't Shoot” Prosecutions." Albion 28, no. 2 (1996): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052461.

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In the spring of 1912, the British syndicalist leader Tom Mann was prosecuted under the Incitement to Mutiny Act 1797 for his opposition to the use of troops during the great coal strike. He was convicted and sentenced to six months' imprisonment, but an outcry from socialists, trade unionists, and progressives forced the Liberal government to reduce his sentence and release him early from prison. This much is familiar to historians of early twentieth-century Britain and Ireland. It is often forgotten, however, that Mann was only one of eight syndicalists and socialists who were prosecuted for their involvement in the “don't shoot” agitation. It is likewise forgotten that Mann went on trial just days before the suffragette leaders Emmeline Pankhurst and Frederick and Emmeline Pethick Lawrence shared a similar fate, amid demands that Sir Edward Carson, the leading opponent of Irish home rule, join them in the dock. Indeed, the Nation, a progressive Liberal weekly, complained that “the country is…getting somewhat tired of political trials.” Perhaps because we assume the relative transparency of the law, historians have failed to scrutinize in detail the origins and outcome of the “don't shoot” prosecutions. George Dangerfield devoted one sentence to them, Elie Halévy a few more; although the “don't shoot” episode has been invoked to symbolize the increasingly fragile relations between Liberalism and the working classes, it continues to receive only brief mention in accounts of Edwardian labor and politics. Even Tom Mann's biographers have shed little new light on his case.

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Copelman, Dina M. "Jane Martin. Women and the Politics of Schooling in Victorian and Edwardian England. (Women, Power and Politics.) New York: Leicester University Press. 1999. Pp. vii, 167. n. p. ISBN 0-7185-0053-9." Albion 33, no. 3 (2001): 508–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053253.

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Cowman, Krista. "‘We intend to show what Our Lord has done for women’: the Liverpool Church League for Women’s Suffrage, 1913–18." Studies in Church History 34 (1998): 475–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013826.

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There was nothing unusual in the inauguration, in December 1909, of a Church League for Women’s Suffrage (CLWS). By January 1914, suffrage had become so expansive that fifty-three organizations competed for or shared a membership divided by tactics, religion, political allegiance, ethnic origin, or metier, but united in their desire to see the parliamentary franchise awarded to women. At the time of the League’s formation, the centre stage of suffrage politics was largely occupied by three groups: the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), suffragettes whose commitment to direct militant tactics brought them spectacularly into both the public eye and the prison cell; the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies (NUWSS), whose suffragist members condemned all militancy, describing themselves as ‘law-abiding’; and the Women’s Freedom League (WFL), militants who had quit the WSPU in 1907 in a dispute over constitutional democracy. Whilst they were often virulently opposed to each other, these three groups shared a commitment to an all-female membership and also the political will to prioritize the franchise above the broader feminist issues which adjoined their public campaigns. By contrast smaller suffrage groups, including the Church League, added extra dimensions to the suffrage campaign. They allowed members of the three main groups to explore issues other than suffrage whilst simultaneously providing alternative arenas for suffrage activity to those who did not feel able to commit themselves to the larger bodies. Thus the Church League did restrict its membership to practising Anglicans, but welcomed both militants and constitutionalists, and men as well as women into its ranks. Whilst the achievement of the parliamentary franchise remained its main aim, it also provided space for those who wished to explore ‘the deep religious significance of the women’s movement’. This paper uses the example of the Liverpool branch of the Church League to examine in greater detail to what extent, if any, such explorations resulted in an alteration of the gendered nature of space within Edwardian Anglicanism.

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Harris, Jose. "Enterprise and Welfare States: a Comparative Perspective." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 40 (December 1990): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679167.

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DO ‘welfare states’ enhance or subvert economic enterprise, civic virtue, private moral character, the integrity of social life? Though these questions have a piquantly contemporary ring in modern British politics, they are nevertheless old quandaries in the history of social policy. Since the seventeenth century, if not earlier, practitioners, theorists and critics of public welfare schemes have argued for and against such schemes in contradictory and adversarial terms; claiming on the one hand that social welfare schemes would supply a humanitarian corrective to the rigours of a market economy; and on the other hand that they would support and streamline market forces by enhancing individual and collective efficiency. Similarly, for several hundred years models of civic morality which emphasize independence and self-sufficiency have jostled with alternative models which emphasize paternalism, altruism and organic solidarity. Few phases of social policy in Britain and elsewhere have not contained elements of more than one approach. Even the New Poor Law, notorious for its subordination to market pressures, nevertheless harboured certain residual anti-market principles and often lapsed into practices that were suspiciously communitarian; whilst Edwardian New Liberalism, famous for its philosophy of organic solidarism, in practice tempered social justice with the quest for ‘national efficiency’. These varying emphases have all been reflected in the fashions and phases of welfare state historiography—fashions and phases that appear to have been at least partly determined by the vagaries of prevailing political climate. Thus, in the aftermath of the Second World War, historians tended to portray the history of social policy as a series of governmental battles against private vested interests—battles in which the mantle of civic virtue was worn by an altruistic administrative elite, while civic vice was embodied in the motley crew of doctors, landlords, employers and insurance companies who viewed social welfare as a commodity in the market.

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Houston, Fiona. "“Seducers of the people”: Mapping the Linguistic Shift." Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, no. 31 (December 15, 2018): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/raei.2018.31.03.

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In his book on propaganda Jacques Ellul acknowledges the unsavoury connotation - which is a common place of today’s culture - surrounding those who write to influence a public. This is an interpretation which is frequently applied to the government propaganda writers of the First World War, yet to do so removes those writers from their context and applies modern understanding to a historical act. Over the last century since the Great War society has developed, causing a social linguistic shift. This shift has affected the way propaganda is understood, and propaganda in an Edwardian sense is not simply synonymous with propaganda as the term is interpreted and used today. My paper demonstrates how this word has undergone lexical development over the intervening years since the War, using corpus-based analysis to track the definition of the term ‘propaganda’ in Oxford English Dictionaries using the Antconc database software. I combine this quantitative research with in-depth exploration of propaganda theories from the Twentieth Century, and examples of First World War propaganda to ascertain when in history, if indeed a certain time was pivotal, this word began to mutate. This paper argues that better understanding of the development of this term reveals the contradictory nature of many modern-day attitudes to the relationship between literature and politics; the disconnect often at play between how we view our own modern culture and the judgements we are tempted to make about the past.

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Morrison, Hugh. "“Impressions Which Will Never Be Lost”: Missionary Periodicals for Protestant Children in Late-Nineteenth Century Canada and New Zealand." Church History 82, no. 2 (May 20, 2013): 388–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640713000061.

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Despite extensive engagement, children were invisible in the programs of the nineteenth-century Protestant missionary conferences. By the early 1900s this had noticeably changed as denominations and missionary organizations sought to maximize and enhance juvenile missionary interest. Childhood was the key stage in which to establish habits; the future depended upon “the education of the childhood of the race, in missionary matters as in all others.” Literature was pivotal and periodicals were deemed to be the most effective literary form. They provided the young with “impressions which will never be lost . . . nothing will appeal to the young more strongly than stories from beyond the seas, of strange people who know not of Christ, but who need His gospel.” Juvenile missionary periodicals were ubiquitous in Britain, Europe, and America, but they are still only partially understood. Adult and juvenile literature was qualitatively different so that “any adequate analysis . . . requires to be grounded in an understanding of the construction of childhood in the Victorian and Edwardian eras.” This task remains very much a work in progress. Most recent scholarship tends to discursively situate children's periodicals with respect to religion, culture, and politics. All agree on at least a broad two-fold function: the spiritual and the philanthropic. Periodicals per se were an integral part of a large and pervasive Victorian corpus of juvenile religious and moral literature. At the same time missionary periodicals were different. They emphasized child agency by encouraging a “participatory relationship” between readers and their subject. Children became active agents “in a diaologic relationship with [their] world.”

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Helly, Dorothy O. "Julia Bush. Edwardian Ladies and Imperial Power. (Women, Power, and Politics.) Leicester: Leicester University Press; dist. by Continuum, New York, N.Y. 2000. Pp. xiv, 242. $75.00. ISBN0-7185-0061-X." Albion 33, no. 1 (2001): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000066904.

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Kennedy, Dane. "Empire Migration in Post-War Reconstruction: The Role of the Oversea Settlement Committee, 1919–1922." Albion 20, no. 3 (1988): 403–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049736.

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World War One and its aftermath restored the empire to a central place in the considerations of Whitehall. Not only did the war open new vistas for imperial ambitions and drive home the benefits to be drawn from the established dominions, notably in terms of manpower and materiel: it also brought into seats of power the likes of Lords Milner and Curzon, men whose careers had been devoted to the maintenance and expansion of Britain's imperial realm. Though their autocratic style ill-suited democratic politics, it did serve the needs of a modern state at war, where all sectors of society were subordinated to central command. It can be argued that these imperial bureaucrats had a more sophisticated appreciation for the power of the state than their domestic counterparts, who still labored under the lingering constraints of laissez-faire doctrine. They understood from colonial experience the state's potential for engineering social change. And they saw change as vital to Britain's future. Deeply imbued with a social Darwinist world-view, they regarded the war as evidence that national survival would require a more integrated, self-contained, harmonious imperial system, directed with greater deliberation and rigor from above. They were, in effect, social imperialists. Although this doctrine had taken shape in the Edwardian years, it was the war that eroded much of the resistance to its implementation. Yet how far could these gains be extended into the critical post-war period?As Keith Williams has argued in his valuable dissertation, an important feature of social imperialist doctrine concerned migration: here the bonds between Britain and the empire were those of culture and blood.

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DELAP, LUCY. "THE SUPERWOMAN: THEORIES OF GENDER AND GENIUS IN EDWARDIAN BRITAIN." Historical Journal 47, no. 1 (March 2004): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003534.

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This article examines the development of the idea of the ‘superwoman’ among British Edwardian feminists and contextualizes it within the aristocratic political thought of the day. I examine the idea of the ‘genius’ and the ‘superman’ in order to shed light on why, for some Edwardian feminists, the ideal feminist agent was to be an elite, discerning, remote figure. I argue that Edwardian feminism witnessed an ‘introspective turn’, marked by an interest in character, will, and personality as the key components of emancipation. The focus of political change was firmly located within women themselves. This belief was widespread, even though only a minority chose the language of the ‘superwoman’ to elaborate it. References to the ‘superwoman’ indicates the impact of Nietzschean and egoist ideas upon the women's movement. The ‘superwoman’ was used to position feminism as a movement not just for political rights but for wider social regeneration, and represents a characteristically Edwardian belief in the power of the ‘exceptional individual’ to promote social change.

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Green, E. H. H. "Radical Conservatism: the Electoral Genesis of Tariff Reform." Historical Journal 28, no. 3 (September 1985): 667–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00003356.

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For historians of the Edwardian Conservative party one problem in particular continues to present severe difficulties. This problem in the history of the Conservative party was first outlined by Lord Blake in his study of the party from Peel to Churchill, namely how to explain the feet that Conservative politics came to be so dominated by the issue of Tariff Reform in the decade preceding the Great War. Indeed, to Lord Blake it seemed scarcely credible that the Conservatives should have even considered, let alone shackled themselves to, a policy which was apparently so disastrous both for the party's unity and its electoral prospects. Such incredulity is, in many ways, hardly surprising for, as all the studies of Tariff Reform have agreed, there were enormous difficulties involved in the adoption of this policy – and two problems in particular were clearly almost insurmountable. Firstly, the core of the Tariff Reform policy, that is to say the securing of the imperial markets for British producers through a system of preferential tariff agreements with the colonies, was severely handicapped by the fact that the self-governing colonies, the only worthwhile markets, were very lukewarm about the whole idea. This difficulty stemmed from the fact that the colonies had begun to develop their own fledgling industries and were thus none too keen to have them swamped by a flood of imported British manufactures. Secondly, the only agreement in which the colonies were interested entailed the Conservatives advocating duties on imported foreign grain and agricultural goods. This, of course, led to the Conservatives being labelled the party of ‘dear food’ and there seems little room for doubt that these ‘food taxes’ did the Conservatives a great deal of electoral damage, especially amongst the working-class electorate.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Edwardian politics'

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