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Journal articles on the topic 'Effects of xenophobia'
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Chang, BS, Crystal, Anthony Salerno, MSc, and Edbert B. Hsu, MD, MPH. "Perspectives on xenophobia during epidemics and implications for emergency management." Journal of Emergency Management 18, no. 7 (December 10, 2020): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.2020.0521.
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Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is an infectious disease that traces its earliest known cases to the Hubei region of China in late 2019. As the COVID-19 pandemic has spread across the globe wreaking unprecedented disruption, increasing levels of xenophobia and racial discrimination have been documented against those of Asian descent. We investigate the historical connections between disease and rise of xenophobia as described in the peer-reviewed literature addressing prior epidemics, such as Ebola and the Hong Kong Flu, in conjunction with concurrent cases of prejudice toward certain groups of people. Attempts to better understand why such attitudes emerge are examined in the context of xenophobic actions during pandemics. Prevailing views suggest that xenophobia ultimately leads to increased stigmatization of those afflicted by disease, which in turn leads to decreased trust in the medical system, resulting in a negative feedback loop. Accurate disseminated information and improved public education on sources and modes of transmission of infectious diseases are essential to check xenophobic tendencies, reduce negative effects and foster greater cooperation.
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Marsh, Nina, Dirk Scheele, Justin S. Feinstein, Holger Gerhardt, Sabrina Strang, Wolfgang Maier, and René Hurlemann. "Oxytocin-enforced norm compliance reduces xenophobic outgroup rejection." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114, no. 35 (August 14, 2017): 9314–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1705853114.
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Never before have individuals had to adapt to social environments defined by such magnitudes of ethnic diversity and cultural differentiation. However, neurobiological evidence informing about strategies to reduce xenophobic sentiment and foster altruistic cooperation with outsiders is scarce. In a series of experiments settled in the context of the current refugee crisis, we tested the propensity of 183 Caucasian participants to make donations to people in need, half of whom were refugees (outgroup) and half of whom were natives (ingroup). Participants scoring low on xenophobic attitudes exhibited an altruistic preference for the outgroup, which further increased after nasal delivery of the neuropeptide oxytocin. In contrast, participants with higher levels of xenophobia generally failed to exhibit enhanced altruism toward the outgroup. This tendency was only countered by pairing oxytocin with peer-derived altruistic norms, resulting in a 74% increase in refugee-directed donations. Collectively, these findings reveal the underlying sociobiological conditions associated with outgroup-directed altruism by showing that charitable social cues co-occurring with enhanced activity of the oxytocin system reduce the effects of xenophobia by facilitating prosocial behavior toward refugees.
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Hlobisile Khoza, Hlengiwe, Respect Mashele, and Ricky Munyaradzi Mukonza. "The “Butterfly Effects” That Emerged to Xenophobic Outbreaks in South Africa: Xenophobia, A Timeless Boom." African Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies 10, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-3665/2021/v10n1a5.
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Getmansky, Anna, Tolga Sınmazdemir, and Thomas Zeitzoff. "Refugees, xenophobia, and domestic conflict." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 4 (February 15, 2018): 491–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317748719.
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What factors influence attitudes towards refugees? Do negative attitudes towards refugees also influence attitudes towards conflict in the host countries? Previous studies suggest that an influx of refugees, and locals’ reaction to them, may destabilize receiving countries and lead to conflict. In particular, actual or perceived negative effects of refugees’ presence, such as increased economic competition with the locals, disruption of ethnic balance in the host country, and arrival of people with ties to rebel groups may lead to an increased likelihood of civil conflict in countries that receive refugees. These effects can lead to instability by changing the locals’ incentives and opportunities of engaging in violence. Indeed, some studies find a positive correlation at the cross-national level between influx of refugees and conflict in receiving countries. We contribute to this literature by experimentally manipulating information about the externalities of hosting refugees. We conducted a survey-experiment in the summer of 2014 in Turkey, a country that hosts the largest number of Syrian refugees. We examine how different messages about the possible effects of hosting refugees – increased economic burden, disruption of ethnic balance, and ties with rebels, as well as a positive message of saving innocent women and children – affect locals’ perceptions of the refugees and their attitudes towards the Turkish-Kurdish peace process. We find that some messages cause locals, especially majority non-Kurds, to hold more negative views of the refugees, and in some cases to view them as a threat. Generally speaking, this information does not affect support for the peace process within Turkey. Rather, fundamental factors, such as partisanship, and previous exposure to conflict are better predictors of attitudes towards peace.
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D'Ancona, M. A. C. "Measuring xenophobia: Social desirability and survey mode effects." Migration Studies 2, no. 2 (September 25, 2013): 255–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/migration/mnt014.
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He, Leshui, Wen Zhou, Ming He, Xuanhua Nie, and Jun He. "Openness and COVID-19 induced xenophobia: The roles of trade and migration in sustainable development." PLOS ONE 16, no. 4 (April 8, 2021): e0249579. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0249579.
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Along with the plight of the COVID-19 outbreak in 2020 come the xenophobic behaviors and hate crimes against people with Asian descent around the globe. The threat of a public health emergency catalyzed underlying xenophobic sentiments, manifesting them into racial discrimination of various degrees. With most discriminatory acts reported in liberal societies, this article investigates whether an economy more open to trade and migration can be more susceptible to xenophobia. Using our first-hand survey data of 1767 Chinese respondents residing overseas from 65 different countries during February of 2020, we adopt an instrumental variable strategy to identify the causal effect of openness to trade and migration of their residence country on the likelihood of them receiving discriminatory behaviors during the early stage of the COVID-19 outbreak. Our results show that greater openness to trade increases the likelihood of reported xenophobic behaviors, while openness to migration decreases it. On the other hand, stronger trade or immigration relationships with China are associated with less reported discrimination. And these effects primarily influence discriminatory behavior in interpersonal spaces, rather than through media outlets. Our findings highlight nuances of the effect of trade relations on the culture of a society.
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Esses, Victoria M., and Leah K. Hamilton. "Xenophobia and anti-immigrant attitudes in the time of COVID-19." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 24, no. 2 (February 2021): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430220983470.
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The devastating impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on nations and individuals has almost certainly led to increased feelings of threat and competition, heightened uncertainty, lack of control, and a rise in authoritarianism. In this paper we use social psychological and sociological theories to explore the anticipated effects on xenophobia and anti-immigrant attitudes worldwide. Based on our analysis, we discuss recommendations for further research required during the ups and downs of the pandemic, as well as during recovery. We also discuss the need for research to address how to best counteract this expected surge in xenophobia and anti-immigrant attitudes. As the pandemic persists, it will be important to systematically examine its effects on xenophobia and anti-immigrant attitudes, and to develop and implement strategies that keep these negative attitudes at bay.
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Toh, Ernest Muchu. "African Immigrant and the Struggle against Class, Racism and Xenophobic Consequences in Post-Apartheid South Africa." International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology 5, no. 7 (August 26, 2020): 1460–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.38124/ijisrt20jul837.
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This paper brings to understanding the effects of class and racism which are manifested in xenophobic attacks against foreign blacks in South Africa. Xenophobic attacks have been persistent in the country for over the last two decade. It has amongst other things slowed the economy, particularly affected the country’s relations with the African continent and tainted the image of South Africa to the entire world. These attacks turn the livelihood of Africans immigrants into a daily struggle to adapt, survive, integrate themselves and contributes to the development of the country. The article seeks to unveil the reasons South African blacks behave the way they do against their fellow Black African counterparts despite the call for African unity and solidarity also known as ‘Ubuntu’. From the findings, it demonstrates that the act of xenophobia is a manifestation of effect of mindset influenced by the apartheid policy, which was based on hatred, class, race, and violence.
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NAGAYOSHI, Kikuko. "Effects of the Split Labor Market on Xenophobia in Japan." Japanese Sociological Review 63, no. 1 (2012): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4057/jsr.63.19.
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Piatkowska, Sylwia J., and Andreas Hövermann. "A Culture of Hostility and Crime Motivated by Bias: A Cross-National Multilevel Analysis of Structural Influences." International Criminal Justice Review 29, no. 2 (April 29, 2018): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567718772332.
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This study examines the impact of macrolevel indicators of social environment on officially recorded crime motivated by racial bias and xenophobia across 44 regions in 7 European nations between 2002 and 2011. In doing so, we estimate multilevel Poisson regression growth models where time is nested within subnational units, which avoids direct comparison of biased crime across different nations. We test the utility of various theoretical frameworks that have proven to be of relevance in explaining crime motivated by bias. The results reveal that the role of a hostile social climate is of particular interest, as xenophobic and racially motivated crimes are higher in regions with higher levels of anti-immigrant sentiment and higher levels of ethnic discrimination, in line with the “Doing Difference” approach developed by Perry. Consistent with the Power-Differential Hypothesis and Group Contact Theory, xenophobic and racially motivated crime rates are negatively associated with the percentage of the foreign-born population. Finally, the results reveal that xenophobic and racially motivated crime rates are higher in regions with lower levels of social integration, which is congruent with social disorganization theory. We conclude with a discussion of the effects of social climate on crime motivated by bias.
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Baker, Joseph O., Samuel L. Perry, and Andrew L. Whitehead. "Keep America Christian (and White): Christian Nationalism, Fear of Ethnoracial Outsiders, and Intention to Vote for Donald Trump in the 2020 Presidential Election." Sociology of Religion 81, no. 3 (2020): 272–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socrel/sraa015.
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Abstract Some of the strongest predictors of voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election were Christian nationalism and antipathy toward Muslims and immigrants. We examine the interrelated influence of these three factors on Americans’ intentions to vote for Trump in 2020. Consistent with previous research, Christian nationalism and Islamophobia remained strong and significant predictors of intention to vote for Trump; however, the effect of xenophobia was stronger. Further, xenophobia and Islamophobia significantly and substantially mediated the effects of Christian nationalism. Consequently, though Christian nationalism remains theoretically and empirically distinct as a cultural framework, its influence on intending to vote for Trump in 2020 is intimately connected to fears about ethnoracial outsiders. In the penultimate year before Trump’s reelection campaign, the strongest predictors of supporting Trump, in order of magnitude, were political party, xenophobia, identifying as African American (negative), political ideology, Christian nationalism, and Islamophobia.
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Peterson, Johnathan C., Frank J. Gonzalez, and Stephen P. Schneider. "Effects of disease salience and xenophobia on support for humanitarian aid." Politics and the Life Sciences 36, no. 2 (2017): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2017.24.
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This article examines how disease salience influences attitudes toward two types of humanitarian aid: sending foreign aid and housing refugees. Some have argued that disease salience increases levels of out-group prejudice through what is referred to as the behavioral immune system (BIS), and this increase in out-group prejudice works to shape policy attitudes. However, an alternative mechanism that may explain the effects of disease salience is contamination fear, which would suggest there is no group bias in the effects of disease threat. Existing work largely interprets opposition to policies that assist out-groups as evidence of out-group prejudice. We suggest it is necessary to separate measures of out-group animosity from opinions toward specific policies to determine whether increased out-group prejudice rather than fear of contamination is the mechanism by which disease salience impacts policy attitudes. Across two experiments, disease salience is shown to significantly decrease support for humanitarian aid, but only in the form of refugee support. Furthermore, there is converging evidence to suggest that any influence of disease salience on aid attitudes is not caused by a corresponding increase in xenophobia. We suggest that the mechanism by which disease threat influences policy attitudes is a general fear of contamination rather than xenophobia. These findings go against an important hypothesized mechanism of the BIS and have critical implications for the relationship between disease salience and attitudes toward transnational policies involving humanitarian aid.
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Choi, Jung Ha, and Young Hwa Kim. "The Effects of Family Factors on the Xenophobia of Primary School Students." Multicultural Education Review 6, no. 4 (December 31, 2013): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.14328/mes.2013.12.31.79.
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Johansson, Susanne. "Innovative Methods and Models of Collaboration in the Field of Pedagogical Prevention of Xenophobia, Anti-Semitism and Right-wing Extremism: Chances and Perspectives for a Better Cooperation between Formal and Non-formal Education in Germany." Socialinė teorija, empirija, politika ir praktika 7 (January 1, 2013): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/stepp.2013.0.1394.
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German Youth Institute (Deutsches Jugendinstitut e.V.),Franckeplatz 1, Hs. 12-12, D-06110 Halle, Germany.Tel.: +49-345-6817828. E-Mail: johansson@dji.de Xenophobic, anti-Semitic and right-wing extremist attitudes continue to pose a serious problem and an ongoing challenge among German youth. Since problematic attitudes and risk groups change with time and according to political circumstances and social change, there is a constant need for the development of new practices and the innovative adaption of existing strategies of pedagogical prevention. Evaluations of German government model programs aimed at the pedagogical prevention of xenophobia, anti-Semitism and right-wing extremism show that sustainable prevention effects can be reached on the basis of productive cooperation between formal and non-formal educators. In order to improve their efforts toward prevention and cooperation, both partners have to refine their collaborative models and their methodology as well as to react better to changes in the composition of groups of participants and students in a society characterized by immigration and globalization.Key words: right-wing extremism, xenophobia, evaluation, prevention, non-formal education.Novatoriški bendradarbiavimo metodaiirmodeliaiksenofobijos, antisemitizmo ir dešiniojo ekstremizmo pedagoginėje prevencijoje: geresnio bendradarbiavimo tarp formalaus ir neformalaus ugdymo galimybės ir perspektyvos VokietijojeSusanne JohanssonSantraukaKsenofobija, antisemitizmas, dešinysis ekstremizmas yra rimtos Vokietijos jaunimo problemos. Socialiniai ir politiniai pokyčiai sukuria naujų ideologijų ir socialinių grupių. Siekiant spręsti atsirandančias problemas, pedagoginės prevencijos praktikos turi būti atnaujinamos, vystomos. Vokietijos valstybinių ksenofobijos, antisemitizmo ir dešiniojo ekstremizmo pedagoginės prevencijos programų įvertinimas rodo, kad tvarią prevenciją galima pasiekti produktyviai bendradarbiaujant formaliems ir neformaliems ugdytojams. Norėdami pagerinti bendradarbiavimą, formalūs ir neformalūs ugdytojai turi pakeisti savo bendradarbiavimo ir darbo metodų modelius.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: dešinysis ekstremizmas, ksenofobija, įvertinimas, prevencija, neformalus ugdymas.
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Choane, Mamokhosi, Lukong Stella Shulika, and Mandla Mthombeni. "An Analysis of the Causes, Effects and Ramifications of Xenophobia in South Africa." Insight on Africa 3, no. 2 (July 2011): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087814411138.
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Kim, Ki Soo, and Sang Yeol Lee. "A Study on the Effects of Crime Occur in Multicultural Society on Xenophobia." Korean Security Science Review 66 (March 31, 2021): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.36623/kssr.2021.66.5.
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Sychev, O. A., and E. V. Zhikhareva. "Moral Foundations vs. Extremist Attitudes in University Students." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 22, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 185–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2020-22-1-185-193.
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The paper features relations between extremist attitudes and moral sphere. The study was based on J. Haidt’s Moral Foundations Theory. Most researchers are interested in the problem of right-wing extremist attitudes, e.g. xenophobia, nationalism, religious fanaticism, authoritarianism, etc. However, the existing evidence of the link between such attitudes and some particularities of the moral sphere doesn't take into account modern psychological approaches toward moral. On the basis of moral foundations theory, the authors hypothesized that binding moral foundations may be linked with rightwing extremist attitudes. This hypothesis was tested on 397 university students (women – 83 %). The participants answered the Moral Foundations Questionnaire by J. Graham et al. and Young Men Extremist Attitudes Questionnaire by K. V. Zlokazov. The results of the correlation analysis showed that individualizing moral foundations (Harm and Fairness) were inversely correlated with right-wing extremist attitudes, while binding moral foundations (Loyalty and Authority) showed direct correlation. Such moral foundation as Sanctity showed contradictory correlations with extremist attitudes. Using structure linear modeling the authors demonstrated the significant impact of two moral foundations (Authority and Harm) on extremist attitudes. Authority was associated with a relatively high level of religious fanaticism, xenophobia, and authoritarianism. Care was associated with a low level of fanaticism, xenophobia, and nationalism. The obtained results proved that such violencecondemning values as care and harm avoidance oppose right-wing extremist attitudes. However, such values as respect for authorities and traditions may have potentially negative side effects, e.g. justification and support of right-wing extremist attitudes.
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Zhuravskaya, Ekaterina, Maria Petrova, and Ruben Enikolopov. "Political Effects of the Internet and Social Media." Annual Review of Economics 12, no. 1 (August 2, 2020): 415–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-081919-050239.
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How do the Internet and social media affect political outcomes? We review empirical evidence from the recent political economy literature, focusing primarily on work that considers traits that distinguish the Internet and social media from traditional off-line media, such as low barriers to entry and reliance on user-generated content. We discuss the main results about the effects of the Internet in general, and social media in particular, on voting, street protests, attitudes toward government, political polarization, xenophobia, and politicians’ behavior. We also review evidence on the role of social media in the dissemination of fake news, and we summarize results about the strategies employed by autocratic regimes to censor the Internet and to use social media for surveillance and propaganda. We conclude by highlighting open questions about how the Internet and social media shape politics in democracies and autocracies.
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Krause, Elizabeth L., and Massimo Bressan. "Viral Encounters: Xenophobia, Solidarity, and Place-based Lessons from Chinese Migrants in Italy." Human Organization 79, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/1938-3525-79.4.259.
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Migrant and refugee populations have been identified as among the most vulnerable to COVID-19 due to what medical anthropologists have described as structural vulnerability. We argue significant differences exist between migrant groups and offer lessons for society at large. We develop the concept of viral encounters to frame an analysis of social narratives, representations, and practices involved in coping with threats of transmission and practices of prevention. Specifically, the globalized city of Prato offers a case study due to its unique relationship with COVID-19. Instead of a COVID-19 epicenter, however, Prato emerged as a contagion exception particularly as related to its Chinese migrant community. We use a place-based framework to argue that the threat of xenophobia, preparedness with quarantine, and the will of solidarity motivated an entire migrant community to take action—well before the nationwide lockdown began and extending beyond its conclusion. We combine virtual ethnography with health data as well as evidence of xenophobia and solidarity to offer an analysis. We argue that the effects of solidarity reconfigure dominant ideologies of individualism, open space for collective orientation toward a human economy, and offer potential to alleviate detrimental impacts of pandemics.
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Toussaint, Michael. "Defining Caymanian Identity: The Effects of Globalization, Economics and Xenophobia on Caymanian Culture by Christopher A. Williams." Journal of Caribbean History 51, no. 2 (2017): 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jch.2017.0012.
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Skurjat, Krystyna. "Safety Culture in Functional and Axiological Approach." Security Dimensions 35, no. 35 (March 31, 2021): 166–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.8245.
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It still remains an open problem as to which directions and methods are necessary to choose in the situations of risk, xenophobia, and intolerance, so as to settle disputes and resolve conflicts; it should be done in such a way as to have the desired social effects and to properly implement moral principles, including responsibility for the real future of one’s own, of one’s community, and of the whole human species. The author justifies the position that the processes of transformation of the social order should take a more remarkable account of the requirements of safety culture and praxeology recommendations.
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Tabili, Laura. "The Construction of Racial Difference in Twentieth-Century Britain: The Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925." Journal of British Studies 33, no. 1 (January 1994): 54–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386044.
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In the course of the past several decades, scholars have exposed Black people's long history of life and work in Britain, but their approaches to racial conflict have slighted the historical contingency of racial difference itself. Black workers have been presented as logical, visible scapegoats in an otherwise homogeneous working class, and interracial hostility as an ineluctable product of economic or sexual competition between two mutually exclusive and naturally antagonistic groups of working men. Scholars examining Black people's experience in Britain under the rubric “immigrants and minorities” have placed particular emphasis on racial conflicts, xenophobia, and prejudice, which they see as evidence of “traditions of intolerance” widespread in British society. Such interpretations leave unchallenged the assumption that racial or ethnic hostility is latent in social relations, resurfacing in any crisis. Whatever the intentions of their authors, such assumptions can all too easily be used to justify rather than to combat conflict and exclusion.Intolerance, bigotry, prejudice, moreover, are not explanations for racial or ethnic conflict: in themselves they require explanation. In focusing on “attitudes,” and behaviors, these works neglect to examine the structural underpinnings of popular racism and xenophobia—in particular the ways that Black and white working people were positioned in relation to each other within a system also riven by class, gender, skill, and other power dynamics. What many scholars have taken for granted, indeed, is the objective or fixed quality of racial difference itself and its inexorably divisive effects.
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Hrynkiewicz, Radosław. "THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF EQUALITY AND THE PROHIBITION OF DISCRIMINATION IN THE ACTIVITIES OF THE OMBUDSMAN AS AN INDEPENDENT AUTHORITY FOR EQUAL TREATMENT." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa specjalny, no. XIX (December 30, 2019): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.1008.
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The article is aimed at explaining and defining the activities of the Ombudsman (the Commissioner for Human Rights) as an independent authority for equal treatment. In Poland, as well as in European countries, the issue of equal treatment and preventing discrimination is becoming more and more of a social, legislative and also political challenge. On account of the growing tendency to intensify behavior such as hate speech, xenophobia, racism, chauvinism and discrimination, it is necessary to take more effective steps at various levels in order to limit this phenomenon. It is vital to initiate and support information policy on legal effects, consequences and the impact of this type of behavior on the society to an even greater extent. The Ombudsman plays the fundamental and leading role among a number of institutions and organizations that actively support the policy of preventing such phenomena.
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Box, Richard C. "Authoritarian populism in the US: context and continuity in a post-truth era." Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0003.
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Abstract An enduring theme in US politics is tension between people on the right who favour limited government that serves individual and elite interests and people on the left who prefer active government with emphasis on a broader public interest. Recently, the political landscape has shifted from the dominant ideology of neoliberalism toward a far-right authoritarian populism with parallels to mid-20th century fascism. This shift appears in regressive societal characteristics - such as xenophobia, racism, homophobia, and misogyny - that were thought to have diminished in an increasingly progressive 21 st century. An argument can be made that authoritarian populism is a continuation of longstanding patterns of elite influence, in which regressive elements serve as techniques to distract the public from the governing economic agenda. The essay examines this phenomenon and explores potential future effects on US society.
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Spinks, A. C., M. J. O'Riain, and D. A. Polakow. "Intercolonial encounters and xenophobia in the common mole rat, Cryptomys hottentotus hottentotus (Bathyergidae): the effects of aridity, sex, and reproductive status." Behavioral Ecology 9, no. 4 (1998): 354–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/beheco/9.4.354.
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VILLAVICENCIO, ADRIANA, CHANDLER PATTON MIRANDA, JIA-LIN LIU, and HUA-YU SEBASTIAN CHERNG. "“What’s Going to Happen to Us?” Cultivating Partnerships with Immigrant Families in an Adverse Political Climate." Harvard Educational Review 91, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/1943-5045-91.3.293.
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With the increasing numbers of immigrant and refugee students across the US K–12 system, the xenophobia of the current political climate, and the effects of COVID-19 on the immigrant community, it is critical to examine schools that serve immigrant students and their families. Drawing on case studies of two public high schools that exclusively serve immigrant students, authors Adriana Villavicencio, Chandler Patton Miranda, Jia-Lin Liu, and Hua-Yu Sebastian Cherng examine how educators frame the current political context and how this frame informs their collective approach to engaging with and supporting families. The study finds that these schools shifted norms of parental engagement by proactively forging relationships with families, cultivating alliances with community partners, and mediating within families around challenges related to work and higher education to benefit the communities they serve. In so doing, these school actors have shifted the norms of parental engagement to center the perspectives, voices, and experiences of immigrant families.
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Dhanani, Lindsay Y., and Berkeley Franz. "Why public health framing matters: An experimental study of the effects of COVID-19 framing on prejudice and xenophobia in the United States." Social Science & Medicine 269 (January 2021): 113572. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2020.113572.
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Furlong, Y., and T. Finnie. "Culture counts: the diverse effects of culture and society on mental health amidst COVID-19 outbreak in Australia." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 37, no. 3 (May 14, 2020): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2020.37.
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Since COVID-19 first emerged internationally, Australia has applied a number of public health measures to counter the disease’ epidemiology. The public heath response has been effective in virus testing, diagnosing and treating patients with COVID-19. The imposed strict border restrictions and social distancing played a vital role in reducing positive cases via community transmission resulting in ‘flattening of the curve’. Now is too soon to assess the impact of COVID-19 on people’s mental health, as it will be determined by both short- and long-term consequences of exposure to stress, uncertainty, loss of control, loneliness and isolation. The authors explored cultural and societal influences on mental health during the current pandemic utilising Geert Hofstede’s multidimensional construct of culture and determined psychological and cultural factors that foster resilience. We also reflected on the psychological impact of the pandemic on the individual and the group at large by utilising Michel Foucault’ and Jacques Lacan’ psychoanalytic theories. Remote Aboriginal Australian communities have been identified as a high-risk subpopulation in view of their unique vulnerabilities owing to their compromised health status, in addition to historical, systemic and cultural factors. Historically, Australia has prided itself in its multiculturalism; however, there has been evidence of an increase in racial microaggressions and xenophobia during this pandemic. Australia’s model of cultural awareness will need to evolve, from reactionary to more reflective, post COVID-19 pandemic to best serve our multicultural, inclusive and integrated society.
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Abbasian, Saeid. "Good Idea But Not Here! A Pilot Study of Swedish Tourism Stakeholders’ Perceptions of Halal Tourism." Sustainability 13, no. 5 (March 2, 2021): 2646. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13052646.
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The following study is the first Swedish study on Halal tourism in Sweden. The purpose of this exploratory research is to get insight into the perception of Halal tourism in Sweden among representatives of tourism stakeholders. The overall methodology approach in this research is qualitative, consisting of 25 qualitative questionnaires, 21 short letters, four follow-up interviews, and a web observation, and content analysis was employed. The results indicate that there is a low knowledge of Halal tourism in Sweden including Swedish tourism industry. The concept is very challenging, and profits are low. It might result in problem scenarios such as detrimental effects on non-Halal tourism, cultural difficulties and increased risk of xenophobia, anti-Islamism, and tension in the society. There is low interest for Sweden among Muslim tourists as the interest and priority for Halal tourism is rather low from Swedish tourism industry. Despite Halal tourism’s importance internationally, these representatives are rather cautious and doubtful about promotion of Sweden towards this niche. Still, a majority seems to be positive to a lighter version of Muslim-friendly tourism with secular/moderate Muslims as a target group.
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Chu, Jou-Juo. "From Incorporation to Exclusion: The Employment Experience of Taiwanese Urban Aborigines." China Quarterly 164 (December 2000): 1025–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019287.
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The racial or ethnic division between aborigines and the predominant Han Chinese had seldom been considered a significant factor in shaping Taiwan's labour forces before the late 1970s. Even though the aboriginal urban migrants felt isolated or discriminated against in the urban neighbourhood and the workplace, most grievances remained at the individual level. The discontent did not become a public issue until the introduction of foreign workers was made a legal measure to relieve labour shortages. This article is concerned with the way urban aborigines have been first incorporated into and then excluded from the employment structure of Taiwanese society in the process of industrialization. A brief look at the two waves of aboriginal urban migration is accompanied by a description of the characteristics of the jobs to which most urban aborigines were recruited. The article then examines one of the major effects of globalization on the sub-proletariatization of urban aborigines through the medium of the 1989 foreign imported labour policy. Urban aboriginal opposition to the importation of foreign workers started with the deprivation of their job opportunities and then developed into a feeling of xenophobia which encouraged the formation of a pan-aboriginal consciousness in pursuit of political rectification of their long-ignored subordinate and disadvantageous position in terms of citizenship.
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Malanski, Daniel. "Cannibals, Colorful Birds, and Exuberant Nature: The Representation of Brazilian Nationalism and Its Tropical Modernity in the 2016 Rio Olympics." Journal of Sport and Social Issues 44, no. 2 (November 21, 2019): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193723519889344.
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Hosting the Olympics is a singular opportunity to build an updated narrative of the nation. Such a narrative is traditionally intended to emphasize the hosting country contributions toward the modern project through the displaying of key nationalistic accounts linking the country’s history to the development of western society. In the case of the 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympics, its organizing committee has sought into Brazil’s history different elements that were central to both the formation of Brazilian identity and the discussion over current global issues. Therefore, the country’s enduring relation with nature as well as national narratives such as modernist Anthropophagy, the discourse of ethnic miscegenation, and the myth of Brazil as a racial democracy became historical credentials to use environmentalism and tolerance as the paramount features of Rio-2016’s aesthetics as well as a means to denounce xenophobia and the effects of the Anthropocene on the planet. We argue that the exposition of these two issues in the event’s ceremonies was a way to symbolically insert the country within modernity’s forefront. In this article, we examine the sociopolitical aspects that led to the creation and popularization of Brazilian nationalistic narratives that were later used during the Rio 2016 opening ceremony and the ways such aspects were internationally conveyed during the aforementioned theatrical presentation.
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Lee, Po-Han. "A Pluralist Approach to ‘the International’ and Human Rights for Sexual and Gender Minorities." Feminist Review 128, no. 1 (July 2021): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01417789211015333.
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Queer theorists have considered the problems concerning the political strategy of using LGBT rights to justify racist xenophobia and using homo/transphobia to consolidate heterosexist nationalism. Their timely interventions are important in exposing state violence in the name of human rights and sovereign equality, but they have offered no alternative. They may also have reinforced the assumption of state science. This assumption is based on a trinity structure of the nation-state-sovereignty of ‘modern, self-determining men’, who are against each other and thereby co-built the so-called ‘international’. State-centric internationalism produces exclusionary effects that undermine the rights of sexual and gender minorities. To address this, I first consider the debate over ‘LGBT rights as human rights’, and identify two types of cultural relativism (epistemological and political) as the categories to formulate a decolonial response to the debate. In this article, queer political theorising is pushed forward to: 1) critically evaluate universalism, 2) differentiate cultural relativism (opposing the political version of it) and 3) revise the epistemological version with decolonial-queer praxis. I propose a pluralist approach to sovereignty and human rights; informed by this approach, the lack of international consensus is remedied by recognising the polyvocality within transnational queer activism beyond the monopoly of states’ representation of their own peoples. This proposal also aims to decentre modern statecraft from the political imagination of contemporary international studies scholarship.
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Cheah, Isaac, and Ian Phau. "Effects of “owned by” versus “made in” for willingness to buy Australian brands." Marketing Intelligence & Planning 33, no. 3 (May 5, 2015): 444–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mip-01-2014-0016.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of economic nationalism and consumer ethnocentrism in the form of country of origin (COO) cues specifically “Made in […]” and “Owned by […]” on the product judgement of bi-national wine brands (brands with multiple country affiliations). Further, the role of consumer product knowledge is examined as a moderator of these xenophobia attitudes. Design/methodology/approach – A self-administered questionnaire was designed using established scales. A convenience sample was drawn from participants attending a major wine trade exhibition in Western Australia and university students. A variety of statistical techniques were used to analyse the data. Findings – High levels of economic nationalism and anti-foreign sentiment was so strong that respondents did not want products that had any association with a foreign country, regardless of whether the products are directly or indirectly related to a foreign origin. This suggests that Australian consumers are not any more receptive to bi-national brands; as such domestic affiliations have not diluted the economic nationalistic sentiment. Further, results confirm that Australian consumers use COO cues as part of wine evaluations. Consumers with low product knowledge are likely to rely on extrinsic country cues to reinforce their brand evaluation, whereas consumers who are more knowledgeable are found to base evaluations on intrinsic attributes rather than extrinsic cues. Research limitations/implications – Only respondents from Perth, Western Australia were chosen, thus limiting the representativeness of the sample. Other cultural contexts and product categories based on a larger sample size should be investigated in the future. Practical implications – This research provides useful consumer insights and new market entry implications in terms of advertising and branding strategies for international wine manufacturers and distributors who wish to expand globally. In addition, there are managerial implications for domestic market where local retailers, merchandisers, importers can avoid importing products originating from offending countries and take on opportunity to exploit and promote “buy domestic campaigns”. Originality/value – Conceptually, this study extends the existing COO literature by introducing bi-national brands into the model; expanding on country of ownership appeals in evaluating bi-national brands; and identifying the correlation between the economic nationalism and consumer ethnocentrism constructs. Further, this research can significantly help wine marketers to develop more effective positioning strategies. It will also help in the development of pricing and promotional decisions.
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ЗУЕНКО, Иван Юрьевич. "Пандемия коронавируса и российско-китайское региональное сотрудничество." Известия Восточного института 46, no. 2 (2020): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/2542-1611/2020-2/15-28.
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Статья посвящена анализу эффектов, которые по состоянию на начало мая 2020 г. оказала пандемия коронавируса COVID‐19 на российско-китайское приграничье. Негативные эффекты пандемии оказались в целом ниже, чем это можно было ожидать, учитывая географическую близость и протяжённость границы. В то же время приостановление трансграничных контактов заметно затормозило развитие ряда интеграционных процессов: в частности, отброшен назад переговорный процесс по либерализации визового режима; сократились российская община в Китае и китайская община в России; нанесён удар по туристической отрасли. Ключевые слова: Китай, Северо-Восточный Китай, Дальний Восток, коронавирус, интеграция, ксенофобия The article is dedicated to the analysis of the effects of coronavirus (COVID‐19) pandemic on the processes in the Russo-Chinese borderlands (border regions of Russian Far East and China’s north-eastern provinces) as of May, 1, 2020. The author believes that it is possible to draw some interim conclusions about the situation, despite its high dynamics and unpredictability. According to these conclusions, the pandemic’s negative effects on the social situation and development at the Russo-Chinese border appeared to be less than one could expect – that fact undermines little interdependence between border regions and low intensity of cross-border contacts. Expectations by some Western experts, who believed that tensions between people across the border due to the pandemic spreading would break Russo-Chinese quasi-alliance, seem to be missed as well. Quite the opposite, worsening of contradictions between Washington and Beijing makes Russia and China get closer and closer. Meanwhile, sealing off the border puts a break on development of certain integration processes: liberalization of visa-regime, development of expats communities in both Russia and China. China, North-Eastern China, Russian Far East, coronavirus, integration, xenophobia
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Vescio, Theresa K., and Nathaniel E. C. Schermerhorn. "Hegemonic masculinity predicts 2016 and 2020 voting and candidate evaluations." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 2 (January 4, 2021): e2020589118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2020589118.
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This work examined whether the endorsement of the culturally idealized form of masculinity—hegemonic masculinity (HM)—accounted for unique variance in men’s and women’s support for Donald Trump across seven studies (n = 2,007). Consistent with our theoretical backdrop, in the days (Studies 1 and 2) and months (Studies 3 through 6) following the 2016 American presidential election, women’s and men’s endorsement of HM predicted voting for and evaluations of Trump, over and above political party affiliation, gender, race, and education. These effects held when controlling for respondents’ trust in the government, in contrast to a populist explanation of support for Trump. In addition, as conceptualized, HM was associated with less trust in the government (Study 3), more sexism (Study 4), more racism (Study 5), and more xenophobia (Study 6) but continued to predict unique variance in evaluations of Trump when controlling for each of these factors. Whereas HM predicted evaluations of Trump, across studies, social and prejudiced attitudes predicted evaluations of his democratic challengers: Clinton in 2016 and Biden in 2020. We replicate the findings of Studies 1 through 6 using a nationally representative sample of the United States (Study 7) 50 days prior to the 2020 presidential election. The findings highlight the importance of psychological examinations of masculinity as a cultural ideology to understand how men’s and women’s endorsement of HM legitimizes patriarchal dominance and reinforces gender, race, and class-based hierarchies via candidate support.
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Betts, Paul. "1989 At Thirty: A Recast Legacy*." Past & Present 244, no. 1 (July 13, 2019): 271–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz016.
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Abstract These days 1989 isn't what it used to be. Not so long ago the wildfire revolutions that swept across Eastern Europe during that momentous year were routinely celebrated as the grand victory of liberal democracy over Soviet-style communism. However, recent developments in Poland, Hungary and elsewhere on the continent which in various ways all invoked 1989, either as inspiration or negative foil, behove us to reconsider the effects of that fateful year in Central Europe from a different perspective. The rise of xenophobia, resurgent populist politics on both the Radical Right and the Left, as well as the spread of ‘illiberal democracy’ across Europe, the US and elsewhere have predictably generated great alarm. Plenty of commentary on the comeback of authoritarian anti-liberalism in Central Europe has claimed that we are witnessing a kind of ‘return of the repressed,’ a dangerous repudiation of the golden principles of 1989 three decades after the uprisings. But construing recent developments in Central Europe as simply an anti-1989 backlash does not get us very far, not least because the unrest of 1989 carried within it the seeds of illiberalism as well. With distance, the inheritance of the ‘revolutionary autumn’ appears more mixed and precarious, and much harder to classify than it once was. Like all revolutions, 1989 brought in its train a mixed bag of dreams and disappointments, stark ruptures and stubborn continuities, and this article revisits some of the grey and even darker tones of the inheritance.
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Oliveira, Abílio, Sérgio Moro, and Pedro Torres. "Psychological Contract, Internal Branding and Employee Turnover in an IT Company." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2019-0001.
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Abstract We are living in a time of huge competitiveness, where many institutions fight hard for their survival. Unemployment, exclusion, xenophobia, poverty and disrespect towards nature and our peers are causing unbearable impact to humanity. This situation is challenging us to retrieve and keep alive the true values, without any distinction of cultures, religions and ways of thinking. Only this way we can contribute to a fairer, inclusive and better society. A corporation can contribute to the employees' well-being, personal and professional fulfillment. The present study is focused in the employee turnover and how it is affected by the internal branding and the psychological contract, in a company of informatic services – in which we mainly considered its organization and human resources. So, we aimed to contribute to the understanding of: internal branding and psychological contract, and their interrelation; effects of internal branding and psychological contract in employees; the turnover (common in this company of informatics services). A questionnaire was developed to measure the internal branding and employees' psychological contract. We used several statistical techniques to analyze the data, namely, descriptive statistics analysis, factorial analysis in principal components, comparison of means and correlations among the resulting dimensions. Findings reveal low values for the internal branding and psychological contract, although, men feel slightly more satisfied with their situation than women. A positive association was found between the internal branding and the psychological contract, admitted as a possible cause of turnover. Anyway, results denote an insufficient concern of the company towards its human resources.
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Nelson, Wendy, and Johannes M. Luetz. "The Impact of Short-Term Cross-Cultural Experience on the Intercultural Competence of Participating Students: A Case Study of Australian High School Students." Social Sciences 10, no. 8 (August 19, 2021): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10080313.
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Over recent years, globalisation occasioned a dramatic rise in cross-cultural interactions until this was disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic. The ability to competently engage in a multicultural world is often considered the “literacy of the future”. Global interconnectedness has brought studies into intercultural competence to centre stage. This has increased the demand for cross-cultural education experiences that facilitate such learning. However, there is a dearth of empirical research into the issues and effects surrounding short-term cross-cultural educational experiences for adolescents. This mixed-methods study extends previous research by looking specifically into what impact short-term cross-cultural experiences may have on the formation of intercultural competence (IC) and emotional intelligence (EI) of Australian high school students. This study used two instruments for measuring IC and EI in a pre- and post-test quasi-experimental design (n = 14), the General Ethnocentrism (GENE) Scale and Toronto Empathy Questionnaire (TEQ). Moreover, it conducted in-depth post-experience qualitative interviews (n = 7) that broadly followed a phenomenological paradigm of inquiry. The findings suggest that fully embodied cross-cultural immersive experiences can effectively support the formation of IC and EI in high school students and may thereby play a contributing role in redressing ignorance, xenophobia, prejudice, and discrimination. A greater understanding of the linkages between immersive cross-cultural experiences and intercultural competence offers prospects for policymakers, educators, pastoral carers, and other relevant stakeholders who might employ such experiential learning to foster more interculturally and interracially harmonious human relations.
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Mukhtar, Sonia. "Psychological health during the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic outbreak." International Journal of Social Psychiatry 66, no. 5 (May 21, 2020): 512–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020764020925835.
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Background: The current ongoing pandemic outbreak of COVID-19 (Coronavirus Disease 2019) has globally affected 213 countries and territories with more than 2.5 million confirmed cases and thousands of casualties. The unpredictable and uncertain COVID-19 outbreak has the potential of adversely affecting the psychological health on individual and community level. Currently all efforts are focused on the understanding of epidemiology, clinical features, mode of transmission, counteract the spread of the virus, and challenges of global health, while crucially significant mental health has been overlooked in this endeavor. Method: This review is to evaluate past outbreaks to understand the extent of adverse effects on psychological health, psychological crisis intervention, and mental health management plans. Published previous and current articles on PubMed, EMBASE, Google Scholar, and Elsevier about psychological impact of infectious diseases outbreaks and COVID-19 has been considered and reviewed. Comments: COVID-19 is leading to intense psychosocial issues and comprising mental health marking a secondary health concern all around the world. Globally implementing preventive and controlling measures, and cultivating coping and resilience are challenging factors; modified lifestyle (lockdown curfew, self-isolation, social distancing and quarantine); conspiracy theories, misinformation and disinformation about the origin, scale, signs, symptoms, transmission, prevention and treatment; global socioeconomic crisis; travel restrictions; workplace hazard control; postponement and cancellation of religious, sports, cultural and entertainment events; panic buying and hoarding; incidents of racism, xenophobia, discrimination, stigma, psychological pressure of productivity, marginalization and violence; overwhelmed medical centers and health organizations, and general impact on education, politics, socioeconomic, culture, environment and climate – are some of the risk factors to aggravate further problems.
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Girmay, Mehrete, and Gopal K. Singh. "Social Isolation, Loneliness, and Mental and Emotional Well-being among International Students in the United States." International Journal of Translational Medical Research and Public Health 3, no. 2 (August 13, 2019): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21106/ijtmrph.82.
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Background: Loneliness and social isolation have the ability to affect an individual's mental and physical health. With research linking both to morbidity and premature mortality, their effects must be viewed as important public health problems. Loneliness and social isolation can be especially pronounced in the international student community, particularly at the university level, as this population encounters challenges assimilating to their host university, surrounding community, and host country. This study explores the risks and sociocultural factors associated with loneliness, social isolation, and psychological distress with regards to the overall adjustment of international students.
Methods: In this qualitative, narrative case study, 10 international graduate students at a university in the United States participated in two focus group sessions followed by individual interviews. Thematic areas and topics were identified using Barrer's three models of social support. Study was completed between December 2016 and September 2017.
Results: All of the participants shared that they had experienced loneliness and social isolation at some point during their acculturative process resulting in perceived xenophobia and a sense of insincerity on behalf of domestic students when attempting to forge connections. For some, these experiences elicited feelings of depression, a disinterest in building connections with domestic students, and in attending social events held on campus and within the community, further exacerbating feelings of loneliness and social isolation.
Conclusions and Implications for Translation: Results shed light on the impact that poor acculturation can have on the student's mental and physical health and how bridges between the international and non-international communities can be built and more importantly, sustained. There is a critical need for more effort to be focused on attending to both the mental and physical health needs of migrant students during their stay at the host university.
Key words: • Acculturation • Social Isolation • Loneliness • Mental Health • International • Student
Copyright © 2019 Girmay and Singh. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Com- mons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
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Oyelana, Akeem Adewale. "Effects of Xenophobic Attacks on the Economic Development of South Africa." Journal of Social Sciences 46, no. 3 (March 2016): 282–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718923.2016.11893536.
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Pérez, Efrén O. "Xenophobic Rhetoric and Its Political Effects on Immigrants and Their Co-Ethnics." American Journal of Political Science 59, no. 3 (December 30, 2014): 549–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12131.
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LOSHENIUK, Oksana. "IMPROVING THE TOOLS OF THE STATE MIGRATION POLICY IN UKRAINE." WORLD OF FINANCE, no. 3(52) (2017): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/sf2017.03.147.
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Introduction. The study of the problem of international labor migration in Ukraine indicates the need for strategic planning and creation of such a state economic policy that would take into account as much as possible the interests of the country, its absolute and comparative advantages, and also approach to world standards. Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze the global trends of migration flows and the peculiarities of international labor migration in Ukraine in order to determine the priority directions of their regulation. Results. In this article the issue of regulation of international labor migration in Ukraine are investigated. The principles are analyzed and the main objectives of the Concept of the State Migration Policy in Ukraine (ensuring sustainable socio-economic and demographic development; satisfaction of the needs of the country’s economy in the human resources of the proper quality and in sufficient quantity; reduction of population losses due to emigration; protection of rights and interests of Ukrainian migrants abroad, development of close ties with them, use of the potential of diasporas in the interests of Ukraine’s development; the return of migrant workers, the creation of attractive conditions for the use of their currency savings in small and medium-sized enterprises, agriculture, housing construction, etc.; promotion of the repatriation of ethnic Ukrainians and their descendants, who come from other nationalities in Ukraine, that is, close to the language and culture of the population; a metered expansion of the admission of certain categories of economic immigrants on a temporary basis, the development of mechanisms that would enable, in accordance with certain criteria, the conversion of their temporary status into permanent; the attraction and effective use of private money transfers sent by migrants; adaptation of foreign migrants to socio-economic conditions in Ukraine, prevention of racism and xenophobia) are specified. Positive and negative effects of money transfers of migrants to Ukraine are presented. It is substantiated that the use of electronic payment systems (PayPal, WebMoney) will be an effective tool for reducing the cost of transfer. The experience of Poland in the sphere of regulation of immigration flows has been analyzed and it has been shown that its migration policy after the entry into the EU was aimed at the active involvement of emigrants, primarily from Ukraine and Belarus. The complex of directions on regulation of international labor migration has been formed and the tools of their implementation have been developed. Conclusion. Improving the tools of the state migration policy in Ukraine lies in the implementation of a more stringent immigration policy; attraction of labor migrants ready to invest in the economy of the country and foreign students on a paid basis; increasing the level of adaptation of international immigrants; the reduction of emigration (especially young people), the attraction of private money transfers and their implementation into the economy of Ukraine and the regulation of foreign employment of Ukrainian citizens.
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Debney, Ben. "George Morgan and Scott Poynting (eds) Global Islamophobia: Muslims and Moral Panic in the West. London: Ashgate." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 4, no. 3 (October 5, 2015): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v4i3.256.
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Previous to 2001, Islam was a mere flicker on the radar of popular xenophobic paranoia. A decade and a half and the world’s first global moral panic later, this situation has changed entirely, apparently by design. As the editors of Global Islamophobia point out, the Terror Scare has elevated Muslims to ‘transnational folk devil,’ foisting the logic of ‘if you think for yourselves the terrorists win’ on the public realm in the name of defending democratic values. The paradoxical character of the generally destructive effects of this Terror Scare on democratic culture remains hard to miss, not least given the rhetoric about western values that tends to accompany much of the debate.Download the PDF file from this page to read Ben Debney's complete review of George Mirgan and Scott Poynting's edited book.
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Inglehart, Ronald, and Pippa Norris. "Trump and the Populist Authoritarian Parties: The Silent Revolution in Reverse." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2017): 443–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000111.
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Growing up taking survival for granted makes people more open to new ideas and more tolerant of outgroups. Insecurity has the opposite effect, stimulating an Authoritarian Reflex in which people close ranks behind strong leaders, with strong in-group solidarity, rejection of outsiders, and rigid conformity to group norms. The 35 years of exceptional security experienced by developed democracies after WWII brought pervasive cultural changes, including the rise of Green parties and the spread of democracy. During the past 35 years, economic growth continued, but virtually all of the gains went to those at the top; the less-educated experienced declining existential security, fueling support for Populist Authoritarian phenomena such as Brexit, France’s National Front and Trump’s takeover of the Republican party. This raises two questions: (1) “What motivates people to support Populist Authoritarian movements?” And (2) “Why is the populist authoritarian vote so much higher now than it was several decades ago in high-income countries?” The two questions have different answers. Support for populist authoritarian parties is motivated by a backlash against cultural change. From the start, younger Postmaterialist birth cohorts supported environmentalist parties, while older, less secure cohorts supported authoritarian xenophobic parties, in an enduring intergenerational value clash. But for the past three decades, strong period effects have been working to increase support for xenophobic parties: economic gains have gone almost entirely to those at the top, while a large share of the population experienced declining real income and job security, along with a large influx of immigrants and refugees. Cultural backlash explains why given individuals support Populist Authoritarian movements. Declining existential security explains why support for these movements is greater now than it was thirty years ago.
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Sutherland, Thomas. "Peter Sloterdijk and the ‘Security Architecture of Existence’: Immunity, Autochthony, and Ontological Nativism." Theory, Culture & Society 36, no. 7-8 (May 6, 2019): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276419839119.
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Centred on Foams, the third volume of his Spheres trilogy (2011, 2014, 2016), this article questions the privilege granted by Peter Sloterdijk to motifs of inclusion and exclusion, contending that, whilst his prioritization of dwelling as a central aspect of human existence (drawing in part upon the work of Martin Heidegger) provides a promising counterpoint to the dislocative and isolative effects of post-industrial capitalism, it is compromised by its dependence upon an anti-cosmopolitan outlook that views cultural distantiation as a natural and preferable state of human affairs, and valorizes a purported ontological security attained through defensive postures with respect to perceived foreigners or externalities. Sloterdijk’s conceptualization of culture as a kind of immune system, it is argued, although posited as a rebuke to models of essentialism and ethno-nationalism, provides ontological support to the xenophobic critiques of immigration that are today finding increasing currency.
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Hakim, Nader H., Ludwin E. Molina, and Nyla R. Branscombe. "How Discrimination Shapes Social Identification Processes and Well-Being Among Arab Americans." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 3 (December 15, 2017): 328–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617742192.
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The increasingly xenophobic U.S. climate warrants a close investigation of Arab American responses to discrimination. We conducted secondary analyses of two large data sets to examine social identity processes and their relationship to well-being. In a representative sample of Muslim Arab Americans (Study 1, n = 228), discrimination was related to decreased American identification, which in turn predicted lower well-being. Another large sample of Arab Americans (Study 2, n = 1,001) revealed how social identity processes differ by religious group. For Christian Arab Americans, discrimination predicted an indirect negative effect on well-being through decreased American identification. Muslim Arab Americans showed the same pattern, but also stronger religious and ethnic identification the more they experienced discrimination, which partially buffered the harmful effects on well-being. These data present a social cohesion challenge where the maintenance of national identity necessitates less discrimination and injustice against minorities.
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Nieves, Alejandra. "Right-wing feminism and the securitization of migration: on the example of the german campaign 120 Dezibel." Internaciones, no. 21 (January 1, 2021): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/in.vi21.7182.
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The “summer of migration” has facilitated a right-wing narrative that depicts migration and Islam as a security threat to European society, in which gender equality and women’s rights are instrumentalized for political purposes. This political strategy, defined by Farris as femonationalism, and its effects constitute the object of this paper. For this purpose, I analyze the German campaign "120-Dezibel", which takes advantage of migrant-led sexual assaults against European women in order to promote a xenophobic immigration policy that affects the current political discourse on refugees and the ›European border regime‹. It's concluded that, by focusing only on perpetrators of foreign origin and in white European victims, far-right feminists place the origin of gender violence beyond European borders, detracting attention from the violence rooted within them, perpetuating a colonial and patriarchal mentality. Finally, that such campaigns evidence how getting involved in the feminist struggle alone is insufficient if the anti-racist struggle is ignored.
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Stuelke, Patricia. "Writing Refugee Crisis in the Age of Amazon: Lost Children Archive's Reenactment Play." Genre 54, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00166928-8911498.
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This essay analyzes Valeria Luiselli's 2019 novel Lost Children Archive's attempt to imagine anti-imperialist solidarity aesthetics in a moment of the increasing imbrication of the US literary sphere and settler colonial capitalist surveillance of the US-Mexico border, as well as the nonprofit care regime that has arisen to oppose and ameliorate its effects. Because these structures converge around overt and subterranean investments in settler colonial frontier fantasy, the essay focuses particularly on Lost Children Archive's engagement with the tradition of the white male road novel Western in the Americas—Luiselli's attempts to write both through and against this form—as part of the novel's larger attempt to grapple with the formal problems that adhere in representing the temporality and scale of ongoing Central American Indigenous dispossession and refugee displacement in settler colonial capitalism. In exploring the degree to which the Western genre's tradition of, per Philip Deloria, “playing Indian” might oppose the brutal bureaucratic violence of the xenophobic carceral settler US state, the novel builds a critique of the frontier road novel fantasy that it cannot quite sustain.
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Outhwaite, William. "When did 1989 end?" Social Science Information 59, no. 3 (July 16, 2020): 425–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018420936043.
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As with the 1968 movements in Western Europe and North America and their long-lasting subterranean effects, one can also ask when 1989 ended. A quick answer to the title question would be Christmas 1989, with the execution of the Ceauşescus, or New Year, with the installation of Václav Havel as President. Another would be December 1991, the date of the dissolution of the USSR, which would be more relevant for the post-Soviet space and could perhaps also work as a rough marker for the more protracted political transitions in Romania and Bulgaria. Another would be 2004, with the accession to the European Union of much of post-communist Europe and the prospect of extension of happy-ever-after member-statehood to the south and east. More seriously, we might listen to the calls from a number of experts to stop speaking of the region as post-communist or post-socialist. I suggest that what has ended is the ‘end of history,’ as the victory of democracy turns out for the moment to be one of post-democracy and xenophobic populism across Europe and more widely.