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Journal articles on the topic 'Effigies'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Ezell, Margaret J. M. "Lively Effigies." Eighteenth-Century Life 44, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 136–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-8218635.

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This article will explore the function of printed “effigies” in the second half of the seventeenth century. The title is taken from Samuel Clarke’s frequently reprinted and enlarged compendium, The Marrow of Ecclesiastical Historie, conteined in the Lives of the Fathers, and other Learned Men, and Famous Divines, . . . Together with the Livelie Effigies of most of the Eminentest of them cut in Copper. The term “effigy” is a Janus word, meaning both a representation of a specific deceased individual as a celebratory memorial marker, and as a hated figure intended to be destroyed, such as Guy Fawkes. The article will examine what ways effigial images found in broadsides and books lay claim to the reader or viewer’s attention, and explore how are they used to communicate complex meanings about memory and erasure, even in inexpensive ephemeral publications.

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2

Bettini, Maurizio. "Effigies romaines." Critique 673-674, no. 6 (2003): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/criti.673.0449.

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Knowles, Richard. "Interpreting Medieval Effigies." Northern History 56, no. 1-2 (July 3, 2019): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0078172x.2019.1633121.

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4

CUEVAS, BRYAN J. "Illustrations of Human Effigies in Tibetan Ritual Texts: With Remarks on Specific Anatomical Figures and Their Possible Iconographic Source." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 21, no. 1 (January 2011): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186310000611.

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AbstractThe ritual use of objects and images designed to serve as effigies or surrogates of specific persons, animals or spirits is more or less universal across cultures and time. In Tibet, recent archaeological evidence attests to the use of illustrated effigies possibly dating from the eleventh century. Other early Tibetan images include anthropomorphic figures inscribed on animal skulls. The practical use of effigies in Tibetan ritual, both Buddhist and Bon-po, was almost certainly derived from much older Indian practices transmitted to Tibet. In this article illustrated effigies, their iconography and ritual use are discussed and the article concludes with the translation and transliteration of a short work by the fifteenth-century treasure revealer (gter-ston) and patron saint of Bhutan Padma-gling-pa (1450–1521), which gives instructions on how to draw a liṅga for a ritual of defence against human adversaries.

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5

Green, Jeremy, and John Wilkinson. "Effigies against the Light." Chicago Review 48, no. 4 (2002): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25305020.

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6

Schueren, Éric Van der. "Georges Thinès, Les Effigies." Textyles, no. 17-18 (December 15, 2000): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/textyles.1558.

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Rod Vickers, J. "Anthropomorphic Effigies of the Plains." Plains Anthropologist 53, no. 206 (May 2008): 199–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/pan.2008.015.

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8

Göttke, Florian. "Burning effigies with Bakhtinian laughter." European Journal of Humour Research 3, no. 2/3 (August 2015): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2015.3.2.3.gottke.

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9

Azoulay, Vincent. "La gloire et l’outrage. Heurs et malheurs des statues honorifiques de Démétrios de Phalère." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 64, no. 2 (April 2009): 301–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900028158.

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RésuméÀ la tête de la cité d’Athènes entre 317 et 307 av. J.-C., Démétrios de Phalère fut gratifié de multiples statues honorifiques. Alors que durant toute l’époque classique ces distinctions étaient octroyées avec une grande parcimonie par le peuple athénien, ce législateur satura le territoire civique de ses effigies, mettant à l’honneur de nouvelles formes statuaires – la statue équestre –, investissant de nouveaux espaces – les dèmes –, tout en limitant les autres manifestations monumentales dans l’espace public. Les effigies honorifiques furent davantage imposées que négociées ou, à tout le moins, furent octroyées de façon bien moins tatillonne par la communauté qui, au demeurant, avait été redéfinie de façon restrictive. Au fur et à mesure qu’elles envahissaient l’espace public, par un phénomène de compensation, les effigies de Démétrios de Phalère furent ainsi détruites, transformées ou avilies, selon des modalités variées qui permettent de dresser les contours d’une véritable culture de l’outrage, établie sur la longue durée. Au-delà du cas de Démétrios de Phalère, les statues honorifiques se révèlent en définitive des objets « bons à penser »: elles permettent à la fois d’articuler le temps court des ruptures politiques et des réformes législatives, mais aussi le temps long des rituels et de la mémoire civique. Leur étude implique de concilier l’approche anthropologique et la perspective institutionnelle, voire procédurale.

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10

Harris, Oliver D. "Antiquarian Attitudes: Crossed Legs, Crusaders and the Evolution of an Idea." Antiquaries Journal 90 (September 2010): 401–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581510000053.

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AbstractSince the sixteenth century, both scholarly and popular readings of tomb monuments have assigned a series of interpretations to medieval effigies with crossed legs. These have included the beliefs that the effigies dated from before the Norman Conquest; that they commemorated crusaders, or those who had taken crusading vows; and that they commemorated Knights Templar. The ‘crusader’ theory has proved particularly tenacious, and, although largely discredited by scholars, continues to flourish in folk wisdom. This paper charts the emergence and dissemination of these several ideas and the debates they engendered. It argues that the early modern identification of the cross-legged attitude as a noteworthy feature was, despite its mistaken associations, a landmark in the story of the formulation of techniques for the typological diagnosis of antiquities.

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11

Wilcox, David. "The Garter Robes on the Effigy of Charles II at Westminster Abbey." Costume 52, no. 2 (September 2018): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cost.2018.0067.

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In Westminster Abbey there are a number of effigies, some of wax, some of wood, many of which have survived for centuries. Some of these effigies had a significant role in the funeral obsequies that followed the death of a monarch. Others were used simply to memorialize a monarch or a public individual. One such effigy is that of Charles II. In 2016, during the conservation of this figure, there was an opportunity to examine the clothing that survives on this wax effigy. The figure is dressed in the robes of a Knight of the Order of the Garter, in ceremonial clothing of the late seventeenth century. This article examines the clothing in some detail, including pattern-cutting diagrams, and discusses the garments in relation to known others and to fashions of the period.

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12

Heissig, Walther. "Banishing of Illnesses into Effigies in Monolia." Asian Folklore Studies 45, no. 1 (1986): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1177832.

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13

Hoxworth, Kellen. "The Many Racial Effigies of Sara Baartman." Theatre Survey 58, no. 3 (August 10, 2017): 275–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557417000254.

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Six African students enact a somber, silent dance. They stage a series of striking images at the base of South African artist Willie Bester's sculptureSara Baartman, in the Chancellor Oppenheimer Library at the University of Cape Town (UCT). Their faces and bodies smeared with black paint, the students articulate their protest ofSara Baartmanin explicitly racial terms, aligning their critiques of economic, colonial, and racial oppression under the sign of blackness.

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14

Diehl, Richard A., and Margaret D. Mandeville. "Tula, and wheeled animal effigies in Mesoamerica." Antiquity 61, no. 232 (July 1987): 239–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00052054.

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For all an archaeologist's or anthropologist's professional training in how ancient societies organize themselves with ‘appropriate technologies’, it is not easy to grasp how very different those ancient civilizations were from any society we have experienced. Nowhere is this clearer than in Mesoamerica, where cities and empires had no need of the ‘basics’ of urban life as we know it. One of those ‘basics’ is wheels, discussed here in the sole, small context in which they are commonplace in pre-Columbian America.

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15

Bruwier, Marie-Cécile. "Controverses sur l’identité des deux effigies colossales." Les cahiers de Mariemont 41, no. 1 (2019): 189–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/camar.2019.1557.

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Bruwier, Marie-Cécile. "Controverses sur l’identité des deux effigies colossales." Les cahiers de Mariemont 41, no. 1 (2019): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/camar.2019.1615.

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17

Kehoe, Alice B. "No possible, probable shadow of doubt." Antiquity 65, no. 246 (March 1991): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00079382.

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The ‘fertility symbols’ of Palaeolithic Europe run from unambiguous female effigies to shapes that may not be human at all. A view is taken of some of the forms that makes them into Mars rather than Venus.

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18

Caya, Aimee. "“So shall yoe bee:” Encountering the Shrouded Effigies of Thomas Beresford and Agnes Hassall at Fenny Bentley." Contemporaneity: Historical Presence in Visual Culture 8 (October 30, 2019): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/contemp.2019.280.

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The Beresford Monument from the Church of St Edmund at Fenny Bentley in Derbyshire is a funerary monument that has received relatively little attention from scholars due to its unusual imagery and the lack of documentary evidence regarding its creation. The alabaster monument depicts Thomas Beresford (d. 1473) and Agnes Hassall (d. 1467) as fully shrouded three-dimensional effigies. Incised around the base of the monument are enshrouded representations of their twenty-one children. This paper analyzes the impact that veiling the bodies of Thomas Beresford and Agnes Hassall has on the effectiveness of the monument as a commemorative tool and situates the shrouded effigies within their broader visual and social context at the turn of the sixteenth century. Rather than dismiss the unusual imagery of the Beresford Monument as an expedient solution selected by sculptors who did not know what Thomas Beresford and Agnes Hassall actually looked like, this paper argues that shrouding the effigies was a deliberate commemorative strategy meant to evoke specific responses in the monument’s viewers. Although there is little concrete information about the tomb’s commission, contextualizing it by examining the monument in concert with other aspects of late medieval culture—including purgatorial piety, macabre texts and imagery, and ex votos—can provide a richer understanding of the object’s potentiality for its beholders. The anonymizing aspect of the shroud ultimately enabled viewers to identify freely and easily with the individuals depicted on the monument, which would have encouraged them to pray for the souls of Thomas and Agnes, thus perpetuating their memories and reducing their time in purgatory.

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19

Ramos Crespo, Juan María. ""Pilae", "effigies" y "maniae" en las Compitalia romanas." Helmántica 39, no. 118 (January 1, 1988): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36576/summa.3235.

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20

Fozi, Shirin. "Reconstructing Ita at Schaffhausen." Medieval Feminist Forum 57, no. 1 (2021): 195–235. http://dx.doi.org/10.32773/ovop8153.

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The Nellenburg family looms large in the historical memory of Schaffhausen. Count Eberhard (ca. 1015-1078/1079) and his wife Ita (d. ca. 1105) had transformed the small city with their patronage, most notably through the foundation of the monastery of Allerheiligen; their children held prominent military and ecclesiastical positions across the Lake Constance region. Together with their son Burkhard, his wife Hedwig, and a cousin known as Irmentrud, Eberhard and Ita were buried prominently in Allerheiligen; their collective funerary monument is one of the earliest and most ambitious of its type that is known from the twelfth century. The monument, however, has only survived in pieces: twentieth-century excavations uncovered two effigies for men and a small fragment of a head from a woman’s effigy, usually identified as Ita. The male figures, largely intact, have received ample scholarly attention from art historians, but the presence of women in the family grave has been overlooked thanks to the near-total loss of their monuments. A recent reconstruction sought to ameliorate this situation by adding a body to complete the fragmentary female head, using the contemporaneous Quedlinburg effigies as a model. The resulting modern monument is beautifully executed and visually gratifying, but like all facsimiles it complicates our view of the original. This article questions the relationship of the fragmentary head and its reception in relation to Ita, whose historical position has been privileged at the expense of her daughter-in-law Hedwig and cousin Irmentrud; it also highlights contextual differences that make the imperial canoness effigies of Quedlinburg a complicated model for reimagining the Schaffhausen women. The goal is not to dismiss the reconstruction but rather to probe the underlying assumptions that continue to impact how medieval bodies, and women’s bodies in particular, are projected into the modern world.

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21

Betts, Matthew w., Mari Hardenberg, and Ian Stirling. "How Animals Create Human History: Relational Ecology and the Dorset–Polar Bear Connection." American Antiquity 80, no. 1 (January 2015): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.79.4.89.

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AbstractCarvings that represent polar bears (Ursus maritimus) are commonly found in Dorset Paleo-Eskimo archaeological sites across the eastern Arctic. Relational ecology, combined with Amerindian perspectivism, provides an integrated framework within which to comprehensively assess the connections between Dorset and polar bears. By considering the representational aspects of the objects, we reveal an ethology of polar bears encoded within the carvings’ various forms. Reconstructing the experiences and perceptions of Dorset as they routinely interacted with these creatures, and placing these interactions in socioeconomic, environmental, and historical context, permits us to decode a symbolic ecology inherent in the effigies. To the Dorset, these carvings were simultaneously tools and mnemonics (symbols). As tools, they were used to directly access the predatory and spiritual abilities of bears or, more prosaically, to teach and remind of the variety of proper hunting techniques available for capturing seals. As symbols, however, they were far more powerful, signaling how Dorset people conceptualized themselves and their place in the universe. Symbolic of an ice-edge way of life, the effigies expose the role that this special relationship with polar bears played in the creation of Dorset histories and identities.

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22

Ryder, Peter. "Interpreting medieval effigies: The evidence from Yorkshire to 1400." Archaeological Journal 178, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 397–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2021.1862488.

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23

Blough, Karen. "The Abbatial Effigies at Quedlinburg: A Convent's Identity Reconfigured." Gesta 47, no. 2 (January 2008): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20648968.

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24

Charlier, P., C. Moulherat, A. Abadie, T. Subercazes, and I. Huynh-Charlier. "Radiographic analysis of three royal effigies of Abomey (Benin)." Forensic Imaging 27 (December 2021): 200478. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.fri.2021.200478.

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25

Kozuch, Laura. "CERAMIC SHELL CUP EFFIGIES FROM ILLINOIS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS." Southeastern Archaeology 32, no. 1 (June 2013): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/sea.2013.32.1.003.

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26

Faraone, Christopher A. "Molten wax, spilt wine and mutilated animals: sympathetic magic in near eastern and early Greek oath ceremonies." Journal of Hellenic Studies 113 (November 1993): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632398.

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The so-called ‘Cyrenean Foundation Decree’ describes and paraphrases what appears to be the oath of the seventh-century Theran colonists who founded the city of Cyrene in Libya. This oath contains a conditional self-imprecation, a common enough feature of many Greek oaths, but one which in this case involves wax effigies in what can best be described as a ritual employing ‘sympathetic magic’:

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27

Motta, Valeria. "Les effigies votives grandeur nature en Italie (xve-xviie siècles)." Techniques & culture, no. 70 (October 30, 2018): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/tc.9648.

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28

Peterson, Sara A., and Mark A. Colwell. "Experimental Evidence That Scare Tactics and Effigies Reduce Corvid Occurrence." Northwestern Naturalist 95, no. 2 (January 2014): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1898/nwn13-18.1.

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29

Bendall, Simon. "Hyperpyra of Andronikos II and Michael IX with transposed effigies." Revue numismatique 6, no. 150 (1995): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/numi.1995.2047.

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30

Zierholz, Steffen. "Allegories of Light and Fire: Ignatian Effigies Painted on Copper." Journal of Jesuit Studies 9, no. 3 (March 4, 2022): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-09030003.

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Abstract This article examines two small portraits of Ignatius of Loyola painted on copper between 1598 and 1622. Rather than focusing on the true likeness of the founder of the Jesuits, it sheds light on the neglected early history of the Ignatius-ignis pun, according to which his name is juxtaposed with the Latin word for fire. For this purpose, the article connects to the growing interest in the materiality of art. In contrast to traditional supports, the use of copper generates extraordinarily brilliant pictorial effects. This “magical” production of light plays, I argue, a crucial role in representing both Pedro Ribadeneyra’s account of Ignatius’s fiery physiology and Filippo Neri’s report concerning Ignatius’s supernatural splendor. However, the presence of light is no metaphor of the divine but is closely related to the contemporary physics and metaphysics of light. With Francesco Patrizi da Cherso in mind, the portraits can be construed as allegories of light and fire.

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31

Hood, Made Mantle. "Sustaining Performance Habitats for Balinese Animal Effigies in the Anthropocene." Malaysian Journal of Performing and Visual Arts 1, no. 1 (December 15, 2015): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjpva.vol1no1.1.

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32

Escobar, Elizam. "The Effigies of the Sphinx/Las efigies de la esfinge." Rethinking Marxism 6, no. 2 (June 1993): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935699308658055.

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33

Corre, Nicolas. "Signos en la noche. Effigies et Pilae en las Compitalia." ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 21 (October 10, 2023): 159–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2023.7426.

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En Roma, durante las Compitalia, a los principios del año, se colgaban artefactos de lana por la noche en varias encrucijadas, para que los Lares perdonasen a los vivos, contentándose con estas bolas y simulacros. Sin embargo, el colgado de efigies de lana constituye “un système de pratiques symboliques de communication”, cuya originalidad reside en la manipulación de una imagen. Este ritual se asemeja en su forma a un censo, pero al reunir todos los elementos, se revela su significado: el colgado de las efigies constituye los preliminares de una ceremonia comparable a una lustratio, y hace posible la (re)constitución de una comunidad. El rito nocturno, antaño considerado “mágico-supersticioso”, no se opone al llamado sacrificio “religioso” del día; antes bien, lo complementa.

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34

Augusto, Michele. "Visual essay: inês, the divine relict." Journal of Textile Engineering & Fashion Technology 8, no. 5 (November 3, 2022): 168–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/jteft.2022.08.00317.

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This visual essay investigates the language encoded by the clothing represented in the epic tales and narratives about D. Inês de Castro and D. Pedro I, highlighting the tomb effigies, legends and chronicles related to the theme, analyzing the visual and symbolic codes belonging to these, as well as the memories associated with iconography. It presents the performance as a dressed language, how and which codes we can reveal of the character through the costume scene.

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35

Sund, Judy. "The Preke Speaks: Kahlúa's Co-option of West Mexican Burial Effigies." Visual Resources 16, no. 2 (January 2000): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01973762.2000.9658547.

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36

ANDERSON, THOMAS P. "“We cannot say hee's dead”: Writing Royal Effigies in Marvell's Poetry." English Literary Renaissance 35, no. 3 (September 2005): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.2005.00069.x.

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37

Houston, Stephen D. "Symbolic Sweatbaths of the Maya: Architectural Meaning in the Cross Group at Palenque, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 7, no. 2 (June 1996): 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971614.

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AbstractThe function of elite Maya architecture should not always be interpreted literally, for it may also reflect metaphorical and semantic extensions best studied through iconography, hieroglyphic texts, ethnohistory, and ethnography. This holistic approach is employed to help resolve puzzling features of the Cross Group sanctuaries at Palenque, Mexico. The Cross Group likely served as the setting for symbolic sweatbaths, probably involving effigies of supernaturals under the care of Kan Balam, the Palenque ruler who commissioned these structures. This and other arguments situate such information within an understanding of metaphor in Maya architecture.

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38

Sánchez Ramos, Nelida Jeanette. "El cine y los imaginarios culturales de la ciudad violentada en Roberto Bolaño." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 5, no. 9 (January 5, 2018): 109–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2017.246.

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The present article examines three works by Roberto Bolaño, who put the ballistic Effigies through narratology and cultural anthropology, who expose new uses for urban space by avoiding a symbolic imaginary controlled by the spatial functions of a disguised overmodernity. In this way, the analysis covers its axiological negativity, its ethical anomaly and the inconstancy of its constitutive definitions as characters, which are representations of evil in modern thought in America. It is a trajectory of the existential vacuum, impressions that will be repeated intermittently as anthropological structures from the regime of the image.

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Ożóg, Monika. "Tertulian i jego poglądy na sztukę przedstawieniową." Vox Patrum 50 (June 15, 2007): 313–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6719.

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Cet article est une presentation du point de vue de Tertullien sur l’idolatrie, simulacres de dieux, de meme que sur la matiere dont ils ont ete executes. Tertullien est le premier ecrivain chretien a souligner l’importance de l’interdiction incluse dans le deuxieme commandement du Decalogue. II met l’accent egalement sur son actualite dans le Nouveau Testament. Suivant cette loi il est inadmissible de fabriquer des idoles c’est a dire des effigies ayant figurer ou remplacer Dieu et etant destinees a l’idolatrie. Malgre les interdictions, cette pratique a ete exercee depuis toujours, s’intensifiant ou diminuant selon la situation courante.

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40

Beltrão, Claudia. "Imágenes de los dioses en Cicerón." Auster, no. 23 (November 16, 2018): e042. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/23468890e042.

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En De natura deorum, Cicerón presenta una crítica contundente a los límites y contradicciones de la teología antropomórfica epicúrea. Dirigiéndose especialmente a Epicuro en lo que se refiere al tema del deus effigies hominis et imago (Nat. D. I.103), Cicerón solicita a los epicúreos una definición más rigurosa de las relaciones entre la imagen de culto (una forma histórica de la figuración de lo divino) y los simulacra/imagines emanados directamente de los cuerpos de los dioses, denotando la insuficiencia del abordaje epicúreo sobre las imágenes divinas para fundamentar la pietas romana. Traducción de María Emilia Cairo y Roxana Inés Calvo

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41

Arbeloa Borbon, Paula. "A lasting bond: on a transferred death ritual from ancient Cynopolis." SPAL. Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Sevilla 2, no. 32 (2023): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/spal.2023.i32.20.

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This paper seeks to analyse two groups of reddish wax magic figurines discovered in the cemetery of the ancient city of Cynopolis and preserved at the Antiquities Museum of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, with the aim of offering a critical and updated exegesis of these exceptional magical artefacts from Roman Egypt. By analysing features including material, colour, morphology and iconography, and by examining the effigies alongside parallel rituals, I argue that this ensemble should be best understood as a ‘transferred death ritual’, whose aim was to ensure an effective death and the sending of the deceased to the underworld.

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42

Sund, Judy. "Beyond the Grave: The Twentieth-Century Afterlife of West Mexican Burial Effigies." Art Bulletin 82, no. 4 (December 2000): 734. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3051420.

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43

Badham, Sally. "The de Cheltenham Chantry Chapel at Pucklechurch (Gloucestershire) and its Associated Effigies." Journal of the British Archaeological Association 162, no. 1 (October 2009): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/006812809x12448232842457.

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44

Kharyuchi, Galina. "Sacred Places in the Nenets Traditional Culture." Sibirica 17, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 116–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2018.170310.

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The Nenets people have various forms of worshipping spirits in their sacred landscapes. The article examines the history, definitions, and classifications of forms of worship of the Nenets sacred places (khebidia ia). Cult structures (khekhe) include objects of nature as well as effigies of various deities installed at sacred sites or residential areas. Images of a master spirit carved in stone or wood (siadei) mark tribal or general significant sites of worship. The main activities carried out on these sacred sites relate to seasonal rituals of the life cycle and to subsistence practices such as fishing and hunting. The most important of them were sacrificial rituals.

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Aspden, Suzanne. "“Fam'd Handel Breathing, tho' Transformed to Stone”: The Composer as Monument." Journal of the American Musicological Society 55, no. 1 (2002): 39–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2002.55.1.39.

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Abstract L. F. Roubiliac carved two full-length statues of Handel, in 1738 and 1762. Although designed for quite different settings—a public pleasure garden and Westminster Abbey—the two sculptures have notable congruencies: both were sited in spaces critical for national self-definition, and both reflected aspects of the composer's public persona. This article explores the delineation of Handel's image in these statues and reproductions of them, and explicates their role in a broader attempt to define the nation through its heroes. Handel's possible involvement in fostering his status as a “British worthy” is suggested both through circumstances of the effigies' production and through his onstage performance, particularly in Alexander's Feast.

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Curl, James Stevens. "KNEELING BISHOPS: VARIATIONS ON A SCULPTURAL THEME BY FRANCIS LEGGATT CHANTREY (1781–1841)." Antiquaries Journal 97 (September 2017): 261–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581517000300.

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This paper will describe and illustrate variations on a sculptural theme in late-Hanoverian and early-Victorian funerary monuments by Sir Francis Chantrey (1781–1841), which, taken as a whole, demonstrate a shift in taste from severe Neo-Classicism to Early Romanticism. In the 1820s and 1830s, Chantrey carved several memorials to Anglican bishops featuring the prelates kneeling in prayer or contemplation: some showed the bishops in high relief against architectural backgrounds, others depicted them as free-standing figures. From the 1840s onwards, the impact of the Gothic Revival and Ecclesiology led to numerous bishops being commemorated by recumbent effigies, so the kneeling type was a relatively short-lived form, and could even be called an invention of Chantrey.

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Dowen, Keith A. "Brian and moira gittos. Interpreting medieval effigies, the evidence from yorkshire to 1400." Arms & Armour 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 140–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17416124.2021.1882174.

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Quigley, Declan, and Burkhard Schnepel. "Twinned Beings: Kings and Effigies in Southern Sudan, East India and Renaissance France." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 3, no. 2 (June 1997): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3035073.

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Rouse, Mark. "Combating Hate Without Hate Crimes: The Hanging Effigies of the 2008 Presidential Campaign." International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique 25, no. 2 (August 29, 2010): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11196-010-9189-2.

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Fitzgerald, Richard, and Christopher Corey. "The Antiquity and Significance of Effigies and Representational Art in Southern California Prehistory." California Archaeology 1, no. 2 (December 2009): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/cal.2009.1.2.183.

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