Academic literature on the topic 'Egyptian Gods'
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Journal articles on the topic "Egyptian Gods"
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Demidchik, Arkadiy E. "The value of a human life in ancient Egyptian religion at the turn of the 3rd–2nd millennia BC." Shagi / Steps 10, no. 2 (2024): 14–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2412-9410-2024-10-2-14-33.
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The author explores the ancient Egyptian religion’s perspective on value of a human life during the latter part of the Old Kingdom, the First Intermediate Period, and the Middle Kingdom.Polytheistic ritualistic “communal” religions, where ethics did not play a significant role, are typical for the epoch of early antiquity, and the Egyptian views discussed in the article mostly align with this context. It was believed that the gods were concerned about the Egyptian people’s safety and well-being primarily because these were indispensable preconditions for abundant provisions and seamless performance of divine cults. Created ultimately to produce and offer sacrificial gifts to the gods, the Egyptians were kind of their “flock”, “the gods’ (little) livestock”. However, the gods were thought to have little involvement in the individual lives of the king’s subjects: their benevolent attention was focused on the pharaoh, who personified the state. Since the king formally was the sole authorized performer of liturgical rituals, Egyptian religion had a pronounced communal nature that hindered the development of the concept of a man’s enduring personal connection with a deity. Within this framework, moral excellence was deemed essential for an individual to gain favor with the ruler, whereas divine recompence during one’s lifetime for piety and virtue was deemed hardly predictable.
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Fitriani, Fitriani, and Anggita Nabila. "Historitas Agama Mesir Kuno Dalam Perspektif A-Qur’an." Jurnal Dirosah Islamiyah 5, no. 3 (April 14, 2023): 629–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47467/jdi.v5i3.3295.
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Ancient Egyptian civilization is very often talked about. This is not surprising given the great legacy of the ancient Egyptian leaders. What is taken for discussion is the belief system of the ancient Egyptian people. There are so many things related to Egypt in terms of their civilization which can be said to be very large and extraordinary at that time. The relics that are considered the most historic are the Pyramids which were built using very heavy stone. Then, another thing that was discussed was about the belief of the Egyptian people in the existence of many gods and recognizing and respecting the sanctity of certain animals. In this paper, using a qualitative approach to the method of literature study, through exploration of various data such as books, journals and others. The result of this study is to find that ancient Egyptian folk beliefs were more focused on the number of gods and considered that Pharaoh was the representative of the gods and as a means of intermediary between the people and the gods. Pharaohs who are believed to have sacred powers to intercede for their people with the goddess in the field of knowledge, the ancient Egyptians focused on mathematics and astronomy, they also used the calendar to calculate planting time, the language used comes from the ancient Greek language contained in the covenant called stone. the ancient rosetta hunting system, still uses the hunting system, still uses weapons such as spears and arrows and farms on the banks of the nile because apart from that the area is dry because of the desert, social life is divided into 3 castes, namely upper caste, middle caste and lower caste.
Keywords: Ancient Egypt, civilization, religion, history.
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Almansa-Villatoro, M. Victoria. "Reconstructing the Pre-Meroitic Indigenous Pantheon of Kush." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 18, no. 2 (November 26, 2018): 167–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341299.
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Abstract This article sets out to address questions concerning local religious traditions in ancient Nubia. Data concerning Egyptian gods in the Sudan are introduced, then the existence of unattested local pre-Meroitic gods is reconstructed using mainly external literary sources and an analysis of divine names. A review of other archaeological evidence from an iconographic point of view is also attempted, concluding with the presentation of Meroitic gods and their relation with earlier traditions. This study proposes that Egyptian religious beliefs were well integrated in both official and popular cults in Nubia. The Egyptian and the Sudanese cultures were constantly in contact in the border area and this nexus eased the transmission of traditions and iconographical elements in a bidirectional way. The Meroitic gods are directly reminiscent of the reconstructed indigenous Kushite pantheon in many aspects, and this fact attests to an attempt by the Meroitic rulers to recover their Nubian cultural identity.
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Ulmer, Rivka. "The Egyptian Gods in Midrashic Texts." Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 2 (April 2010): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816010000544.
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The engagement with Egypt and the Egyptian gods that transpired in the Hebrew Bible continued into the texts produced by rabbinic Judaism. Rabbinic texts of late antiquity and the early medieval period frequently presented images of Egypt and its religion. One of the critical objectives of these portrayals of Egypt was to set boundaries of Jewish identity by presenting rabbinic Judaism in opposition to Egyptian culture. The Egyptian cultural icons in rabbinic texts also demonstrate that the rabbis were aware of cultures other than their own.1 The presence of Egyptian elements in midrash had previously been noted to a very limited extent by scholars of the Wissenschaft des Judentums (the science of Judaism), and it has not escaped the attention of more recent scholarship.
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Fassa, Eleni. "Divine commands, authority, and cult. Imperative dedications to the Egyptian gods." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 9 (November 2016): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-09-04.
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This article presents the dedications made to the Egyptian deities “in accordance with divine command” in the eastern Mediterranean during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The gods of Egypt exhorted and, if disobeyed, demanded from their adherents the performance of specific actions. As it is demonstrated by “imperative dedications” this communication between gods and worshippers was disclosed in public. First, the article examines the imperative expressions in use, the syntax and style of dedicatory language, and proposes a typology of “imperative dedications” in the framework of Isiac cults. Moreover, it is argued that imperatives constituted a means for the promotion of Isiac cults; most often, the Egyptian gods requested the execution of ritual acts, which either improved and embellished already-founded Isiac cults, or advanced the introduction of Isiac divinities in the cities of the Graeco-Roman world. Finally, it is asserted that “imperative dedications” constitute an important testimony for Graeco-Roman attitudes regarding the Egyptian gods. They are indicative of a complex relationship between these gods and their adherents, since the distance presupposed by the issuing of a command did not preclude the creation of close ties between the Isiac divinities and their worshippers.
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Ramsey, Shawn. "Psychopompos: Thoth, Plato's Phaedrus, and the Context of Egyptian Mythic Rhetoric." Rhetorica 40, no. 3 (2022): 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2022.40.3.233.
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In Phaedrus, Plato invokes a mythic exemplum concerning the Egyptian deity Thoth. Though often interpreted as an overt critique of writing, this argument posits Thoth is offered analogically to contrast Plato's rhetorical epistemology with that of the ancient Egyptians. To do so, this argument addresses why a mythic Egyptian figure might be so significant to Plato in the 4th Century B.C. Greece, whose culture already had multiple gods and cultural heroes to whom the invention of writing is attributed, when the episode in Phaedrus is axiomatically described as a critique of writing. Because Plato may have had some degree of firsthand knowledge of Egyptian traditions it explores those traditions personified in the figure of Thoth, which should be examined as an analogical device advised by Egyptian rhetorical epistemology. A closer examination of the comparative rhetorical epistemological perspective not only illuminates Thoth's appearance in Phaedrus but also the Egyptian rhetorical-epistemic tradition. Thoth's role as epistemic mediator between humans and truth, in the broadest terms, was to act as psychopomp who moves both between humanity and the arrival at knowledge that prefigures rhetorical action.
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Cooper, Julien. "Divine Roots: The Etymology of Thoth." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 151, no. 1 (May 24, 2024): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2022-0001.
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Summary The names of gods are an important expression of the Egyptian experience of the divine. Understanding the etymology of divine names can give us insights into the conceptions of the oldest adherents of religious cults, allowing us to appreciate of the essence of the original deity. This analysis will propose an etymology for the name of the god Thoth and situate the god’s name in its proper lexical and theological context, relating the divine name Ḏḥw.ty to an Old Egyptian root for ‘bright’ or ‘white’ and thus lunar concepts. This etymology not only satisfactorily explains the lexical root and theology of Thoth but is also consistent with other patterns in Egyptian divine epithets and names. Using cognates from Afroasiatic languages, the analysis proves that there once existed an ancient lexical root ḏḥ(w) in Old Egyptian or ‘Pre-Old Egyptian’. This root also explains various other nouns in Egyptian such as a type of linen (ḏḥ), the metallic substances of tin (ḏḥ) and lead (ḏḥ.ty), as well as a word for ‘teeth’ (nḏḥ.yt). This analysis demonstrates that some gods’ names are to be found in lexical roots which become unproductive in later stages of the Egyptian lexicon.
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Teeter, Emily, and Christopher Faraone. "Egyptian Maat and Hesiodic Metis." Mnemosyne 57, no. 2 (2004): 177–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852504773399178.
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AbstractMetis appears twice in the Hesiodic corpus as an anthropomorphic goddess, who is courted and then ingested by Zeus. In the Theogony this narrative ends with the permanent stabilization of his monarchic rule over gods and men. We argue that the myth of Metis and Zeus most probably derives - directly or indirectly - from Egyptian royal ideology, as it is expressed most emphatically in a series of New Kingdom and later (i.e. 1500 BCE-200 CE) texts and relief sculptures that depict the offering to various monarchical male gods of the goddess Maat. Like Hesiodic Mêtis/mêtis, Maat appears in Egyptian texts both as an abstract idea (maat) and as an anthropomorphized goddess Maat and several odd details in the Hesiodic narratives can be explained by Egyptian influence, especially the idea that Zeus swallows Metis and that afterwards she gives him moral guidance. Metis and Egyptian Maat are both closely connected to the idea of legitimate monarchic rule, a relationship that is expressed by the insertion of Maat herself into the coronation names of Egyptian kings, much the same as Metis' name appears in two of the traditional epithets attached to Zeus.
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Reed, Justin Michael. "Ancient Egyptians in Black and White: ‘Exodus: Gods and Kings’ and the Hamitic Hypothesis." Religions 12, no. 9 (September 2, 2021): 712. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090712.
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In this essay, I consider how the racial politics of Ridley Scott’s whitewashing of ancient Egypt in Exodus: Gods and Kings intersects with the Hamitic Hypothesis, a racial theory that asserts Black people’s inherent inferiority to other races and that civilization is the unique possession of the White race. First, I outline the historical development of the Hamitic Hypothesis. Then, I highlight instances in which some of the most respected White intellectuals from the late-seventeenth through the mid-twentieth century deploy the hypothesis in assertions that the ancient Egyptians were a race of dark-skinned Caucasians. By focusing on this detail, I demonstrate that prominent White scholars’ arguments in favor of their racial kinship with ancient Egyptians were frequently burdened with the insecure admission that these ancient Egyptian Caucasians sometimes resembled Negroes in certain respects—most frequently noted being skin color. In the concluding section of this essay, I use Scott’s film to point out that the success of the Hamitic Hypothesis in its racial discourse has transformed a racial perception of the ancient Egyptian from a dark-skinned Caucasian into a White person with appearance akin to Northern European White people.
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Kormysheva, E. E. "Factors of formation and specific aspects of syncretic processes in Meroe religion." Orientalistica 3, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 921–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2020-3-4-921-937.
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The author explores specific manifestations of the phenomenon of syncretism in theMeroereligion, as well as the factors, which did significantly contribute to it. She traces these factors on a wide time scale starting from the early archaeological cultures of theNileValleyto the Hellenistic time. The main subject of research is the cult of the gods, as well as the myths and rituals, which did accompany worship. The article deals with concepts of ‘unity and multitude’, which were instrumental for creation of local concepts of Egyptian deities. According to the author, this was the beginning of syncretism. Both the subsequent adaptation and acculturation can be seen in rethinking and creating images that retained many primordial Egyptian features. The Meroe ‘friend or foe’ concept could be traced on specific forms of adaptation of ‘enemy’ images to the Meroitic culture and the subsequent perception of them as “own” or “local”. One can identify this process as “inversion”, which run in two directions: the “alien”, i.e. Egyptian gods in fullness of time became “own” gods inMeroe, the gods ofKush, in their turn became part of the Egyptian pantheon. The results of the process, which culminated in creation of a syncretic culture can be seen in emergence of new hitherto unknown deities, which were distinguished by combination of various Greek, Egyptian and Meroitic features. The Hellenistic features ofMeroedeities came to this culture viaEgypt. The formation of the syncreticMeroereligion up to the beginning of the Christian era was marked by the mutual influence and coexistence of “borrowed” deities as well as those, which came into being in course of the process of “borrowing”. The phenomenon of syncretism was spread through many aspects of religious life covering not just individual images of deities or various ritual practices, but also the whole theological system ofEgypt. In the history of the world religions this was the first recorded spread of religious teaching beyond its historical borders and the subsequent adaptation to an “alien”, Sudanese culture.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Egyptian Gods"
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Blatherwick, Helen Elisabeth. "Prophets, gods and kings : Islamic, Egyptian and Persian cultural strands in Sīrat Saif ibn Dhī Yazan." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.397832.
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Ponelis, I. A. (Isabella Annanda). "Die gode is naby." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53372.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The rise of Ancient Egyptian civilization by the end of the fourth millennium BC was essentially a religious process. The civilization developed from a religious core that was formed by and in the Nile valley. Metaphors were drawn from the context of the Nile to represent deities. In different epochs and at different places, creation myths attempted explaining the mystery of the origin of god and man. According to these myths, both god and man were created by a primal being after it had brought itself into being. In an attempt to depict different facets of deities, various metaphors were used. One and the same god could be represented as a human and as an animal. Nonetheless, all deities possessed human features and all functioned in human structures. In the primal state mankind and the gods coexisted in harmony. When man rebelled this harmony was shattered, and the gods left the world of man. After the gods had left earth they could be approached only by a mediator. The role of mediator was played by the pharaoh. It was the pharaoh's mission to maintain the order on earth that had been present since creation. Inthe office as high priest of all cults it was incumbent on the pharaoh to keep the gods satisfied by ensuring them of the maintenance of Ma'at. In this the pharaoh as god-king was assisted by a hierarchy of priests who performed cult rituals in temples and sacrificed to the gods. To a great extent, ordinary people were excluded from formal religion and resorted to popular or demotic religion. The dominant role of artefacts in death and grave rituals does not signify an obsession with death. All rituals and artefacts were involved in maintaining life after death, and the afterlife was something that Ancient Egyptians implicitly believed in. Admission to life after death required a morally sound and just life, which was determined in the judgement ceremony when the deeds of the deceased were placed on a scale weighted with the feather of Ma'at. Religion, with the pharaoh at its centre, permeated every aspect of daily life in Ancient Egypt.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opkoms van die Antieke Egiptiese beskawing teen die einde van die vierde millennium vC was essensieel 'n godsdienstige proses. Die beskawing het rondom 'n godsdiens ontwikkel wat sy skering en inslag in die vrugbare Nylvallei gehad het. Metafore uit die Nylkonteks is gebruik om die godedom te vergestalt. Skeppingsmites het op verskillende tye en op verskillende plekke 'n verklaring van die ontstaansgeheim van gode en mense probeer gee. Hiervolgens is alle gode en mense deur 'n oerwese geskape nadat hierdie oerwese homself tot stand gebring het. In 'n poging om die verskillende fasette van gode uit te beeld, is verskillende metafore gebruik; dieselfde god kon vergestalt word as mens en/of dier. Tog het alle gode menslike eienskappe gehad en het hulle almal in menslike strukture gefunksioneer. In die oerstaat sou mense en gode in harmonie saamleef. Toe die mens in opstand gekom het, is hierdie harmonie versteur, en die gode het die wêreld van die mensdom verlaat. Nadat die gode die aarde verlaat het, kon hulle net deur 'n middelaar bereik word. Die rol van middelaar is ingeneem deur die farao. Dit was die opdrag van die farao om die orde wat van die skepping af teenwoordig was, op aarde te handhaaf. In sy amp as hoëpriester van alle kultusse moes die farao daagliks die gode tevrede hou deur hulle van die instandhouding van Ma'at te verseker. Hierin is hy as godkoning bygestaan deur 'n hiërargie van priesters wat in tempels kultusrituele uitgevoer en offers aan die gode gebring het. Die gewone mens is in 'n groot mate uitgesluit van formele godsdiens en het 'n heenkome in volksgodsdiens gevind. Die dominante rol wat artefakte rondom die dood en grafrituele speel, het geensins gedui op 'n beheptheid met die dood nie. Alle rituele en toerusting is gerig op die instandhouding van die lewe na die dood, waaraan die Antieke Egiptenaar onwrikbaar geglo het. Toetrede tot die lewe na die dood het 'n moreel regverdige lewe vereis en is bepaal by die oordeelseremonie wanneer die afgestorwene se dade op 'n skaal teenoor die veer van Ma'at geweeg is. Elke aspek van die daaglikse lewe in Antieke Egipte is geraak en bepaal deur die besondere rol van die godsdiens en die farao as hoofrolspeler in die godsdiens.
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Cox, Michael James. "Ba'al and Seth : an investigation into the relationship of two gods, with reference to their iconography (ca. 1500 – 1000 BCE)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85852.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although the traditional viewpoint of the Ancient Egyptian civilisation is one of isolation and self containment, in fact Egypt and Syro-Palestine had a long history of contact and interaction before the Late Bronze Age, albeit somewhat tenuous and ad hoc. The commencement of the New Kingdom in Egypt heralded a more vigorous period of exchange. This was largely due to the Egyptian policy of increased commercial activity and military campaigns in Syro-Palestine as well as the rising strength of the Asiatic peoples. At the personal level there was always a trend of Asiatics moving into Egypt in search of a better life, which opened the door for the Hyksos rule at the end of the Middle Bronze Age. This foreign rule was an affront on the dignity of the Egyptians. Thus, following numerous military campaigns much of Syro-Palestine was incorporated into the wider Egyptian political entity. In counterpoint to the situation in Egypt, Syro-Palestine was very far from isolated, situated in the open cultural landscape of Syria and Mesopotamia it was the very hub of the Ancient Near East. Inevitably there was considerable interaction, and throughout history, as even today, Syro-Palestine is a crossroads and melting pot of different peoples. At the forefront of any exchange were religious ideas, religious traditions were introduced and foreign gods were spread far and wide. The international nature of the gods seems to have been a characteristic of the Ancient Near East. In this scenario were the Egyptian god Seth and his counterpart the Syro-Palestinian god Baaal, each with a complex story, wherein the iconographical and textual evidence of the gods show much commonality. The association of Seth with Baaal in Egypt is clear, the name of Baaal being written with the Seth-animal determinative, whereas Syro-Palestine has the Mami stele from Ugarit. Major events shook the Ancient Near East ca. 1500-1000 BCE, Egypt reached its apogee and ruled the East; providing the most likely answer regarding the presence and worship of Seth in Syro-Palestine. Certainly Seth was present and worshipped, naturally the massive numbers of Egyptian military and diplomatic personnel required facilities for this practice. Since the earlier Hyksos rulers accepted and worshipped Seth this predicates on a continuum into the period in question. To summarize: Seth equals Baaal and Baaal equals Seth.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel die tradisionele siening van die antieke Egiptiese beskawing een van isolasie en selfonderhouding is, het Egipte en Siro-Palestina in werklikheid ʼn lang geskiedenis van kontak en interaksie voor die Laat Bronstydperk gehad, hoewel ietwat beperk en ad hoc. Die aanvang van die Nuwe Koninkryk in Egipte het ʼn meer dinamiese tydperk van wisselwerking ingelui. Dit was grootliks weens die Egiptiese beleid van toenemende handelsaktiwiteit en militêre veldtogte in Siro-Palestina, asook die opkomende mag van die Asiatiese volke. Op persoonlike vlak was daar altyd ʼn neiging van Asiate om na Egipte te trek op soek na ʼn beter lewe, wat die deur vir die Hiksosheerskappy aan die einde van die Middel-Bronstydperk oopgemaak het. Hierdie vreemdelinge heerskappy was ʼn belediging vir die waardigheid van die Egiptenare. Gevolglik, na afloop van talle militêre veldtogte is die meerderheid van Siro-Palestina in die breër Egiptiese politieke entiteit ingelyf. In teenstelling met die situasie in Egipte was Siro-Palestina alles behalwe geïsoleer. Geleë in die oop kulturele landskap van Sirië en Mesopotamië was dit die ware middelpunt van die Ou Nabye Ooste. Daar was noodwendig aansienlike interaksie, en regdeur die geskiedenis, soos selfs vandag nog, is Siro-Palestina ‟n kruispad en smeltkroes van verskillende volke. Aan die voorpunt van enige wisselwerking was godsdienstige idees, godsdienstige tradisies was ingevoer en uitheemse gode wyd en syd versprei. Die internasionale aard van die gode blyk ʼn kenmerk van die Ou Nabye Ooste te wees. In hierdie scenario was die Egiptiese god Seth en sy Siro-Palestynse eweknie Baäl, elk met ʼn komplekse storie, waarin die ikonografiese en tekstuele bronne van die gode baie ooreenstemming toon. Die verbintenis van Seth met Baäl is duidelik in Egipte, waar Baäl se naam met die Seth-dier as determinatief geskryf is, terwyl Siro-Palestina die Mami-stela van Ugarit het. Groot gebeurtenisse het die Ou Nabye Ooste ca. 1500-1000 v.C. geskud, Egipte het sy hoogtepunt bereik en oor die Ooste geheers, wat die mees waarskynlike antwoord aangaande die teenwoordigheid en aanbidding van Seth in Siro-Palestina verskaf. Seth was ongetwyfeld teenwoordig en aanbid, natuurlik het die enorme getalle Egiptiese militêre en diplomatieke personeel fasiliteite vir hierdie praktyk vereis. Aangesien die vroeëre Hiksosheersers Seth aanvaar en aanbid het, bevestig dit ‟n kontinuum in die periode onder bespreking. Om op te som: Seth is gelyk aan Baäl en Baäl is gelyk aan Seth.
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Calmettes, Marie-Astrid. "Les représentations relatives à la conception du monde dans l'Egypte ancienne." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209477.
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Etude des représentations du cosmos dans l'Egypte ancienne :représentations du Noun (non-cosmos), représentations des frontières entre le Noun et le cosmos et représentations des éléments constitutifs du cosmos (ciel, terre et éléments soutenant le ciel). Etude de l'apport de ces représentations sur la connaissance que nous avons de la conception du monde des anciens Egyptiens.Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Louant, Emmanuel. "Le dieu-fils Harsomtous dans les temples égyptiens d'époque tardive : étude de sa relation avec le dieu-patron du sanctuaire pour définir sa personne et ses fonctions spécifiques en tant que dieu-fils dans et hors du temple d'Edfou." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211729.
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Pulicani, Emeline. "Voir et entendre en egypte ancienne : les dieux Ir et Sedjem." Thesis, Lille 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL30056.
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Ir et Sedjem forment un couple divin complémentaire et indissociable qui apparaît au Nouvel Empire et qui perdure jusqu'à l'époque romaine. Le premier volume regroupe toute la documentation nécessaire à cette étude. Quatre-vingt-neuf documents mentionnant Ir et Sedjem ont été recensés et classés par type puis par ordre décroissant du nombre d'attestations : les temples (rangés chronologiquement et du Sud au Nord), les papyrus et les bandelettes de momies (ordonnés par musées puis par numéro d'inventaire) et enfin les objets divers (classés par époque). Chaque fiche créée au sein de notre corpus est composée de cinq entrées : l'emplacement de l'attestation d'Ir et Sedjem dans le temple, le papyrus, la bandelette ou l'objet, la datation, la description détaillée suivant la nature et l'état de conservation du document ; la bibliographie et le contexte d'apparition qui indique si Ir et Sedjem sont représentés, simplement cités et/ou s'ils tiennent un discours. Enfin, sur la page paire sont regroupées la ou les différentes illustrations. Le deuxième volume est consacré à la synthèse de notre étude sur Ir et Sedjem divisée en quatre chapitres. Le premier traite des noms de nos deux divinités notamment de leurs graphies respectives afin d'établir une translittération définitive et une traduction de leurs noms. Leur iconographie a été étudiée ensuite (attitudes, perruques, signes-emblèmes, vêtements, éléments de parure, barbe postiche) ainsi que les quelques cas particuliers relevés (zoomorphie totale ou partielle, possible aspect féminin, symbiose éventuelle) et enfin ,leurs attributs ont été traités. La troisième partie de notre développement est consacrée à l'analyse des liens qui unissent Ir et Sedjem aux autres divinités du panthéon égyptien. Avant de procéder à l'étude des différentes fonctions de nos deux divinités, un inventaire de leurs épithètes, de leurs discours et des offrandes qu'ils reçoivent a été établi. Nous avons également examiné les divers emplacements sur lesquels ils sont mentionnés dans les temples. Enfin, nous avons terminé notre recherche en proposant un bref examen sur les liens indirects qui existent entre Ir et Sedjem et le Ka royal, les deux vautours In-nout et Sedjemet dans le Mythe de l'Oeil du Soleil et les 14 Kaou de RêIr and Sedjem form a complementary and inseparable divine couple that appears in the New Kingdom, which lasted until the Roman period. The first volume includes all necessary documentation in this study. Eighty-nine documents mentioning Ir and Sedjem were listed and classified by type then in decreasing order of the number of certificates : temples (tidied up chronologically and from South to North), papyri and strips of mommies (ordered by museums then by number of inventory) and finally the diverse objects (classified by time). Each file created within our corpus consists of five entries : the location of the certificate of Ir and Sedjem in the temple, papyrus, the strip or object ; the dating ; the detailed description following the nature and the state of preservation of the document ; the bibliography and the context of appearance which indicates if Ir and Sedjem are represented, even-numbered page are grouped one or several various illustrations. The second volume is devoted to the synthesis of our study on Ir and Sedjem divided into four chapters. The first deals with names of our two deities includong their respective written form in order to establish a definitive transliteration and translation of their names. Their iconography was then studied (attitudes, wigs, signs-emblems, clothes, elements of finery, false beard) as well as the few particular cases found (total or partial zoomorphic shape, possible feminine aspect, prospective symbiosis) and finally, their attributes were handled. The third part of our development is dedicated to the analysis of the links between Ir and Sedjem and the other divinities of the Egyptian pantheon. Before proceeding to the study of the various functions of our two divinities, an inventory of their epithets, their discourse and the offering which they receive was established. We also examined the diverse locations on which they are mentioned in temples. Finally, we completed our research by proposing a brief review of the indirect links which exist between Ir and Sedjem and royal Ka, the both vultures In-nout and Sedjemet in the Myth of th Eye of the Sun and the 14 Kaou of Rê
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Zecchi, Marco. "A study of the Egyptian god Osiris Hemag /." Imola : Ed. La Mandragora, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376309861.
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Olette-Pelletier, Jean-Guillaume. "Min, le « puissant des dieux ». Le dieu Min, de la Première Période intermédiaire à la fin de la Deuxième Période intermédiaire : réinterprétation d'une image divine au service du pouvoir." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040123.
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Le dieu égyptien Min a toujours été considéré comme un dieu de la procréation par nombre d’égyptologues. Pourtant, l’analyse de son image et de son culte sur la période allant du début de la 8e dynastie à la fin de la 17e dynastie révèle une toute autre définition. Son iconographie témoigne d’une élaboration cryptique dans l’emploi des divers éléments qui composent son image. La présente étude réanalyse par ailleurs la parèdre coptite du dieu ainsi que la réappropriation de l’image de Min au début du Moyen Empire par la divinité thébaine Amon. Loué lors de fêtes spécifiques aux fonctions agraires et dynastiques, Min fit l’objet d’une vénération certaine au cours de cette large période, aussi bien auprès des souverains que des particuliers. Min est aussi particulièrement vénéré en contexte expéditionnaire. Qu’il s’agisse du ouadi Hammamat ou du Gebel el-Zeit en passant par Mersa Gaouasis et par Konosso, le dieu est mentionné ou figuré pour ses attributions guerrières et minérales. Enfin, au cours du Moyen Empire et de la Deuxième Période intermédiaire, Min semble particulièrement loué en Abydos. Son insertion dans la geste osirienne – avec la création de sa forme Min-Horus-nakht – témoigne du déplacement et de la portée funéraire et dynastique croissante du culte à cette époque. Par ses hymnes et les témoignages archéologiques découverts en Abydos, apparaissent en ce lieu les vestiges d’un sanctuaire propre au dieu. Au regard de l’ensemble de la documentation récolée, Min apparaît alors non pas comme un dieu de procréation, mais comme un « Suivant d’Horus », un dieu de la force aux fonctions dynastiques et régénératrices, agissant tant sur le monde naturel que dans l’inframondeThe Egyptian god Min has always been considered as a procreation god by many Egyptologists. However, the analysis of his image and his cult on the period from the beginning of the First Intermediate Period to the end of the 17th dynasty reveals a very different definition. His iconography shows a cryptic elaboration in the way of using various details composing his image. This present study reanalyzes the Coptite consort of Min as well as the reappropriation of the god’s image by the Theban deity Amun at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. Revered during specific agrarian and dynastic religious festivals, Min was subject of a great veneration during this period, both from kings and private individuals. Min was also particularly praised in expeditionary contexts. From the wadi Hammamat to the Gebel el-Zeit via Mersa Gawasis and the peninsula of Konosso, this god was mentioned and figured for his warring and mineral abilities. Lastly, during the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period, Min seems particularly revered in Abydos. He was inserted inside the Osirian cult with the creation of the figure of Min-Horus-nakht, the latter testifying the moving of the cult and the funerary and dynastic importance of the god in this city. With Abydenian hymns and the discovery of archeological fragments, the location of a sanctuary dedicated to the god could be brought to light. Regarding all the collected data, Min appears not as a procreation god but as a ‘Follower of Horus’, a god of strength with dynastic powers, a god of regeneration who acts over both the natural world and the underworld
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Garcia, i. Marrasé Neus Elisabeth. "La huella de Osiris en tiempos de Felipe II. La recepción del mito egipcio en la Monarquía hispánica de la segunda mitad del siglo XVI." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666873.
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Pese a haber permanecido prácticamente desatendida por la historiografía, la recepción del mito egipcio en tiempos de Felipe II no puede considerarse como residual o anecdótica. Se trata de un fenómeno en la Monarquía de la segunda mitad del XVI que, aun ser difícil de detectar, está en concomitancia con el interés que lo egipcio suscitó en la Europa renacentista. La presente investigación se adentra en los entresijos de cómo se articuló esa recepción, ciertamente intensa y volcada en fuentes tan y tan heterogéneas que llegó al punto de originar un renacimiento egipcio y un renacimiento jeroglífico específicos para el caso español. Al margen de los clásicos, en los círculos humanistas era conocido el alcance de los referentes asidos del antiguo Egipto. Un Egipto, eso sí, transformado respecto a sus cánones faraónicos, filtrado por las fuentes grecolatinas, corrompido por la tradición bíblica, adulterado por graníticas connotaciones herméticas, y distorsionado por la mentalidad e ideales renacentistas. De ahí que este estudio se adentre en la búsqueda de la huella de Osiris, es decir, la impronta de lo egipcio dibujada en suelo hispánico con contornos diversos e hilvanada mediante un discurso egiptizante (lingüístico; mito-genealógico e historiográfico; jeroglífico en torno a su estudio y vías de aplicación; médico-farmacológico relativo a las momias). Estamos, pues, ante un tema de investigación que amplía las perspectivas del estudio de la siempre compleja Monarquía hispánica y sus múltiples visiones.Despite remaining almost neglected by Historiography, the presence of Ancient Egypt in Philip II’s time is located on the frame of the Egyptian Myth reception during the second half of the XVIth century Spanish Monarchy. Succinctly, my contribution studies how this reception was articulated through the interpretation of heterogeneous sources that allow formulating the existence of an Egyptian and Hieroglyphic Renascences for the Hispanic case. Beyond the referents of Classical Antiquity, the intellectual forces of Humanism knew about the importance of those taken from Ancient Egypt. Anyway, a completely transformed Egypt from its pharaonic canons, filtered by Greco-Latin sources, corrupted by the Biblical tradition, undermined by the Renaissance ideas, and interfered by Hermetic connotations. All in all, we are going to research into the so-called trace of Osiris; that’s to say the ‘footmark’ of Egypt drawn on the Hispanic context through various contours and revealed thanks to an egyptianizing discourse in several areas (Linguistics; Mythical Genealogy and Historiography; Hieroglyphic studies and their applied ways; Pharmacopoeia and Medicine about mummies). Thus, we are facing a research that extends the perspectives in the different visions of the complex Spanish Monarchy.
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Turner, Philip. "Seth : a misrepresented god in the Ancient Egyptian pantheon?" Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/seth--a-misrepresented-god-in-the-ancient-egyptian-pantheon(de829430-70ae-4df4-b874-f674d496b634).html.
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The conventional position of Seth in Ancient Egypt is as the villain amongst the gods. That is to say he is documented as the murderer of his brother, Osiris, and the enemy of Horus. However he does have a number of aspects and was venerated in certain guises and places, particularly the Delta. It is likely that the Osirian mythology represented the struggle between Upper and Lower Egypt at the time of the unification of Egypt in Predynastic and early Dynastic times. This is illustrated by the finding of a carved artefact from the Predynastic Amratian (Naqada I) period (4000-3500 B.C.E.) and the fact that Peribsen and Khasekhemwy had serekhs surmounted by a Seth animal. This confusion continues during the Old Kingdom where although Seth is mainly portrayed as the villain in the majority of the Pyramid Texts, at times he appears to be a friend of Osiris e.g.: in texts from Teti there is a statement that Seth is the arch-enemy of Osiris, as he was of Horus, and the defeat of Seth and his followers by Horus is described with great satisfaction; but, conversely in texts from Pepi: Seth and Thoth are called the brothers of Osiris who weep for him and in another place Seth is called upon to give life to Osiris. This surely illustrates the struggles that were continuing between Upper and Lower Egypt and when Upper Egypt was supplying the pharaohs, then Horus was triumphant and Seth portrayed in his villainous role, but when Lower Egypt held sway then Seth has a more prominent role. This thesis will examine Seth’s fluctuating role in these various periods of Ancient Egypt and seek to show that his rises and falls actually reflected the turbulent times that were a constant factor of life during these times and that, certainly in the Delta, and possibly in other parts of the country, his worship was always on-going. This will be achieved by:• Examining the ‘traditional’ positioning of Seth within the Osirian story.• Examining the worship of Seth in the Predynastic and early Dynastic time periods.• Examining the rise of Seth to prominence during the Hyksos Period.• Examining the position of Seth within the Ramesside era.• Examining the vilification he experienced during the Saite Period.• Examining the position of Seth during the Graeco-Roman Period.
Books on the topic "Egyptian Gods"
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Page, Judith. Invoking the Egyptian gods. Woodbury, Minn: Llewellyn Publications, 2011.
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ill, Williams Jenny 1939, ed. Egyptian gods and goddesses. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1999.
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Forest, Christopher. Ancient Egyptian gods and goddesses. Mankato, Minn: Capstone Press, 2012.
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Shorter, Alan W. The Egyptian gods: A handbook. San Bernardino, Calif: R. Reginald/Borgo Press, 1985.
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Page, Judith. Pathworking with the Egyptian gods. Woodbury, Minn: Llewellyn Publications, 2010.
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Harris, Geraldine. Gods & pharaohs from Egyptian mythology. New York: P. Bedrick Books, 1996.
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Wallis, Budge E. A. The gods of the Egyptians, or, Studies in Egyptian mythology. Chicago: Open Court, 1989.
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Lachaud, René. L' invisible présence: Les dieux de l'Egypte pharaonique. [Monaco]: Editions du Rocher, 1995.
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Schoske, Sylvia. Gott und Götter im Alten Ägypten. Mainz am Rhein: Ph. von Zabern, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Egyptian Gods"
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Logan, Deborah. "Aboo-Simbil. - Egyptian Conceptions of the Gods." In Harriet Martineau's Writing on the British Empire, 104–11. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003113522-12.
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Eicke, Sven. "Chapter 12. Affecting the Gods – Fear in Ancient Egyptian religious texts." In Culture and Language Use, 229–46. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/clu.19.12eic.
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"Egyptian Gods." In Yahweh among the Gods, 99–142. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108609692.005.
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von Lieven, Alexandra. "Translating Gods, Interpreting Gods." In Greco-Egyptian Interactions, 61–82. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199656127.003.0003.
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"THE EGYPTIAN MONTH GODS." In Twelve gods of Greece and Rome, 337–44. BRILL, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004296657_011.
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Lefèvre, Dominique. "WHEN EGYPTIAN GODS SPEAK:." In When Gods Speak to Men, 9–20. Peeters Publishers, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1q26qhz.6.
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Geraldine, Pinch. "3. The gods themselves: deities and myth." In Egyptian Myth, 30–42. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780192803467.003.0004.
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Singer, Itamar. "Hittite Gods in Egyptian Attire:." In Literature as Politics, Politics as Literature, 433–58. Penn State University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/j.ctv1bxgwts.28.
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"The "Gods" of the Egyptians." In Egyptian Religion (Routledge Revivals), 100–125. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203071328-11.
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Dasen, Véronique. "Anonymous Dwarf Gods." In Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece, 46–54. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198146995.003.0006.
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Abstract Egyptian religion was deeply concerned with maintaining the order of the created world, always threatened by the primeval chaos, outside and within creation, full of monstrous hybrid beings.1 Dwarfs, though malformed, do not seem to have been assimilated to these disturbing and threatening creatures. Their liminality was made symbolically acceptable by association with positive religious concepts. From the New Kingdom on, and probably also earlier, they emerge as popular deities, best known in their forms of Bes and Ptah-Pataikoi, who are invoked in a host of magical practices to protect the living and the dead. Before analysing the material relating to these two gods, I present the magical and liturgical texts where dwarf gods are invoked as helpers, but are not named; these texts range in date from the New Kingdom to the Graeco-Roman period. The study of the epithets, attributes, and functions of these anonymous deities helps us to define the place reserved for dwarfs in Egyptian cosmogony.
Conference papers on the topic "Egyptian Gods"
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"Paideia, God, and the Transformation of Egyptian Lore in Plutarch’s De Iside et Osiride." In Symposium of the Melammu Project. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/melammu10s609.
Full textReports on the topic "Egyptian Gods"
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Wüthrich, Annik. Amon, dieu de la ville, dans le chapitre 23 du Livre des Morts. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/erc_stg_757951_a.wuetrich_amon_dieu_de_la_ville_dans_le_chapitre_23_du_livre_des_morts.
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Book of the Dead spell 23 aimed to allow the deceased to recover the use of his mouth: therefore, the deceased invokes, among other deities, the “god of the city” as his personal god. However, some copies of the Book of the Dead from the 26th dynasty onwards replace or add to this expression the name of the god Amon. All these papyri clearly or supposedly come from Thebes based on prosopographical and onomastic criteria. This article lists hence these different attestations, seeking to explain this phenomenon, to examine if it extends to other Egyptian cities and to investigate the concept of local gods more generally.
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Wüthrich, Annik. Amon, dieu de la ville, dans le chapitre 23 du Livre des Morts. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/erc_stg_757951_a.wuethrich_amon_dieu_de_la_ville_dans_le_chapitre_23_du_livre_des_morts.
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Book of the Dead spell 23 aimed to allow the deceased to recover the use of his mouth: therefore, the deceased invokes, among other deities, the “god of the city” as his personal god. However, some copies of the Book of the Dead from the 26th dynasty onwards replace or add to this expression the name of the god Amon. All these papyri clearly or supposedly come from Thebes based on prosopographical and onomastic criteria. This article lists hence these different attestations, seeking to explain this phenomenon, to examine if it extends to other Egyptian cities and to investigate the concept of local gods more generally.