To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Egyptian Gods.
Journal articles on the topic 'Egyptian Gods'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Egyptian Gods.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Demidchik, Arkadiy E. "The value of a human life in ancient Egyptian religion at the turn of the 3rd–2nd millennia BC." Shagi / Steps 10, no. 2 (2024): 14–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2412-9410-2024-10-2-14-33.
Full textAbstract:
The author explores the ancient Egyptian religion’s perspective on value of a human life during the latter part of the Old Kingdom, the First Intermediate Period, and the Middle Kingdom.Polytheistic ritualistic “communal” religions, where ethics did not play a significant role, are typical for the epoch of early antiquity, and the Egyptian views discussed in the article mostly align with this context. It was believed that the gods were concerned about the Egyptian people’s safety and well-being primarily because these were indispensable preconditions for abundant provisions and seamless performance of divine cults. Created ultimately to produce and offer sacrificial gifts to the gods, the Egyptians were kind of their “flock”, “the gods’ (little) livestock”. However, the gods were thought to have little involvement in the individual lives of the king’s subjects: their benevolent attention was focused on the pharaoh, who personified the state. Since the king formally was the sole authorized performer of liturgical rituals, Egyptian religion had a pronounced communal nature that hindered the development of the concept of a man’s enduring personal connection with a deity. Within this framework, moral excellence was deemed essential for an individual to gain favor with the ruler, whereas divine recompence during one’s lifetime for piety and virtue was deemed hardly predictable.
2
Fitriani, Fitriani, and Anggita Nabila. "Historitas Agama Mesir Kuno Dalam Perspektif A-Qur’an." Jurnal Dirosah Islamiyah 5, no. 3 (April 14, 2023): 629–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47467/jdi.v5i3.3295.
Full textAbstract:
Ancient Egyptian civilization is very often talked about. This is not surprising given the great legacy of the ancient Egyptian leaders. What is taken for discussion is the belief system of the ancient Egyptian people. There are so many things related to Egypt in terms of their civilization which can be said to be very large and extraordinary at that time. The relics that are considered the most historic are the Pyramids which were built using very heavy stone. Then, another thing that was discussed was about the belief of the Egyptian people in the existence of many gods and recognizing and respecting the sanctity of certain animals. In this paper, using a qualitative approach to the method of literature study, through exploration of various data such as books, journals and others. The result of this study is to find that ancient Egyptian folk beliefs were more focused on the number of gods and considered that Pharaoh was the representative of the gods and as a means of intermediary between the people and the gods. Pharaohs who are believed to have sacred powers to intercede for their people with the goddess in the field of knowledge, the ancient Egyptians focused on mathematics and astronomy, they also used the calendar to calculate planting time, the language used comes from the ancient Greek language contained in the covenant called stone. the ancient rosetta hunting system, still uses the hunting system, still uses weapons such as spears and arrows and farms on the banks of the nile because apart from that the area is dry because of the desert, social life is divided into 3 castes, namely upper caste, middle caste and lower caste.
Keywords: Ancient Egypt, civilization, religion, history.
3
Almansa-Villatoro, M. Victoria. "Reconstructing the Pre-Meroitic Indigenous Pantheon of Kush." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 18, no. 2 (November 26, 2018): 167–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341299.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article sets out to address questions concerning local religious traditions in ancient Nubia. Data concerning Egyptian gods in the Sudan are introduced, then the existence of unattested local pre-Meroitic gods is reconstructed using mainly external literary sources and an analysis of divine names. A review of other archaeological evidence from an iconographic point of view is also attempted, concluding with the presentation of Meroitic gods and their relation with earlier traditions. This study proposes that Egyptian religious beliefs were well integrated in both official and popular cults in Nubia. The Egyptian and the Sudanese cultures were constantly in contact in the border area and this nexus eased the transmission of traditions and iconographical elements in a bidirectional way. The Meroitic gods are directly reminiscent of the reconstructed indigenous Kushite pantheon in many aspects, and this fact attests to an attempt by the Meroitic rulers to recover their Nubian cultural identity.
4
Ulmer, Rivka. "The Egyptian Gods in Midrashic Texts." Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 2 (April 2010): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816010000544.
Full textAbstract:
The engagement with Egypt and the Egyptian gods that transpired in the Hebrew Bible continued into the texts produced by rabbinic Judaism. Rabbinic texts of late antiquity and the early medieval period frequently presented images of Egypt and its religion. One of the critical objectives of these portrayals of Egypt was to set boundaries of Jewish identity by presenting rabbinic Judaism in opposition to Egyptian culture. The Egyptian cultural icons in rabbinic texts also demonstrate that the rabbis were aware of cultures other than their own.1 The presence of Egyptian elements in midrash had previously been noted to a very limited extent by scholars of the Wissenschaft des Judentums (the science of Judaism), and it has not escaped the attention of more recent scholarship.
5
Fassa, Eleni. "Divine commands, authority, and cult. Imperative dedications to the Egyptian gods." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 9 (November 2016): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-09-04.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents the dedications made to the Egyptian deities “in accordance with divine command” in the eastern Mediterranean during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The gods of Egypt exhorted and, if disobeyed, demanded from their adherents the performance of specific actions. As it is demonstrated by “imperative dedications” this communication between gods and worshippers was disclosed in public. First, the article examines the imperative expressions in use, the syntax and style of dedicatory language, and proposes a typology of “imperative dedications” in the framework of Isiac cults. Moreover, it is argued that imperatives constituted a means for the promotion of Isiac cults; most often, the Egyptian gods requested the execution of ritual acts, which either improved and embellished already-founded Isiac cults, or advanced the introduction of Isiac divinities in the cities of the Graeco-Roman world. Finally, it is asserted that “imperative dedications” constitute an important testimony for Graeco-Roman attitudes regarding the Egyptian gods. They are indicative of a complex relationship between these gods and their adherents, since the distance presupposed by the issuing of a command did not preclude the creation of close ties between the Isiac divinities and their worshippers.
6
Ramsey, Shawn. "Psychopompos: Thoth, Plato's Phaedrus, and the Context of Egyptian Mythic Rhetoric." Rhetorica 40, no. 3 (2022): 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2022.40.3.233.
Full textAbstract:
In Phaedrus, Plato invokes a mythic exemplum concerning the Egyptian deity Thoth. Though often interpreted as an overt critique of writing, this argument posits Thoth is offered analogically to contrast Plato's rhetorical epistemology with that of the ancient Egyptians. To do so, this argument addresses why a mythic Egyptian figure might be so significant to Plato in the 4th Century B.C. Greece, whose culture already had multiple gods and cultural heroes to whom the invention of writing is attributed, when the episode in Phaedrus is axiomatically described as a critique of writing. Because Plato may have had some degree of firsthand knowledge of Egyptian traditions it explores those traditions personified in the figure of Thoth, which should be examined as an analogical device advised by Egyptian rhetorical epistemology. A closer examination of the comparative rhetorical epistemological perspective not only illuminates Thoth's appearance in Phaedrus but also the Egyptian rhetorical-epistemic tradition. Thoth's role as epistemic mediator between humans and truth, in the broadest terms, was to act as psychopomp who moves both between humanity and the arrival at knowledge that prefigures rhetorical action.
7
Cooper, Julien. "Divine Roots: The Etymology of Thoth." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 151, no. 1 (May 24, 2024): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2022-0001.
Full textAbstract:
Summary The names of gods are an important expression of the Egyptian experience of the divine. Understanding the etymology of divine names can give us insights into the conceptions of the oldest adherents of religious cults, allowing us to appreciate of the essence of the original deity. This analysis will propose an etymology for the name of the god Thoth and situate the god’s name in its proper lexical and theological context, relating the divine name Ḏḥw.ty to an Old Egyptian root for ‘bright’ or ‘white’ and thus lunar concepts. This etymology not only satisfactorily explains the lexical root and theology of Thoth but is also consistent with other patterns in Egyptian divine epithets and names. Using cognates from Afroasiatic languages, the analysis proves that there once existed an ancient lexical root ḏḥ(w) in Old Egyptian or ‘Pre-Old Egyptian’. This root also explains various other nouns in Egyptian such as a type of linen (ḏḥ), the metallic substances of tin (ḏḥ) and lead (ḏḥ.ty), as well as a word for ‘teeth’ (nḏḥ.yt). This analysis demonstrates that some gods’ names are to be found in lexical roots which become unproductive in later stages of the Egyptian lexicon.
8
Teeter, Emily, and Christopher Faraone. "Egyptian Maat and Hesiodic Metis." Mnemosyne 57, no. 2 (2004): 177–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852504773399178.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractMetis appears twice in the Hesiodic corpus as an anthropomorphic goddess, who is courted and then ingested by Zeus. In the Theogony this narrative ends with the permanent stabilization of his monarchic rule over gods and men. We argue that the myth of Metis and Zeus most probably derives - directly or indirectly - from Egyptian royal ideology, as it is expressed most emphatically in a series of New Kingdom and later (i.e. 1500 BCE-200 CE) texts and relief sculptures that depict the offering to various monarchical male gods of the goddess Maat. Like Hesiodic Mêtis/mêtis, Maat appears in Egyptian texts both as an abstract idea (maat) and as an anthropomorphized goddess Maat and several odd details in the Hesiodic narratives can be explained by Egyptian influence, especially the idea that Zeus swallows Metis and that afterwards she gives him moral guidance. Metis and Egyptian Maat are both closely connected to the idea of legitimate monarchic rule, a relationship that is expressed by the insertion of Maat herself into the coronation names of Egyptian kings, much the same as Metis' name appears in two of the traditional epithets attached to Zeus.
9
Reed, Justin Michael. "Ancient Egyptians in Black and White: ‘Exodus: Gods and Kings’ and the Hamitic Hypothesis." Religions 12, no. 9 (September 2, 2021): 712. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090712.
Full textAbstract:
In this essay, I consider how the racial politics of Ridley Scott’s whitewashing of ancient Egypt in Exodus: Gods and Kings intersects with the Hamitic Hypothesis, a racial theory that asserts Black people’s inherent inferiority to other races and that civilization is the unique possession of the White race. First, I outline the historical development of the Hamitic Hypothesis. Then, I highlight instances in which some of the most respected White intellectuals from the late-seventeenth through the mid-twentieth century deploy the hypothesis in assertions that the ancient Egyptians were a race of dark-skinned Caucasians. By focusing on this detail, I demonstrate that prominent White scholars’ arguments in favor of their racial kinship with ancient Egyptians were frequently burdened with the insecure admission that these ancient Egyptian Caucasians sometimes resembled Negroes in certain respects—most frequently noted being skin color. In the concluding section of this essay, I use Scott’s film to point out that the success of the Hamitic Hypothesis in its racial discourse has transformed a racial perception of the ancient Egyptian from a dark-skinned Caucasian into a White person with appearance akin to Northern European White people.
10
Kormysheva, E. E. "Factors of formation and specific aspects of syncretic processes in Meroe religion." Orientalistica 3, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 921–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2020-3-4-921-937.
Full textAbstract:
The author explores specific manifestations of the phenomenon of syncretism in theMeroereligion, as well as the factors, which did significantly contribute to it. She traces these factors on a wide time scale starting from the early archaeological cultures of theNileValleyto the Hellenistic time. The main subject of research is the cult of the gods, as well as the myths and rituals, which did accompany worship. The article deals with concepts of ‘unity and multitude’, which were instrumental for creation of local concepts of Egyptian deities. According to the author, this was the beginning of syncretism. Both the subsequent adaptation and acculturation can be seen in rethinking and creating images that retained many primordial Egyptian features. The Meroe ‘friend or foe’ concept could be traced on specific forms of adaptation of ‘enemy’ images to the Meroitic culture and the subsequent perception of them as “own” or “local”. One can identify this process as “inversion”, which run in two directions: the “alien”, i.e. Egyptian gods in fullness of time became “own” gods inMeroe, the gods ofKush, in their turn became part of the Egyptian pantheon. The results of the process, which culminated in creation of a syncretic culture can be seen in emergence of new hitherto unknown deities, which were distinguished by combination of various Greek, Egyptian and Meroitic features. The Hellenistic features ofMeroedeities came to this culture viaEgypt. The formation of the syncreticMeroereligion up to the beginning of the Christian era was marked by the mutual influence and coexistence of “borrowed” deities as well as those, which came into being in course of the process of “borrowing”. The phenomenon of syncretism was spread through many aspects of religious life covering not just individual images of deities or various ritual practices, but also the whole theological system ofEgypt. In the history of the world religions this was the first recorded spread of religious teaching beyond its historical borders and the subsequent adaptation to an “alien”, Sudanese culture.
11
Schiller, Vera. "A Szuda és az egyiptomi vallás." Belvedere Meridionale 32, no. 1 (2020): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2020.1.8.
Full textAbstract:
The Souda encyclopaedia brought into being around 1000 A.D. is a product of Byzantine humanism. This epoch is proud of its knowledge of classical antiquity, it wants to harmonize it with its own knowledge, and not make it forgotten. It equally wants to look upon the notions of ancient Egyptian religion in a correct way, and give a correct idea of them. In the encyclopaedia three variants of forwarding the Egyptian substance of myths can be detected. The first consists in regarding gods as former monarchs. It enlists the gods under the names of the Greek gods identified with them, and considers them as early monarchs of Egypt. This does not cause any difficulty as also Egyptian tradition is convinced of its first monarchs being creative gods. This in itself is not a new discovery. Earlier World chronicles described the histories of ancient peoples in a similar way; moreover it is exactly the texts of the former that Souda includes in the encyclopaedia. – The second variant mentions Egyptian gods by their own names, and describes them as being of godly character. You cannot feel any aversion in the encyclopaedia, apart sometimes from the euhemistic view, according to which a god was, in reality, an ancient monarch in whose honour a temple was erected after his death. – The third group of knowledge must, however, be a product of the new way of thinking. The editors of Souda preserve the neo-Platonist philosophers of the 5th century by including Damascus’ work. These philosophers fi ght, by means of the saint synchretism, for the preservation of the ancient religion in Egypt. The considerate description of the philosophers defending pagan cults against Christianism allows the emotional atmosphere of the epoch to unfold. The editor/editors of the encyclopaedia does/do not want to keep secret or make disappear the substance of knowledge and the way of thinking of ancient epochs. They want to preserve them and to build them into the substance of present knowledge in a way similar to the one, by which they try to connect, with each other, the traditions of diff erent peoples.
12
Krämer, Benedikt. "Götter als Seelen? Ein Beitrag zum Verständnis von Numenios, Fr. 30 des Places." Elenchos 43, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 139–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2022-0007.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The present paper deals with a syntactic ambiguity in Numenius’ Fr. 30, 9 and proposes a new reading. According to most scholars, in this fragment Numenius tries to identify Egyptian gods and human souls descending into generation. Instead, I argue that, since theology and psychology are different topics in Fr. 3, Numenius is rather talking about the interrelation of gods and souls in the process of metempsychosis.
13
Reunov, Yury S. "THE HERO UNDER THE WALLS OF THE FORTRESS. ON THE QUESTION OF THE VISUAL REPRESENTATION OF RAMESSES II IN THE BATTLE OF KADESH." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Philosophy. Social Studies. Art Studies, no. 1 (2024): 76–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6401-2024-1-76-87.
Full textAbstract:
The Ramesseum temple erected under Ramesses II is one of the most significant monuments of Egyptian architecture of the XIX dynasty. Battle scenes illustrating the last major battle of the Bronze Age – the Battle of Kadesh – have been preserved on its walls. The fierce opposition of the young Pharaoh to the Hittites led to the signing of the first peace treaty in history. In Egyptian sources, Ramesses appears as a victor who prevailed over the enemy, thanks to his personal qualities and the will of the gods. The comparison of written evidence and relief images allows us to form an objective vision of the battle of Kadesh, its course and results. The analysis of sources also makes it possible to identify specific features of Egyptian official art, which include the canonical rules for the image presentation of the victorious king, as well as the artistic techniques used for that. Special attention is paid to the context of the creation of reliefs, namely, the state ideology and worldview of the ancient Egyptians in the era of the New Kingdom.
14
Tait, W. J. "Egyptian Gods and Myths. By A. P. Thomas." Archaeological Journal 144, no. 1 (January 1987): 446–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1987.11021215.
Full text
15
Manassa, Colleen. "Divine Taxonomy in the Underworld Books." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 14, no. 1 (September 2013): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2012-0004.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Underworld Books provide a unique perspective on divine taxonomy, juxtaposing gods with large, formal cults with gods whose existence is predicated on their membership within constellations of other netherworldly divinities. Examination of the ontological status of deities within the “Catalog” of the Book of Amduat and the Great Litany of the Book of Adoring Re in the West (a.k.a. The Litany of Re), including their use in non-funerary contexts, reveals a new definition for daimones within Egyptian theology.
16
قنديل, هدى عبد الله. "دور الكلمة في الفكر الديني (The Role of Creative Words in Ancient Egyptian Religious Thought)." Abgadiyat 4, no. 1 (2009): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-90000014.
Full textAbstract:
This paper presents an analytical study of the role of creative words in ancient Egyptian religious thought. Magic was considered to be a creative word. Also, the word of God was penetrative; because the world was created by seven words spoken consecutively by the creator, and every word spoken by the gods was considered to be penetrative. Puns were among the most preferable expressions by the gods, as any sentence or expression used by the god –concerning a given place or creature- gave it a name and, subsequently, a concrete reality; and this was one of the ways often used by the creator. A certain reality emerged from every oral conversation spoken by the gods, whoever they were. Similar to words, writing entailed a magical power. Knowing the power of the word, the god Djhwty is able to transfer anything into any image he wanted. Djhwty is not the real creator, but he works on the permanence of knowledge, as he was considered the gods' memory which records words and allows the creator himself to be aware of all the existence. While the creator knows about the future, Djhwty gained a non mistaken vision from this knowledge thanks to his records. The exchange of knowledge between him and the god of gods made him an intermediary between godly knowledge and the knowledge that he suggests and the one he takes. Djhwty is not only the deity that 'has the powerful insight' (sἰʒ), but also which 'knows everything' (rḫ), as he receives the former and transmits the latter. And he who records, saves and spreads the knowledge between gods and humans. Finally, writing is considered to be the medium for such transmission, i.e. a means of transmitting the knowledge (rḫ). (Please note that this article is in Arabic)
17
Lesses, Rebecca. "Speaking with Angels: Jewish and Greco-Egyptian Revelatory Adjurations." Harvard Theological Review 89, no. 1 (January 1996): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000031801.
Full textAbstract:
How do human beings receive answers to the most urgent questions they have of the powers of heaven? How do celestial beings provide guidance for perplexed humans? People living around the Mediterranean in the first few centuries CE devised many ways of seeking heavenly guidance; one of them was adjuration, in which they commanded gods, angels, or daemons to appear on earth and both reveal the mysteries of the universe to them and answer their questions about the problems of daily life. Similar techniques of adjuration occur in the Greco-Egyptian ritual texts usually referred to as the Greek magical papyri, the early Jewish mystical works known as the hekhalot literature, andSefer ha-Razim, a collection of adjurations in Hebrew, heavily influenced by both Greco-Egyptian ritual texts and the hekhalot tradition of hymnology. These adjurations assume that human beings, through their knowledge of the correct invocations and divine names, possess the power to persuade or force the gods or angels to fulfill their desires.
18
Mahdi, Batool Mutar. "Xenotransplantation: Fact or Magic." AL-Kindy College Medical Journal 18, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 82–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.47723/kcmj.v18i2.869.
Full textAbstract:
The knowledge of transferring body organs or tissues appears in the ancient mythology of Roman, Greek, Indian, Chinese, and Egyptian civilizations. The stories of organ transplants performed by GODs and health care’s using organs from cadaveric and after that transplantation change from lore to medical training
19
Safronov, A. V. "“Once Again on Understanding Some Fragments of the Ancient Egyptian Satrap Stela”: Grade D, Again." Orientalistica 5, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 574–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2022-5-3-574-602.
Full textAbstract:
The article continues the author’s study of the controversial fragments of the Satrap Stela [1]. 1. Additional arguments are proposed favoring the reading of graphemes as xft sbj. Lines 8–9 should apparently be read as “Its (i.e., the land’s) name is “the Marshland Wadjet”. It formerly belonged to the gods of Buto, before <it> changed under Xerxes who did not make offerings for the “souls of Buto” there”; 2. New reasons are adduced to demonstrate the double meaning of Horus’ epithet HA.t nir.w xpr Hr-sA (lines 10–11), viz., “the beginning of gods, which occurs afterwards” and “the foremost of gods, one who appeared afterwards”; 3. The meaning of the verb wdj as ‘to hit’ suggested by A. Erman is contested. Line 11 should be translated as “(Horus)... has overthrown those rebels, <namely> Xerxes in his palace and his elder son”.
20
Harris, Rivkah. "A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddesses. George Hart." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 48, no. 3 (July 1989): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373404.
Full text
21
Zelinskyi, Andrii. "On the Question of the Adoption of the Epiclesis ‘Euergetes’ by Ptolemy III." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Series: History, no. 63 (July 3, 2023): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-7929-2023-63-01.
Full textAbstract:
In 2020, I published the monograph From Basileis-Pharaohs to Pharaohs-Basileis: The First 100 Years of the Ptolemaic Monarchy. In that book, I proposed to move the date of the famine that occurred during the reign of Ptolemy III from 245/244 BC to the period between 243 and 238 BC, drawing on the evidence of the Alexandrian ‘synodal’ decree of 3 December 243 BC. If my hypothesis is correct, it becomes necessary to reconsider the background of Ptolemy’s adoption of the Greek form of the sacred epiclesis ‘Euergetes’ (Benefactor), which earlier I associated with the help that the population of Egypt received from the king during that famine. In modern historiography, there are a number of alternative suggestions regarding the prior actions of Ptolemy III, supposedly consistent with the Hellenistic ideas about euergetism. Among them are the victorious end of the Asian military campaign (246–245 BC); suppression of unrest in Egypt; return to Egypt of the statues of local gods and cult objects that had been removed by the Persian conquerors; and deeds for the benefit of Egyptian temples and sacred animals. But these actions of Ptolemy III either did not meet the definition of a ‘beneficent act’ or concerned only ethnic Egyptians. Traces of the Greek semantic content of the epiclesis ‘Euergetes’ should be sought in the Alexandrian ‘synodal’ decree produced by the Egyptian priesthood. It contains a list of the king’s merciful acts during the first years of his reign, including the easing of fiscal policy and proclamation of a mass amnesty. Such actions were understood as euergetism in the Egyptian and Greek (especially Hellenistic) traditions. Either of them could become the reason for the official deification of the Hellenistic ruler. Responding with an apotheosis to a large-scale act of economic euergetism became everyday reality in the Hellenistic world. Amnesty for prisoners also directly brought the benefactor closer to the Olympian gods, led by Zeus himself.
22
Clark, Dennis. "Iamblichus' Egyptian Neoplatonic Theology in De Mysteriis." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 2, no. 2 (2008): 164–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254708x282358.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn De Mysteriis VIII Iamblichus gives two orderings of first principles, one in purely Neoplatonic terms drawn from his own philosophical system, and the other in the form of several Egyptian gods, glossed with Neoplatonic language again taken from his own system. The first ordering or taxis includes the Simple One and the One Existent, two of the elements of Iamblichus' realm of the One. The second taxis includes the Egyptian (H)eikton, which has now been identified with the god of magic, Heka, glossed as the One Existent. The Egyptian god Kmeph is also a member of this taxis, and is the Egyptian Kematef, a god of creation associated with the solar Amun-Re. Iamblichus refers to this god also as the Hegemon of the celestial gods, which should be equated to Helios, specifically the noeric Helios as described by Julian in his Hymn to Helios. Iamblichus describes Kmeph as an “intellect knowing himself”, and so the noeric Kmeph/Helios should also be seen as the Paternal Demiurgic Zeus, explicitly described also by Proclus as an intellect knowing himself. This notion of a self-thinking intellect may offer a solution to the problematic formulation by Proclus in his Timaeus commentary of Iamblichus' view of the Demiurgy encompassing all the noeric realm. The identification of Kmeph as the noeric Helios now also allows the first direct parallels to de Mysteriis to be found in extant Hermetica. In addition it can be inferred from the specific Neoplatonic terminology employed that the noetic Father of Demiurges, Kronos, appears, as well as the secondary Demiurgic triad of Zeus, Poseidon, and Pluto, in the forms of the Egyptian Amun, Ptah, and Osiris, thus raising the question that much of the theology documented only in Proclus might appear already to have been established by Iamblichus.
23
Marlow, Hilary. "The Lament over the River Nile—Isaiah xix 5-10 in Its Wider Context." Vetus Testamentum 57, no. 2 (2007): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853307x183721.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe 'Lament over the River Nile' in Isaiah xix 5-10 has attracted little interest from scholars yet demonstrates some interesting features in terms of poetic form and structure as well as its relationship to the larger unit of Isaiah xix 1-15. Comparison with ancient Egyptian prophecy suggests that this larger section is a unity and draws heavily on the author's awareness of Egyptian geography and culture. In the lament itself, the author uses various forms of parallelism in order to emphasise the effect of the drought, and in so doing to highlight the superiority of YHWH over the gods of Egypt.
24
Porceddu, Sebastian, Lauri Jetsu, Tapio Markkanen, Joonas Lyytinen, Perttu Kajatkari, Jyri Lehtinen, and Jaana Toivari-Viitala. "Algol as Horus in the Cairo Calendar: The Possible Means and the Motives of the Observations." Open Astronomy 27, no. 1 (September 1, 2018): 232–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/astro-2018-0033.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract An ancient Egyptian Calendar of Lucky and Unlucky Days, the Cairo Calendar (CC), assigns luck with the period of 2.850 days. Previous astronomical, astrophysical and statistical analyses of CC support the idea that this was the period of the eclipsing binary Algol three millennia ago. However, next to nothing is known about who recorded Algol’s period into CC and especially how. Here, we show that the ancient Egyptian scribes had the possible means and the motives for such astronomical observations. Their principles of describing celestial phenomena as activity of gods reveal why Algol received the title of Horus.
25
Murashko, Andrei. "Laughter, carnival and religion in ancient Egypt." European Journal of Humour Research 9, no. 2 (July 20, 2021): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2021.9.2.437.
Full textAbstract:
The article highlights the problem of interaction of the ancient Egypt laughter culture with the category of sacred. A person is confronted with the fact that the examples in question can often be phenomena of a different order, and the use of terms such as “carnival” or even “religion”, “temple” or “priest” in relation to ancient Egypt requires an additional explanation. We find “funny” images on the walls of tombs and in the temples, where the Egyptians practiced their cult. In the Ramesside period (1292-1069 BC) a huge layer of the culture of laughter penetrated a written tradition in a way that Mikhail Bakhtin called the carnivalization of literature. Incredible events are described in stories and fairy tales in a burlesque, grotesque form, and great gods are exposed as fools. Applying of the Bakhtinian paradigm to the material of the Middle and New Kingdom allows to reveal the ambivalent character of the Ancient Egyptian laughter: the Egyptians could joke on the divine and remain deeply religious.
26
Smoot, Stephen O. "An Egyptian View of the Monotheism of Second Isaiah." Catholic Biblical Quarterly 86, no. 1 (January 2024): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cbq.2024.a918368.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: This article reexamines the contested issue of the nature of the monotheism of Second Isaiah. I approach this subject with an interdisciplinary method that compares the declarations of monotheism in Second Isaiah with those in ancient Egyptian religious texts (primarily hymns). I argue that the Egyptian material may illuminate the monotheistic declarations of Second Isaiah by setting those declarations in a cross-cultural ancient Near Eastern rhetorical context. This comparative approach reinforces the reading of the text that sees Second Isaiah's monotheism as a monotheism of perspective that exalts Yhwh above the gods of the nations, rather than as a strict ontological monotheism that altogether denies the existence of deities other than Yhwh. This article, accordingly, makes the additional case for the utility of Egyptian evidence in topics related to critical biblical scholarship.
27
Meer, T. P. "CULT OF WATER IN ANCIENT GREECE AND ROME. BRIDGES AND HYDRAULIC STRUCTURESAND." Landscape architecture in the globalization era, no. 4 (2020): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37770/2712-7656-2020-4-43-55.
Full textAbstract:
Water was the main factor in choosing where to build settlements. Large civilizations - Mesopotamian, Egyptian, Greek and Roman, settled around the Mediterranean Sea and developed thanks to the waters of rivers and seas. The power of water was embodied by the Greeks in Gods and small deities, such as: Poseidon, Aphrodite, Naiades and others. The heyday of large ancient cities during the Roman period is associated with the construction of bridges and aqueducts. Water was assigned a significant role in the culture of local traditions. Residents of ancient cities have built many technical structures designed for water supply, irrigation of fields, sewerage and simply in honor of the worship of gods, patrons of water.
28
Bondarenko, Nataliia. "From Chariot Warfare to Naval Conquests: Military Scenes on the Walls of New Kingdom Temples and Tombs." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 70 (2023): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2023.70.09.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the military scenes depicted on the walls of New Kingdom temples and tombs, specifically those belonging to the pharaohs Thutmose III, female pharaoh Hatshepsut, Tutankhamun, Ramses III, and Seti I. The author examines the artistic features, composition, and symbolism of these images, as well as their historical and political significance. Through an analysis of these military scenes, the article seeks to shed light on the political, social, and religious functions of the pharaohs’ military campaigns, as well as their impact on ancient Egyptian society. These scenes often depict military campaigns, battles, and triumphs, as well as offerings made to the gods in gratitude for victory. Some scenes depicted the pharaoh defeating foreign enemies in order to protect Egypt and maintain Ma’at, the ancient Egyptian concept of order and balance in the universe. One example of such scenes can be found in the Temple of Karnak, which features a relief showing King Seti I leading a procession of soldiers in tribute to the gods. Another example is the depiction of the Battle of Kadesh, fought between the Egyptians and the Hittites, which can be seen in the Temple of Abu Simbel. The study draws on a range of primary and secondary sources, including archaeological data, textual evidence, and art historical analysis, to provide a comprehensive examination of these important historical artefacts. Ultimately, the article argues that the military scenes found in New Kingdom temples and tombs offer valuable insights into the ways in which the pharaohs projected their power and authority, and how they sought to legitimize their rule through both military might and religious symbolism. Overall, the military scenes on the walls of temples of the era of the New Kingdom offer a fascinating glimpse into the culture and values of ancient Egypt.
29
Tait, W. J. "A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddesses. By G. Hart." Archaeological Journal 144, no. 1 (January 1987): 447–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1987.11021218.
Full text
30
Marques, Gustavo Souza. "Full of rage and references: Understanding Coronel’s Frenesi (Frenzy) (2022) in the Brazilian rap scene – An interview/review." Global Hip Hop Studies 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 191–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ghhs_00063_5.
Full textAbstract:
Coronel is an underground Brazilian rapper and music producer who has a psychologizing and post-gangsta musical work. In his album Frenesi (2022), Coronel shows his rage against fake gangsterism in the Brazilian rap scene utilizing references from a diverse setting of cultural productions ranging from Hitchcock movies to Egyptian gods. This article examines the uniqueness of Coronel’s musical work in the Brazilian rap scene considering his initial maromba rap phase as well. Maromba rap is a subgenre of rap music made for working out comprising motivating but also dissing lyrics against other bodybuilders. As a product of Brazilian rap scene on the internet, maromba rap is an interesting phenomenon that had its apex in early 2010s. However, Coronel’s career moved beyond such a specific subgenre achieving deeper lyrics and more intricate music productions. In other words, this article examines not only Coronel’s Frenesi but also its career as a whole and how the content of his album relates to the different phases he went through as an artist. Coronel comes back with an aggressive album replete with references from cinema to Egyptian gods and videogames.
31
Tageldin, Shaden M. "Fénelon’s Gods, al-Ṭahṭāwī’s Jinn." Philological Encounters 2, no. 1-2 (January 9, 2017): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-00000023.
Full textAbstract:
Reading Rifāʿa al-Ṭahṭāwī’s 1850s Arabic translation (published 1867) of François Fénelon’sLes Aventures de Télémaquewith and against the realist impulses of nineteenth-century British and French literary comparatism, this essay posits al-Ṭahṭāwī’s translation as a transformational moment in the reception of the “European” literary tradition in the Arab-Islamic world. Arguing that the ancient Greek gods who populate Fénelon’s 1699 sequel to Homer’sOdysseyare analogous to Muslim jinn—spirits of smokeless fire understood to be real—al-Ṭahṭāwī rewrites as Islamized “truth” what Muslims long had dismissed as pagan “fiction,” thereby adroitly negotiating a crisis of comparison and mediating an epistemic sea change in modern Arabic fiction. Indeed, the “untrue” gods of the Greeks (and of French literature) turn not just real but historically referential: invoking the real-historical world of 1850s Egypt, al-Ṭahṭāwī’s translation exhorts an unjust Ottoman-Egyptian sovereign to heed lessons that Fénelon’s original once had addressed to French royalty. Catherine Gallagher has defined the fictionality specific to the modern European novel as neither pure deceit nor pure truth. How might al-Ṭahṭāwī’s rehabilitation of the mythological as the supernatural/historical “real”—and of the idolatrous as secular/sacred “truth”—invite us to rethink novelistic fictionality in trans-Mediterranean terms, across European and Arab-Islamic contexts?
32
Spindler, Eric. "The Crown of the Divine Child in the Meroitic Kingdom. A Typological Study." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 37, no. 1 (2016): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anpm-2017-0002.
Full textAbstract:
The crown of the divine child was one of the headdresses that transferred from Egypt to the Meroitic Kingdom. It was integrated in the Egyptian decoration program in the early Ptolemaic time. The first king of Meroe to use this crown in the decoration of the Lion Temple in Musawwarat es-Sufra was Arnekhamani (235-218 BCE). It also appeared later in the sanctuaries of his successors Arkamani II (218-200 BCE) and Adikhalamani (ca. 200-190 BCE) in Dakka and Debod. The Egyptians presented it as the headdress of child gods or the king. In the Kingdom of Meroe the crown was more like a tool to depict the fully legitimised king before he faced the main deity of the sanctuary. To show this the Meroitic artists changed its iconography in such a way that the primarily Egyptian focus on the aspects of youth and rebirth withdrew into the background so that the elements of cosmic, royal and divine legitimacy became the centre of attention. Even if the usage and parts of the iconography were different, the overall meaning remained the same. It was a headdress that combined all elements of the cosmos as well as of royal and divine power.
33
Reunov, Yury S. "WEAPONS OF ANCIENT EGYPT: THE MILITARY AND THE SACRED. PART 2." Articult, no. 3 (2020): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2227-6165-2020-3-26-46.
Full textAbstract:
In the second part of the article development of Ancient Egyptian weapons in context of their combat use and ritual and magical understanding continues to be studied. The paper reveals the key aspects of origin and evolution of pole, small arms and throwing weapons. Attention is paid to identifying adoptions of separate technical solutions from other nations, which is mainly relevant to compound bows. Due to the fact that weapons served as a tool for not only solving practical problems, but also performing rites, some Egyptian religious beliefs are briefly discussed, namely those on the role of a pharaoh in maintaining the world order as well as on participation of gods in achieving victory. A system of features that allow attributing weapons as belonging to a utilitarian or ceremonial category is proposed.
34
Zhdanov, Vladimir. "Myth, gods, man: "speculative theology" as a cultural and religious phenomenon of Ancient Egyptian thought of the 15th-13th centuries BC." St.Tikhons' University Review 101 (June 30, 2022): 99–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturi2022101.99-117.
Full textAbstract:
This paper studies the features of the so-called “speculative theology” of Amun-Re, the most prominent trend of ancient Egyptian religious and theological thought of the XV-XIII centuries BC on the example of two of its most significant texts, Cairo (Pap. Boulaq 17 Pap. Kairo CG 58038) and Leiden (Pap. Leiden I 350) hymns to Amun. Unlike earlier forms of Egyptian spiritual culture, for the first time in the history of ancient Egyptian religion, it creates the image of a transcendent deity, the connection of the believer with whom is now carried out through direct personal contact, and not through traditional forms of worship for the Egyptian religion. At the same time, many features of the image of Amun in the Theban “speculative theology” of the New Kingdom can already be considered as an attempt at a fundamentally new reflection of traditional categories of ancient Egyptian culture, such as, for example, “Maat” (world-order, justice, truth), both based on traditional values and departing from them. The reason for this was the crisis of traditional ideas about Maat after the Amarna era, which fundamentally changed the nature of popular piety and at the same time the basic principles of Egyptian religious and political ethics. From the point of view of the mythogenic conception of the genesis of philosophy, “speculative theology” - both in Egypt of the New Kingdom and somewhat later in archaic Greece – is of exceptional interest as the most important "transitional form" on the path of transformation of primitive myth into philosophical discourse and at the same time an interesting example of the interpenetration and joint evolution of mythological, religious and emerging philosophical worldview. Not always turning into a full-fledged philosophical tradition (this is exactly what happens, in particular, with the Theban “speculative theology” of Amun-Re), it nevertheless demonstrates the complex ways of transforming the spiritual world of the ancient man of the Eastern Mediterranean, thanks to which the spiritual transformation of the "axial time" became possible in many ways. By the example of the image of Amun, the transformation of ideas about religious experience in the Egyptian culture of the era of the New Kingdom is also studied.
35
Collins, Andrew. "THE DIVINITY OF THE PHARAOH IN GREEK SOURCES." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 2 (November 20, 2014): 841–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881400007x.
Full textAbstract:
It has long been known that the Egyptian pharaoh was regarded as divine in Egyptian culture. He was the son of Re and the mediator between the gods and humankind. During the royal coronation, he was transformed into a manifestation of the god Horus. He could be referred to as antr(‘divine being’, ‘god’), and was regularly described in inscriptions as ‘the good god’ or ‘perfect god’ (ntr nfr). By the New Kingdom period, the king's divinity was believed to be imbued by his possession of a divine manifestation of the god Amun-Re called the ‘living royalka’, which came upon him at his coronation, and which was also renewed during the yearlyopetfestival held in the Luxor temple in Thebes. As late as the period of Persian domination over Egypt in the fifth centuryb.c., Egyptian temple texts continued to describe their foreign king Darius I as a divine being, owing to the ‘living royalka’. This hieroglyphic formula proclaiming the king's divinity continues for Alexander the Great and even in Ptolemaic temple reliefs.
36
Ejsmond, Wojciech, and Łukasz Przewłocki. "Some Remarks on Cat Mummies in Light of the Examination of Artefacts from the National Museum in Warsaw Collection." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 18 (December 30, 2014): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.18.2014.18.15.
Full textAbstract:
Votive mummies of cats were offered at the shrines of particular gods, to whom these animals were sacred. They played an important role in Egyptian religion during the Late and Greco-Roman periods and represent an important source on the popular beliefs and practices of ordinary Egyptians at the twilight of their civilisation. For many years, this subject was neglected and a large number of animal mummies were simply destroyed. However, many specimens of unknown origin are still preserved in collections around the world, which allows further research to be conducted upon them.After the Second World War, the National Museum in Warsaw received five such artefacts. Their exact provenience, archaeological context and the precise time of their execution is unknown. In April 2011, an x-ray examination of the artefacts was conducted by Łukasz Przewłocki, Wojciech Ejsmond (students at the Institute of Archaeology, Warsaw University) and Dr. Monika Dolińska (curator of the Egyptian collection at the National Museum in Warsaw).This paper presents an interpretation of these objects in the wider context of animal mummies and also provides a description of the results of their recent examination. All the specimens can be dated to the Greco- Roman period (332 BC-AD 390) with the exception of one, which probably dates to an earlier time. There are some unusual aspects to the group, such as the presence of a human tooth in one specimen and traces of restoration carried out at an unknown date in other one.
37
Strechie, Mădălina. "Ramses the Great, the Peacemaker." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 29, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2023-0014.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Ramses the Great was not only the greatest Egyptian pharaoh and the longest in office, but also the greatest diplomat of the ancient world. His achievements as a peacemaker were equaled only by the superpower of the ancient world, Rome, through its Pax Romana, but Rome imposed this concept as a policy of a world empire, while Ramses II, rightly nicknamed the Great single-handedly effected an Egyptian peace, more valuable than any peace in the world, which became the prototype of all peace treaties after his reign. Every political leader of Antiquity has at least one military masterpiece, the ancient leaders being the supreme leaders of the army, but Ramses is the only one who has a masterpiece of peace. The genius of Ramses the Great was fully demonstrated by the “sublime treaty”, truly a gift of the gods, mediated by the Son of the Sun, the pharaoh Ramses. He made peace with the most bitter enemies, the Hittites, also called by the Egyptians, Hyksos. The Egyptian Son of the Sun made peace with his civilization built for peace with a civilization built for war, the Hittite (Indo-European, a deeply warlike one, a general characteristic of all Indo-European civilizations). Ramses the Great proved that he is a god, even though this peace treaty, the world’s first attested diplomatic treaty, concluded at Kadesh with the Hittites, proving that peace is as difficult as war. But unlike war, peace has the merit of lasting much longer and, paradoxically, gives meaning to war. These two antagonistic principles, war and peace, were balanced for the first time, in a perfect way, by the Son of the Sun, Ramses the Great.
38
Chatterjee, Sandra, and Nicole Haitzinger. "Evocations of the Sun in Modernity." Journal of Avant-Garde Studies 4, no. 1 (April 23, 2024): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25896377-00401002.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article situates the French dancer and choreographer of color Nyota Inyoka’s Egyptian-inspired work within the context of modern Orientalist Egyptomania and relates her to the avant-garde. Drawing out Inyoka’s ambiguous positionality the article not only demonstrates how Inyoka’s work disrupted the phenomenon of Egyptomania, most notably in her performance Prière aux dieux solaires (Prayer to the Sun Gods) (1921), but also unearths the ways in which her work, as it performed ‘ancient Egypt,’ deserves to be held alongside related and more canonized avant-garde practices.
39
Baines, John. "Egyptian Myth and Discourse: Myth, Gods, and the Early Written and Iconographic Record." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 50, no. 2 (April 1991): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373483.
Full text
40
Tapsoba, Issa, Stéphane Arbault, Philippe Walter, and Christian Amatore. "Finding Out Egyptian Gods’ Secret Using Analytical Chemistry: Biomedical Properties of Egyptian Black Makeup Revealed by Amperometry at Single Cells." Analytical Chemistry 82, no. 2 (January 15, 2010): 457–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/ac902348g.
Full text
41
Neumann, Sabine. "Women’s Agency in the Cults of the Greco-Egyptian Deities in Hellenistic Athens." Religion and Gender 14, no. 1-2 (April 2, 2024): 56–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785417-01401004.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Cults for Greco-Egyptian gods such as Isis, Sarapis, Anubis, and Harpocrates enjoyed great interest in the Greek world of the Hellenistic period. This article analyses the agency of women in these cults in Hellenistic Athens and Delos. It poses the question whether the agency of women can be directly compared to the agency of men. It identifies, first, reservations in modern scholarship about women in positions of religious power, and, second, institutional boundaries that excluded women from official priestly positions. It demonstrates the ways in which women nonetheless held agency within family networks, and, third, possessed ritual competencies beyond formal offices and a relationship to deities on a personal level.
42
Bull, Christian H. "Prophesying the Demise of Egyptian Religion in Late Antiquity: The Perfect Discourse and Antoninus in Canopus." Numen 68, no. 2-3 (March 15, 2021): 180–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341620.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract When the demise of traditional Egyptian religion took place is much debated. Some scholars have portrayed vibrant cults continuing well beyond the 4th century, embattled by Christianity, whereas others see a marked decline in the late 2nd and early 3rd century, leaving a blank slate for Christianity in the fourth century. The present contribution interprets the apocalyptic prophecy of Hermes Trismegistus in the Perfect Discourse to reflect a priestly insider’s perspective of the decline in temple-cult in the early 3rd century, and its projected catastrophic consequences for Egypt and indeed the cosmic order. Yet, despite the general neglect of temple-cult and literacy in the Egyptian priestly scripts, certain temples remained in use. The second part of the article is devoted to the survival and apparent rejuvenation of the temple of Osiris/Serapis in Canopus, in the second half of the 4th century. This case shows that at this late date there were still self-consciously traditionalist devotees of Egyptian gods, though our sources do not permit us to see to what degree their temple-cult corresponded to the old “standard model.” The temple’s alliance with the non-Egyptian Neoplatonist Antoninus suggests that the image of Egypt as the temple of the world is now championed in the language of Hellenism, and Antoninus updates the now nearly two-centuries-old prophecy of Hermes Trismegistus to predict the fall of the Serapis temples in Alexandria and Canopus after his death. Both the Perfect Discourse and Antoninus are testimonies of a literate elite that saw the great temples as the essence of Egyptian religion, and their demise as the end of Egypt and the world.
43
Cacace, Nicolas. "King Osiris and Lord Sarapis." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 18-19, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2016-0015.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Osiris and Sarapis find their common origin in the funeral field. The articulation between the two gods has been demonstrated through another osirian form, Osiris-Apis. However, the two gods are not separated from each other following the cultural context of evocation. According to the bilingual funeral documentation of Greco-Roman Egypt, they appear jointly: Osiris can be pictured and listed, Sarapis only called. From these specific sources, it is possible to understand the link between Osiris and Sarapis, in particular through their divine sovereignty. This royal function is particularly linked with the osirian rites of Khoiak, the celebration of the divine burial of Osiris, and the renewal of his sovereign power over the world. Nevertheless, if “King Osiris” and “Lord Sarapis” are jointly present and can reach each other through some common ways, the relationships established between them in Coptos, Abydos and Terenouthis, appear as factors of separation. The living and the dead wished to reach the eternity, following Osiris’ example, or requested the divine justice; but using Egyptian or Greek vocabulary, they could not unite them. Osiris and Sarapis are jointly present, but always separated, because their cultural expressions reveal two dynamics opposed.
44
van Oppen de Ruiter, Branko F. "Lovely Ugly Bes! Animalistic Aspects in Ancient Egyptian Popular Religion." Arts 9, no. 2 (April 17, 2020): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9020051.
Full textAbstract:
The popular yet demonic guardian of ancient Egypt, Bes, combines dwarfish and leonine features, and embodies opposing traits such as a fierce and gentle demeanor, a hideous and comical appearance, serious and humorous roles, an animalistic and numinous nature. Drawing connections with similarly stunted figures, great and small cats, sacred cows, baboons, demonic monsters, universal gods and infant deities, this article will focus on the animalistic associations of the Bes figure to illustrate that this leonine dwarf encompassed a wider religious significance than apotropaic and regenerative functions alone. Bes was thought to come from afar but was always close; the leonine dwarf guarded the sun god Ra along the diurnal solar circuit; the figure protected pregnant women and newborn children; it was a dancer and musician; the figure belonged to the company of magical monsters of hybrid appearance as averter of evil and sword-wielding fighter. Exploring the human and animal, demonic and numinous aspects of this leonine dwarf will not only further our understanding of its nature and function, but also its significance and popularity.
45
Sørensen, Jørgen Podemann. "Daily Life of the Egyptian Gods. Dimitri Meeks , Christine Favard-Meeks , G. M. Goshgarian." History of Religions 38, no. 4 (May 1999): 391–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463560.
Full text
46
Korchak, Andriy. "Egyptian cults in the Northern Black Sea Coast and the Ukrainian Steppe according to epigraphic and archeological monuments (6th century BCE – 4th century CE)." Scientific Yearbook "History of Religions in Ukraine", no. 33 (2023): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33294/2523-4234-2023-33-1-3-31.
Full textAbstract:
A number of source‑scientific and historiographical studies have been analyzed. They provide information on finds of objects related to the cults of deities of Egyptian origin in the territory of the Northern Black Sea Coast and the Ukrainian Steppe. A description of the relevant epigraphic inscriptions, sgraffito, bronze, marble, terracotta and bone statuettes, reliefs on clay candelabrums and dishes, gems carved from precious stones, golden, silver, bronze and iron rings, bone tessarae, amulet-beads, made of Egyptian faiense and bronze coins is given. It is established that faience beads first began to enter these regions in the 6th – 5th centuries BCE, they performed the role of apotropaeus among the ancient Greek, Scythian, and later Sarmation population and gained great popularity there. It is determined that on the territory of the Ukrainian Steppe up to the 4th century CE only such beads belonging to Egyptian cult material occur, on the other hand, the rest of the material is characteristic only for the Northern Black Sea Coast. It is found that the discovered sacred objects testify to the existence of Egyptian beliefs in their Hellenized version in the Greek colonies of the specified region starting from the 3rd century BCE and until the end of the ancient era. The opinion is substantiated that despite the possible official nature of the studied cults, that can be evidenced by the minting of copper coins with the image of Zeus Amon and Serapis in the Bosporus by Queen Dynamia (12/11 BCE - 7/8 CE) or the presence of temples of Serapis, Isis, Asclepius, Hygeia and Poseidon in the first half of the 3rd century CE in Olbia, the worship of the Egyptian gods was rather private. In particular, they were addressed in healing magical practices, and these deities acted as patrons of the dead. Isis was considered the patroness of sailors. Keywords: Egyptian deities, cult objects, monuments of epigraphy and archaeology, Northern Black Sea Coast, Ukrainian Steppe
47
Smith, Daniel Charles. "John of Patmos and the Appeal of an Exotic Apocalypse." Journal of Biblical Literature 142, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 343–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1422.2023.9.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article situates John of Patmos, the author of the New Testament Apocalypse of John, as an exotic ritual expert within the religious landscape of the Roman East. Through comparison with local ritual specialists of the Egyptian gods Isis and Sarapis, I argue that John similarly deploys his own culturally constructed and imperially mediated foreignness to demonstrate the exotic appeal of his Judean God among the assemblies in the cities of western Asia Minor. I consider the role of ritual experts at the Isis sanctuary in Priene and the competing Sarapeia on Delos to contextualize Revelation’s presentation of John as the only “true” expert among several “false” competitors and an authentic representative of his exotic Judean God.
48
Meltzer, Edmund S. "Daily Life of the Egyptian Gods. Dimitri Meeks, Christine Favard-Meeks, and G. M. Goshgarian." Biblical Archaeologist 60, no. 3 (September 1997): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3210614.
Full text
49
Caneva, Stefano. "Egyptian Gods in the Hellenistic and Roman Mediterranean: Image and Reality Between Local and Global." Kernos, no. 29 (October 1, 2016): 451–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.2437.
Full text
50
Decker, Wolfgang. "Some Aspects of Sport in Ritual and Religion in Ancient Egypt = Algunos aspectos del deporte en el ritual y en la religión en el antiguo Egipto." ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no. 15 (November 5, 2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3839.
Full textAbstract:
Resumen: El ritual y la religión están conectados al deporte del Faraón. Durante el festival del jubileo, el rey que iba envejeciendo debía demostrar su aptitud en un ritual de carreta que también le daba nuevos poderes. En el Reino Nuevo, el Faraón es comparado con Montu, el dios de la guerra, cuando practica deporte, una calificación para asumir el título de gobernante. Inscrito en la estela de Amenofis II en la Esfinge, el texto egipcio más largo que describe el deporte, se menciona a los dioses Montu (en seis ocasiones), Amón (en cinco) y Atón (en tres), mientras que Astarté, Geb, Horus, Maat, Ra, Reshef y Seth sólo son mencionados una vez cada uno. Más aún, puede resultar sorprendente descubrir que el derecho a gobernar entre los dioses era disputado dos veces por medio de la competición deportiva, como es el caso en el relato mitológico titulado “El conflicto de Horus y Seth”.Abstract: Ritual and religion are connected to the sport of Pharaoh. During the jubilee festival, the ageing king had to demonstrate his fitness in a running ritual which also gave him new powers. In the New Kingdom, Pharaoh is compared with Month, the god of war, when practicing sport, a qualification for assuming the mantle of ruler. Enscribed on the Sphinx-stela of Amenophis II, the longest Egyptian text depicting sport, the gods Month (six times), Amun (five times) and Atum (three times) are mentioned, whereas Astarte, Geb, Horus, Maat, Ra, Reshef and Seth are only mentioned once each. Further, it may be surprising to discover that the right to rule among the gods was disputed twice by means of sporting competition, as is the case in the mythological story entitled “The Conflict of Horus and Seth”.Palabras clave: ritual, religión, deporte, Reino Nuevo, faraón, Egipto, dioses.Key words: ritual, religion, sport, New Kingdom, Pharaoh, Egypt, gods.