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1
Takács, Gábor. "Towards the Afro-Asiatic etymology of Egyptian zš ‘to write’." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 63, no. 2 (January 2000): 261–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00007229.
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It is not necessary to emphasize the importance of writing in the culture of Ancient Egypt. The ancient Nile Valley dwellers' cult of writing is famous, while the Egyptian language has the longest written continuity known in history. At the same time, however, we linguists know painfully little about the origin of the Egyptian verb zš ‘to write’ because of the apparent lack of reliable Afro-Asiatic cognates.
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Ahmed, Abdelhamid, and Salah Troudi. "Exploring EFL Writing Assessment in an Egyptian University Context: Teachers and Students’ Perspectives." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 9, no. 6 (November 1, 2018): 1229. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.0906.12.
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The study identified the assessment practices used in an Egyptian EFL writing course at university and explored teachers and students’ perspectives of these assessment practices. The focus was on the assessment practices to inform and propose appropriate implications. This study is informed by social constructivism where knowledge is constructed socially through the perceptions of different participants. Eight students and eight EFL writing teachers were interviewed, and three EFL writing classes were observed. Findings revealed that writing assessment is important to both teachers and students. Diagnosing students’ writing was done rarely and superficially, using a non-standardised assessment. Reported formative assessment practices include attendance, homework, samples of students’ writing, class participation, assignments, and oral presentation. Stereotypical final exams were reported as the only summative assessment practice. Finally, the assessment criteria and the analytical scoring method were not communicated to students. Observed EFL writing classes mostly confirmed students’ perspectives about the reported practices. Implications and suggestions are provided.
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Wilmsen, David. "Dialects of Written Arabic: Syntactic differences in the treatment of object pronouns in Egyptian and Levantine newspapers." Arabica 57, no. 1 (2010): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/057053910x12625688929228.
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AbstractDespite the notion that written Arabic is invariable across the Arab world, a few researchers, using large corpora to discover patterns of usage, have demonstrated regional differences in Arabic writing. While most such research has focussed upon the lexicon, this corpus-based study examines a syntactic difference between Egyptian and Levantine writing: the treatment of object pronouns. A search of an entire year of writing in regional newspapers found that Levantine writers tend to use the free object pronoun iyyā-, placing the direct object after the indirect, about twice as often as Egyptian writers do, who for their part prefer to place the direct object before the indirect. A proposed reason for this is that the free object pronoun is used to mark the direct object in spoken Levantine vernaculars but not in Egyptian. This seems to indicate that local spoken vernaculars exert a fundamental influence on writing.
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Pabbajah, M. Taufiq Hidayat, and Mustaqim Pabbajah. "Orientalist Construction on the Existence of Ammiyah Arabic in Egypt in the 20th Century." Langkawi: Journal of The Association for Arabic and English 6, no. 2 (December 26, 2020): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.31332/lkw.v6i2.1962.
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This study aims to explorehow the Ammiyah language came about in Egypt in the 20th century. It adopted an observational research design. To gather the data, the books and journals covering Orientalism were examined.The study details three of the findings. First, the Ammiyah language differs from the Arabic Fusha in terms of syntax, lexical and phonological characteristics. Second, Ammiyah has often been used in Egypt in familial and social communication. Third, the construction carried out by Orientalists in popularizing the Ammiyah language in order to shift the role of the Arabic Fusha as the language of state administration in Egypt through two aspects. The government orders the writing of books and newspapers in the Ammiyah language using Latin letters, and prohibits the teaching of Fusha language in the school and all activities. Although the Orientalist effort failed because of the opposition from Arab literary groups both Muslim and Christian Arabs, as well as the Al-Azhar and Majma 'Lughah Universities which protected the purity of the Arabic language, there was still a social impact on Egyptian society. The Egyptian society utilizes a number of Ammiyah languages in day-to-day contact.
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Štubňová, Silvia. "Where Syntax and Semantics Meet: A Typological Investigation of Old Egyptian Causatives." Lingua Aegyptia - Journal of Egyptian Language Studies 27 (2019): 183–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.37011/lingaeg.27.09.
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The earliest stage of the ancient Egyptian language attested in writing, i.e., Old Egyptian, had two productive causative mechanisms that increase the valency of verbs: morphological (mono-clausal) and periphrastic (bi-clausal). The former is characterized by the prefix s-, while the latter employs the lexical causative verb rḏj ‘give’ followed by a complement clause. Despite the fact that both causative strategies have been known to scholars since the inception of the study of the ancient Egyptian language, any systematic or comprehensive study of Egyptian causative verbs is lacking. This paper thus aims to provide a new insight into the Old Egyptian morphological and periphrastic causatives by examining their syntactic as well as semantic properties. The results of this analysis show which types of verbs have a preference for which of the two causative strategies and demonstrate the semantic differences between the morphological and periphrastic causative types. Furthermore, this paper clarifies the peculiar nature of the morphological causatives of transitive verbs, whose valency does not increase. I suggest a possible solution to this issue that lies in the function of the n-prefix in Old Egyptian.
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Landgráfová, Renata. "The Classical art of memory as immaterial writing." Pragmatics and Cognition 21, no. 3 (December 31, 2013): 505–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/pc.21.3.05lan.
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The Classical art of memory is analyzed as a form of mental writing. The ancient authors of works on the art of memory often likened their art to a sort of writing, and a careful analysis of the methods of formation of agent images — the signs of the art of memory — shows that it very closely parallels the methods of sign formation in logophonetic writing systems (such as ancient Egyptian or Chinese). Thus the Classical art of memory can be viewed as an immaterial (and personalized) writing system.
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Miller, Elizabeth. "Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism in Egyptian Modern Art." ARTMargins 5, no. 1 (February 2016): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00141.
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Art in Egypt during the first half of the twentieth century has frequently been understood as closely tied to Egyptian nationalism, emerging suddenly in 1908 with the founding of the Cairo School of Fine Arts to provide the nation with visual representations. I look at art writing during the first half of the twentieth century in both the Arabic and French-language Egyptian press to show instead that a public discourse surrounding the fine arts emerged slowly over the course of several decades to constitute a locus for the negotiation of mutually constitutive cosmopolitan and national subject positions. Through their work, artists and critics positioned themselves, often ambivalently, in relation to the manifold claims of Egyptian, Arab, and European identity jostling for recognition within the context of the British occupation and the struggle for independence.
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Nanda, Fitra, Rika Astari, and Haji Mohammad Bin Seman. "The Pronunciation of Egyptian Arabic and Its Aspect of Sociolinguistic." Jurnal Al Bayan: Jurnal Jurusan Pendidikan Bahasa Arab 12, no. 2 (September 2, 2020): 340–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/albayan.v12i2.5784.
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The purpose of this research is to provide insight into the characteristics of the Amiyah Egyptian language from a sociolinguistic point of view. This research was conducted by examining a variety of literature relating to the object of study and also the deepening of the material regarding sociolinguistics itself. The research method used is note taking, which takes data from YouTube consisting of 10 video objects whose results are presented in descriptive form. The procedures of the research are as 1) listening to every phrase which is spoken by the speaker, 2) writing the vocabulary that has phonological differences with Arabic Fusha, 3) classifying data according to sound change prepositions, 4) analyzing data related to phonological and morphological aspects, 5) doing further analysis related to the sociolinguistic point of view, 6) presents the results of the study. The results of this study, Amiyah Arabic is not included as a language but as a dialect that emerges from a basic language, namely Fusha Arabic. However, amiyah language has different phonological and morphological aspects that have become characteristic of being another language. This was explained by the social conditions of the Egyptian community who held that the language variations formed were higher social classes than the existing basic language namely fusha language.
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Dorman, Peter F. "Writing Late Egyptian Hieratic: A Beginner's Primer. Sheldon Lee Gosline." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 60, no. 4 (October 2001): 305–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468963.
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POLIS, STÉPHANE, and VINCENT RAZANAJAO. "ANCIENT EGYPTIAN TEXTS IN CONTEXT. TOWARDS A CONCEPTUAL DATA MODEL (THE THOT DATA MODEL - TDM)." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 59, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2016.12036.x.
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Abstract In this paper, we propose a conceptual data model which could be the basis for future implementations of databases and digital corpuses of Ancient Egyptian texts that fully integrate the material dimensions of writing. The types of metadata that can be used for documenting the elements and relationships of this model are discussed and the resources (URIs) available for its online implementation (in the perspective of the ‘linked open data’ movement) are examined.
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Swift, Megan. "Writing and the End of St Petersburg in Mandel'shtam'sThe Egyptian Stamp(1928)." Slavonica 15, no. 2 (November 2009): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/136174209x12507596634775.
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Baines, John. "On the Status and Purposes of Ancient Egyptian Art." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 4, no. 1 (April 1994): 67–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300000974.
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No term in the ancient Egyptian language corresponds neatly with Western usages of ‘art’, and Egyptologists have often argued that there is no such thing as ‘Egyptian art’. Yet aesthetically organized structures and artefacts constitute the majority of evidence from Egypt, a legacy created mainly for a small élite. The genres of these materials, all of which had functions additional to the purely aesthetic, are similar to those of many other cultures. They constitute a repository of civilizational values, related to the system of hieroglyphic writing, that was maintained and transmitted across periods. Civilization and artistic style are almost identified with each other. Funerary material constitutes one central context for artistic forms; others are temples and such poorly-preserved locations as palaces. The importance attached to artistic activities in Egypt, high-cultural involvement in them, and idiosyncratic developments can be illustrated from many periods. Egyptian art is a typically inward-looking and almost self-sustaining product of a professional group. It is no less ‘art’ for the wide range of functions and purposes it fulfilled.
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Arnaiz-Villena, Antonio, Valentín Ruiz-del-Valle, Adrián López-Nares, and Fabio Suárez-Trujillo. "Iberian inscriptions in Sahara Desert rocks (Ti-m Missaou, Ahaggar Mts. area, Algeria): first evidence of incise Iberian rock scripts in continental North Africa." International Journal of Modern Anthropology 15, no. 2 (May 27, 2021): 440–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijma.v15i2.3.
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In the present paper, we show Iberian or Iberian-Guanche scripts found in the Middle of Sahara Desert, Ti-m Missaou (Tim Missao, Tim Missaw), 270 km SouthWest of Tamanrasset on Ahaggar or Hoggar Mountains (Mts.) area (Algeria). More Iberian scripts may be earthed beneath Sahara Desert sands or have been neglected by observers. We also put forward that Iberian semi-syllabary may have its origin in the Neolithic Saharo-Canarian Circle, the same as other Mediterranean, Atlantic and European lineal scripts (apart from Berber/Tuareg) like Etruscan, Runes, Old Italian languages, Minoan Lineal A, Sitovo and Gradeshnitsa (Bulgaria) writings (6,000 yearsBC) and others. In fact, Strabo wrote that Iberians had written language before since 6,000 BC. On the other hand, Sahara Desert was green and populated since before 5,000 years BC and we had proposed that most of Mediterranean culture, languages and writing, had a Saharan origin. Ti-m Missaou Sahara Iberian inscriptions, together with our previous and others researches on Canary Islands, further support this proposal, i.e.: rock scripts, Gimbutas-like Paleolithic figurines and unusual artifacts, like a lunisolar Egyptian-like calendar (“Cheeseboard/Quesera” at Lanzarote) carved in a Megalithic stone, do no support that Phoenicians and Romans carried Canarian ancient Guanche culture. Finally, a continuous lineal writing systems developing seems to have occurred during Paleolithic and Neolithic Epochs, which also harbor the related incise Lineal Megalithic Scripts that could have given rise to Iberian development and other lineal African, European and Mediterranean lineal language scripts. Our present new data is interpreted in the context of the Sahara people migration which occurred when hyperarid conditions started establishing about 6,000 years BC.
Keywords: Iberian, Iberian-Guanche, Scripts, Canary Islands, Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Prehistory, Saharo-Canarian Circle, Genetics, Megaliths, Iberia, Sahara, Atlantic, Mediterranean, Lineal Scripts, Neolithic, Tamanrasset, Hoggar, Ahaggar, Usko-Mediterranean,Etruscan, Tuareg, Berber, Lineal A.
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Arnaiz-Villena, Antonio, Valentín Ruiz-del-Valle, Adrián López-Nares, and Fabio Suárez-Trujillo. "Iberian inscriptions in Sahara Desert rocks (Ti-m Missaou, Ahaggar Mts. area, Algeria): first evidence of incise Iberian rock scripts in continental North Africa." International Journal of Modern Anthropology 2, no. 15 (May 27, 2021): 440–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijma.v2i15.3.
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In the present paper, we show Iberian or Iberian-Guanche scripts found in the Middle of Sahara Desert, Ti-m Missaou (Tim Missao, Tim Missaw), 270 km SouthWest of Tamanrasset on Ahaggar or Hoggar Mountains (Mts.) area (Algeria). More Iberian scripts may be earthed beneath Sahara Desert sands or have been neglected by observers. We also put forward that Iberian semi-syllabary may have its origin in the Neolithic Saharo-Canarian Circle, the same as other Mediterranean, Atlantic and European lineal scripts (apart from Berber/Tuareg) like Etruscan, Runes, Old Italian languages, Minoan Lineal A, Sitovo and Gradeshnitsa (Bulgaria) writings (6,000 yearsBC) and others. In fact, Strabo wrote that Iberians had written language before since 6,000 BC. On the other hand, Sahara Desert was green and populated since before 5,000 years BC and we had proposed that most of Mediterranean culture, languages and writing, had a Saharan origin. Ti-m Missaou Sahara Iberian inscriptions, together with our previous and others researches on Canary Islands, further support this proposal, i.e.: rock scripts, Gimbutas-like Paleolithic figurines and unusual artifacts, like a lunisolar Egyptian-like calendar (“Cheeseboard/Quesera” at Lanzarote) carved in a Megalithic stone, do no support that Phoenicians and Romans carried Canarian ancient Guanche culture. Finally, a continuous lineal writing systems developing seems to have occurred during Paleolithic and Neolithic Epochs, which also harbor the related incise Lineal Megalithic Scripts that could have given rise to Iberian development and other lineal African, European and Mediterranean lineal language scripts. Our present new data is interpreted in the context of the Sahara people migration which occurred when hyperarid conditions started establishing about 6,000 years BC.
Keywords: Iberian, Iberian-Guanche, Scripts, Canary Islands, Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Prehistory, Saharo-Canarian Circle, Genetics, Megaliths, Iberia, Sahara, Atlantic, Mediterranean, Lineal Scripts, Neolithic, Tamanrasset, Hoggar, Ahaggar, Usko-Mediterranean,Etruscan, Tuareg, Berber, Lineal A.
15
Thuault, Simon. "L’iconicité des hiéroglyphes égyptiens." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 147, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2020-0029.
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SummaryAlthough mutilation is a well-known process of Egyptian hieroglyphic writing system, its involvement in signs’ figurativity and iconicity has benefited of less attention. Yet, the mutilation practice could have deep consequences for the grammatological nature of hieroglyphs, implying alterations in our analysis of the whole Egyptian scriptural functioning. Thus, this paper aims to shed light, through examples of mutilated signs, on the iconic essence of the affected hieroglyphs: does the alteration of a sign impact its iconicity and, due to this, its raison d’être in a clause or a lexeme? Since there are kinds of mutilation, do they result in various implications in our linguistic analysis of the sign? Moreover, what metonymical relations can we observe in this process? These linguistic and psychological issues will allow to complete our understanding of the mutilation practice and, consequently, of the essence of hieroglyphic signs.
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Shehata, Ahmed Maher khafaga, and Metwaly Ali Mohamed Eldakar. "Publishing research in the international context." Electronic Library 36, no. 5 (October 1, 2018): 910–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/el-01-2017-0005.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to report the findings of a study to explore the Egyptian social science scholars’ academic writing behaviour in local and international context. Understanding the challenges that scholars in social science and humanities face while publishing in the international outlets would help to suggest strategies to improve academic writing in non-Arabic journals. Design/methodology/approach This study deployed mixed methods approach. The quantitative data were collected using an online questionnaire. Interviews were conducted with a group of scholars in the five faculties to elucidate the publishing behaviour of the sample. Findings The interviews and the questionnaire showed that social science scholars in Egypt prefer local publishing outlets. The number of scholars who publish internationally is very low compared to scholars who publish locally. Scholars who tried to publish internationally faced many challenges, such as language barriers, lack of academic writing skills and lack of appropriate training. Research limitations/implications This study was conducted in one university in Egypt. While the results can be generalised to Egyptian and Middle East universities, it cannot be generalised to non-Arab communities because of the differences in culture and education system. Originality/value This study provides insight on publishing practices in the international context among social science scholars in Egypt using a mixed methods approach. This helped to capture the scholarly publishing practices and the attitude toward international publishing and the main challenges that scholars face who attempt to publish in international outlets.
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رشوان, هاني. ""النار العاتية التي ذاقت من طعم وهج اللهيب:"." Al Abhath 68, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 106–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589997x-06801006.
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This article offers the first Arabic translation of a praise hymn dedicated to Ramsess II (d. 1213 B.C.E.), with philological and poetic commentaries. The text was carved on the facade of Abū Simbel temple twice because of its exceptional literary nature, as this study demonstrates. I discuss why Euro- American scholars were unable to separate the literary dimensions of the praise hymns from its political framework, and also tackle the pictorial nature of ancient Egyptian writing, providing the Arabic reader with the necessary instruments for understanding the several visual features that were creatively deployed by the writer to enhance the reading process of this particular praise hymn. I then trace the early foundations of premodern Arabic khiṭāba and its close relation to constructing oral/aural arguments in comparison with balāgha that deals with the literary devices of the Qur’ānic text. This study breaks new ground in the discipline of comparative literature by establishing a collation between the two praise hymns of Ramsess II (d. 1213 B.C.E.) and Senwosret III (d. 1839 B.C.E.). This collation makes it possible to rediscover the way each eulogist built unique or similar images to describe the praised king. The article discusses several problematic questions of loanwords to pave the way for further research on ancient Egyptian words that were incorporated inside the classical Arabic dictionary, and the analysis ends with an ancient Egyptian-Arabic lexicon of the hymn under study. It is hoped that this may encourage the new generation of Egyptian Egyptologists to generate a comprehensive dictionary of the ancient Egyptian language based on direct engagement with ancient Egyptian literary texts.
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رشوان, هاني. ""النار العاتية التي ذاقت من طعم وهج اللهيب:"." Al Abhath 68, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 106–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18115586-00680105.
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This article offers the first Arabic translation of a praise hymn dedicated to Ramsess II (d. 1213 B.C.E.), with philological and poetic commentaries. The text was carved on the facade of Abū Simbel temple twice because of its exceptional literary nature, as this study demonstrates. I discuss why Euro- American scholars were unable to separate the literary dimensions of the praise hymns from its political framework, and also tackle the pictorial nature of ancient Egyptian writing, providing the Arabic reader with the necessary instruments for understanding the several visual features that were creatively deployed by the writer to enhance the reading process of this particular praise hymn. I then trace the early foundations of premodern Arabic khiṭāba and its close relation to constructing oral/aural arguments in comparison with balāgha that deals with the literary devices of the Qur’ānic text. This study breaks new ground in the discipline of comparative literature by establishing a collation between the two praise hymns of Ramsess II (d. 1213 B.C.E.) and Senwosret III (d. 1839 B.C.E.). This collation makes it possible to rediscover the way each eulogist built unique or similar images to describe the praised king. The article discusses several problematic questions of loanwords to pave the way for further research on ancient Egyptian words that were incorporated inside the classical Arabic dictionary, and the analysis ends with an ancient Egyptian-Arabic lexicon of the hymn under study. It is hoped that this may encourage the new generation of Egyptian Egyptologists to generate a comprehensive dictionary of the ancient Egyptian language based on direct engagement with ancient Egyptian literary texts.
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Armanios, Febe. "Approaches to Coptic History after 641." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 3 (July 15, 2010): 483–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000504.
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The study of Coptic history usually brings to mind gnostic texts, remote monastic enclaves, archeological ruins, conflicts with Byzantium, or a long-forgotten language. Until recently, a disproportionate focus on early Christianity has bound Copts to an ancient and seemingly timeless heritage, which explains the dearth of critical examinations on Coptic life from the Islamic conquests to the early modern period. In general, Coptic experiences after 641 have been overshadowed by other themes in Egyptian history writing, in particular political and military changes. Although the latter are as relevant for a better understanding of the Coptic past, they have been predominately examined from the perspective of the Muslim majority, exclusive of Coptic concerns, perspectives, and beliefs. Only in recent years has scholarship on Copts begun to expand. Scholars have drawn from fields such as papyrology, gender studies, art history, and law in pursuit of a more comprehensive historical narrative. We are increasingly encouraged to evaluate the Coptic experience not only as a missing cog in Egyptian historiography but also as one that complicates canonical studies of postconquest Egypt and enriches our understanding of Middle Eastern history in general.
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Абдельгавад and T. Makhmud Abdelgavad. "Communicative problems triggered by multiglossia: the case of Arabic in Upper Egypt." Modern Communication Studies 2, no. 2 (April 15, 2013): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/364.
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The linguistic sitting in Upper Egypt comprises three different linguistic varieties: Standard Arabic, Cairene Arabic and Upper Egyptian Arabic (UEA). Standard Arabic is used in formal communication either orally or in writing. Cairene Arabic is the Arabic dialect used mainly in Cairo and most radio and TV programs, while UEA is the dialect used in Upper Egypt. The main objective of this article is to illustrate that although these Arabic varieties belong to the same language and are therefore mutually intelligible (i.e. speakers of any variety understand and can be understood the speakers of the other varieties), the phonological, lexical and morphosyntactic differences exhibited by these varieties are significant enough to cause significant communicative problems as well as learning difficulties.
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El Ebyary, Khaled, and Scott Windeatt. "The impact of computer-based feedback on students’ written work." International Journal of English Studies 10, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/ijes/2010/2/119231.
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While research in second language writing suggests that instructor feedback can have a positive influence on students’ written work, the provision of such feedback on a regular basis can be problematic, especially with larger student numbers. A number of computer programs that claim to provide both automatic computer-based holistic scores and computer-based feedback (CBF) on written work are available and therefore have the potential to deal with this issue. Criterion is one such tool that claims to be able to provide automated feedback at word, sentence, paragraph and text level, but there is still a need for more research into the practical value of providing feedback on L2 writing. Quantitative and qualitative data about feedback practice was collected from 31 instructors and 549 Egyptian trainee EFL teachers using pre-treatment questionnaires, interviews and focus groups. 24 of the trainees then received computer-based feedback using Criterion on two drafts of essays submitted on each of 4 topics. Data recorded by the software suggested a positive effect on the quality of students’ second drafts and subsequent submissions, and post-treatment questionnaires, interviews and focus groups showed a positive effect on the students’ attitudes towards feedback.
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SILVER, MORRIS. "THE MARKET FOR UNCERTAINTY BEARING IN ROMAN EGYPT." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 57, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2014.00064.x.
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AbstractThis paper (re)calls attention to an unusual, much discussed Roman era Egyptian contract between Tetoueis and Venaphrios for the future delivery of grain. It is argued that the contractual provisions cannot be adequately explained within the framework of strictly credit or strictly commodity purchase instruments. It is shown, however, that sale in advance transactions for grain (and also for wine) can be understood by placing uncertainty in the foreground and viewing them as option contracts. Thus, this paper develops and refines an idea that has lain dormant since being put forward by Packman in 1975. Although this is quite possible, the point of the discussion is not that many Roman economic actors made their living by writing option contracts but only that such contracts were written and might be purchased even by unexpected individuals such as the illiterate Tetoueis.
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Sawaie, Mohammed. "Jurjī Zaydān (1861-1914)." Historiographia Linguistica 14, no. 3 (January 1, 1987): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.14.3.05saw.
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Summary This article explores Jurjī Zaydān’s contribution to questions that the Arabic language was confronted with at the turn of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. These questions pertained to the capability of Arabic as a medium of communication, its appropriateness to express new ideas, and its suitability for use in education and for naming technological items borrowed from the West. As can be imagined, the pre-occupation of the Nahḍah Arab intellectuals with linguistic matters was immense. Nonetheless Zaydān’s contribution to these debates consists of constant writings in his magazine al-Hilāl (1892–1913), and two books that specifically dealt with linguistic matters. Zaydān’s linguistic views were relevant to the on-going debate in many intellectual circles at that time. He had no doubts about the suitability of ‘simplified’ Classical Arabic in education as the case was proven at the Syrian Protestant College (now the American University of Beirut) in the 1860s. In order to fill the then existing vacuum, Zaydān took it as his responsibility to write (text)books in Arabic for use in Egyptian schools. The suitability of Arabic in education and the capability of the language to adapt itself to new situations was placed in a historical perspective by Zaydān. He argued that much as Arabic had adapted to new orders in the past, i.e., the rise of Islam (7th century), the translation period (9th-10th centuries), so can the language adapt itself to Western ‘imports’ at his time. Again, as if to prove his point and in order to bridge the gap between al-fuṣḥā and al-cÀmmiyyah, the language of the common people, Zaydān adopted a simple style in diction and syntax in his writings. Zaydān, unlike many of his contemporary Arab scholars, followed in the footsteps of many Western scholars, both predating and contemporary to him, by equipping himself with knowledge of many languages, Eastern and Western, and by applying some of these scholars’ methodologies of investigation. In order for Arabic to accommodate new technologies and ideas, the language must be subject to changes, in Zaydān’s view, as it was subject to changes at the rise of Islam in the 7th century and during the 9th and 10th centuries when many translations into Arabic were made. Zaydān rejected calls for the use of dialects in writing, thus arguing that al-fuṣḥā, i.e., the Classical Arabic language, was a unifying bond among Arabic-speaking lands. Zaydān’s actual treatment of language matters are innovative for his time. Arabic, in his view, was subject to change and evolution, not static. He examined the language by placing it in a wider perspective, i.e., in its context in the Semitic family, and in its relations to other non-Semitic languages that Arabic had come in contact with at its varying stages of growth such as Persian and Turkish in the earlier centuries, and French and English in the 19th century. Zaydān’s use of comparative methodology is innovative compared to the ways of studying Arabic at his time. However, Zaydān’s views on language origin and development can be characterized by the criteria of our times as superficial.
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al-Khawaldeh, Samira. "Naǧīb al-Kīlānī and the Islamic Storyteller." Arabica 64, no. 5-6 (November 7, 2017): 706–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341472.
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Abstract Naǧīb al-Kīlānī is an Egyptian novelist and theorist whose work acquires more importance by virtue of its unique position as a literary manifestation of the thought and worldview of the Society of the Muslim Brotherhood. To embark on such a writing career in Egypt at mid-twentieth century meant first the antagonisation of certain power centers, leading to political jail, and ultimate diaspora; and second addressing the task of transforming the rudimentary conjecturing about an Islamic theory of art into a somewhat systematic form of theorization. The study thus aims to investigate al-Kīlānī’s contribution to the foundation of a theory of Islamic novel, focusing on his approach to the dilemmas and ambiguities surrounding the role of the modern Islamic novelist such as maintaining the intricate balance between the demands of religion and the freedom of art.
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Frenkel, Miriam. "Adaptive Tactics: The Jewish Communities Facing New Reality." Medieval Encounters 21, no. 4-5 (December 1, 2015): 364–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342202.
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The paper deals with particular tactics, established during the Fatimid era, and thus additional to the traditional ones they already possessed, which permitted the Jews to define their niche within Fatimid society. It presents three of these tactics: 1. Production of historical and genealogical documents in order to ameliorate the status of dhimmīs and to achieve an intermediate position of privileged dhimmī. This is illustrated by an analysis of a Geniza document designed as a historical bill of rights accorded by the Prophet Muḥammad to the Jews of Khaybar. 2. The writing of literary-liturgical oeuvres that respond to current persecutions through a messianic interpretation hidden behind laudatory expressions to the Fatimid ruler. It is illustrated by an analysis of the liturgical composition known as “The Egyptian Scroll.” 3. Practices of mourning and repentance intended to cope with mass fear, illustrated through a record of testimony from 1030 about a traumatic event that almost took place in Ramla, but was prevented by a dream. Although the three tactics seem to be very diverse, they all responded to the Fatimid reality and used its language and norms.
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Baaqeel, Nuha Ahmad. "Decolonising Language: Towards a New Feminist Politics of Translation in the Work of Arab Women Writers, Ahlam Mosteghanemi, Nawal al Sadawim, and Assia Djebar." International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies 7, no. 3 (July 31, 2019): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.7n.3p.39.
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This paper argues that the Anglophone academy’s relative lack of appraisal of Ahlam Mosteghanemi as an Arab woman writer is not incidental. I assert that, for many Arab women writers, authorship is strategic engagement; in other words, they develop strategies that bring together formal experimentation with the social effectivity of authorship. In an attempt to present fully the aforementioned complexities at hand, this paper compares Mosteghanemi’s work with that of two other eminent women writers from the Arab world: Egyptian women’s rights activist and novelist, Nawal al Sadawi, and Algerian writer and historian, Assia Djebar. This comparative analysis is structured into three sections that take up the questions of the politics of literary form, language and decolonisation, and finally, translation. In the critical reception of their work outside their region, Arab women writers all too frequently find themselves caught up in the dynamics of a hegemonic Eurocentric feminism that already constructs them as new representatives of an Orient, one that further stubbornly refuses to dissolve under the action of rigorous critique. I argue that the underwhelming international reception to Mosteghanemi’s writing serves as a reminder that colonialism remains real, even in a world of independent nations, while decolonisation remains on the theoretical horizon in the postcolonial world. It is these two interrelated points that map the wide field of effectivity that is brought into play in the reception of Mosteghanemi as a writer.
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Tidjani, Amnah. "Klarifikasi al-Darwîsh atas Pandangan Orientalis tentang Kontradiksi Ayat al-Qur’an dengan Kaidah Nahw." MUTAWATIR 4, no. 1 (September 10, 2015): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/mutawatir.2014.4.1.139-162.
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<p>This paper will examine clarification Muhy al-Dîn al-Darwîsh against charges orientalistabout the authenticity of the Koran. Today, these allegations go back voiced by the Egyptian Coptic priest Zakaria Batrousin his book <em>Tasâulât H</em><em>a</em><em>w</em><em>l al-Qur’ân</em>. One of the accused is the assertion that the Koran contains errors and defects in terms of language, as it is considered contrary to the rules <em>nah</em><em>}</em><em>w</em>. From here finally Zakaria concludes that the Koran is not the work of God, but a bouquet of Muhammad, because God could do no wrong. What does Zakaria is a fragment of a long journey Orientalist in reviewing the Eastern world, especially the Islamic religion who has written neatly in history. By writing the <em>book I</em><em>‘</em><em>râb al-Qur</em><em>’</em><em>ân al-Karîm wa Bayânuh</em>, al-Darwish wanted to prove that what is alleged Zakaria just nonsense. This book is written with a light and easy to understand language readers, especially for the orientalists who lack the ability to understand the science <em>nah</em><em>w</em> and Arabic literature.<em></em></p>
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Khoury, Jeries. "Al-Hakīm's Equilibrium under the Microscope. A Study in al-Hakīm's Philosophy through his plays." Arabica 54, no. 2 (2007): 189–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005807780220530.
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AbstractThe Egyptian playwright Tawfīq al-Hakīm assumes the philosophy of Equilibrium/equivalency (al-Ta'āduliyya) as a lifestyle and center of art. He looks at the phenomena of nature and life through this philosophy in an attempt to point out its importance and intervention in the details of people's life, behavior, primary needs, and the essence of their existence. From al-Hakīm's writing about this philosophy, we see that he is fully persuaded that this philosophy is the best logical explanation of all the existing pheno-mena. In his view, it controls the aspects of this universe and imposes itself as the best integrated theory that introduces an interpretation to all phenomena of human life. However, this apparent conviction is discovered to be not fully established and its foundations collapse if we investigate al-Hakīm's theatrical works and compare them with his theorizations in this field. Researcher Mahmūd Amīn al-'Ālim hints at the existence of a flaw and contradiction in al-Hakīm's concepts of equilibrium, but he does not elaborate or discuss his argument profoundly or analyze this aspect thoroughly in al-Hakīm's plays.This modest study attempts to trace al-Hakīm's theory as he introduces it. It surveys some of his major plays in an attempt to reveal the flaws in this equilibrium, and discusses their reasons and results. Finally, I will point out the paradoxical aspects between al-Hakīm's art and his theorization. The study deals with and refers to the plays that are most representative of al-Hakīm's theory of equilibrium with a specific focus on his play Pygmalion.
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Pakhomova, Aleksandra S. "Mikhail Kuzmin’s Literary Reputation: Canon, Reception, Strategy." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 458 (2020): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/458/6.
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Based on the vast critical literature of the beginning of the 20th century, this article analyzes the dynamics of Mikhail Kuzmin’s literary reputation from the beginning of his literary activities in the mid-1900s until the 1920s. To analyze the trends in Kuzmin’s literary reputation, two categories were distinguished: literary reputation, which includes the entire perception of the author’s works, and writing strategy, which can be described as a set of the author’s actions aimed at making a certain literary image. In the literary reputation, an area of canon, a term essential for understanding Kuzmin’s works, was singled out; it stands for a system of ratings fixed at the beginning of Kuzmin’s career and transmitted throughout his creative life. This canon included the images of the “ancient Egyptian”, “homosexual”, “recluse”. Kuzmin himself maintained this ambiguous reputation, presenting it in his works and public behavior. Until the mid-1910s, the author’s strategy supported his literary reputation, which allowed Kuzmin to achieve fame in a short time. However, since 1912, Kuzmin gradually abandoned his image because his interests moved towards comprehension of contemporaneity, avant-garde poetics, simpler language and plots inspired by actual events. All Kuzmin’s works of the second half of the 1910s are marked by his desire for simplicity; however, the line of the “canon” was still transmitted in criticism. Kuzmin’s poems on the 1917 revolution (such as “Russkaya Revolutsiya”, “Volynskiy Polk”, etc.) were strongly criticized because they contradicted the canonical model of perception. Parodies and critical articles of 1917 show that Kuzmin’s reputation was in decline by 1917. They also demonstrate that Kuzmin was not able to build a new reputation by this time: he was still perceived as an “ancient Egyptian” and “homosexual”. By 1917, the author’s strategy and the perception of his works completely diverged, which led to a misunderstanding of Kuzmin’s post-revolutionary works and his gradual disintegration from the then contemporary literary process. The study allows considering the literary reputation of Kuzmin as a process of interaction of several forces: the author projects certain public and creative image of himself that the critic supports or does not support. The overlap of Kuzmin’s ambitions and critical perception leads to the creation of an integral image, brings fame and recognition to the writer. On the other hand, the formed image is insensitive to the occurring changes and interferes with the perception and understanding of Kuzmin’s further works.
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Bojowald, Stefan. "Neue Beispiele fuer die Elision von h im Ägyptischen—ein Zwischenbericht." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 55 (November 22, 2019): 15–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/jarce.55.2019.a002.
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The focus of this contribution is on the loss of the Egyptian consonant h. The article follows a study by the same the author in JARCE 50 (2014) about the same topic that dealt exclusively with examples from the Middle Kingdom. The time range is extended here to the late material. The starting point is given by writings of individual words on the one hand, and of plays on words on the other. The weakness of h is not restricted to the Egyptian language, but can also be observed in other oriental idioms.
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Hirschkind, Charles. "Heresy or Hermeneutics." American Journal of Islam and Society 12, no. 4 (January 1, 1995): 463–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v12i4.2366.
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Islam/IslamismThe debate I shall discuss here arose following Cairo University'sdecision to refuse tenure to a professor of Arabic language and literature,Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, in light of an unfavorable report by the tenurecommittee entrusted to review his scholarly work. Supporters of Abu Zaydquickly brought the case to national attention via the Egyptian press, therebyprecipitating a storm of often shrill writing from all sides of the politicalspectrum, in both the journalistic and academic media. Subsequently,as an Islamist lawyer tried to have Abu Zayd forcibly divorced from hiswife on the grounds that his writings revealed him to be an apostate, theforeign media also picked up the story and transformed the case into aninternational event.In what follows, I will focus on one comer of this debate concerningcontrastive notions of reason and history, issues which, I wish to argue, areimplicated deeply in the forms of political contestation and mobilizationoccurring in Islamic countries today. Such topics seldom appear in discussionsthat take Islamic movements or Islamic revival as their object, anomission perhaps attributable to the conceptual frames informing these discussions.As we may note, the idea of a social movement presupposes aself-constituting subject, independent from both state and tradition: a uni-linear progressive teleology; and a pragmatics of proximate goals, namely,the spatiotemporal plane of universal reason and progressive history, thetemtory of modem humanity. Such an actor must fulfill the Kantiandemand that reason be exercised autonomously and embodied in a sovereignsubject. In contrast, one may argue that the protagonist of a traditionof inquiry founded on a divine text is necessarily a collective subject, onethat seeks to preserve and enhance its own exemplary past. As such, Islamnever satisfies these modem demands and thus must always remain somewhatoutside the movement of history as a lesser form of reasoning. Indeed,the assumption of a fundamental opposition between reason and religion,an assumption that is central to the historical development of both modemconcepts during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, has meant thatinvestigations into the rationalities of religious traditions have rarely beenviewed as essential to the description or explanation of those religions.’Consequently, to pose a question in regard to Islam generally means thatone must either be asking about politics (the not-really-Islam of“Islamism,” or “political Islam”) or about belief, symbols, ritual, and so on,but not about styles of reasoning.We find, for example, that within political economy discussions ofoppositional movements in the Middle East, Islam is viewed generally aslittle more than the culturally preferred idiom through which opposition,be it class or otherwise, may be expressed.* Unquestionably, the best ofthese studies have told us much about the kinds of material conditions andthe specific intersections of capital and power that have enabled, orundermined, arguments, movements, forms of practice, including, amongothers, Islamic ones.’ Founded upon the same set of Enlightenmentassumptions mentioned above, these writings have provided conflictingaccounts of the kinds of modem forces transforming the contemporarypolitical structures of the Middle East but are ill-equipped when it comesto analyzing those dimensions of social and political life rooted in nonwesterntraditions ...
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Dekkiche, Malika. "The Letter and Its Response: The Exchanges between the Qara Qoyunlu and the Mamluk Sultan: ms Arabe 4440 (BnF, Paris)." Arabica 63, no. 6 (November 18, 2016): 579–626. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341413.
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In their manuals, chancery scribes often discussed the differences between initial letters (ibtidāʾ) and their responses (ǧawāb), yet one question persists: which one was of higher status? Basing their reflections on literary criteria, secretaries were divided. Most of them granted the response more value, since it required greater skill and literary dexterity from its author. While the mubtadiʾ had the entire choice of terms, structure, and prolixity, the muǧīb was challenged by the letter’s wording. Others, however, considered both tasks equal in difficulty, since all secretaries were required to act as both mubtadiʾ and muǧīb. Despite this debate among secretaries, initial letters and responses were different in nature and require distinction. In this article, I discuss the issue of letter writing (initial and response) within the Mamluk chancery of Cairo. I base this paper on the study of a sample of letters exchanged between the Qara Qoyunlu governor Pīr Būdāq (d. 870/1466) and the Mamluk sultan Īnāl (r. 857/1453-865/1461) as preserved in an unpublished munšaʾa (ms Arabe 4440, BnF) and containing both the initial letters sent by Pīr Būdāq and the responses produced by the Egyptian chancery. After briefly presenting the letters and the context of their reception, I focus on their style and the different elements of their structure, going on to compare them to the rules of letter-writing as described in the chancery manuals of the period (i.e. theme, quotation, status). Finally, I address the nature of the Mamluk responses in the framework of the aforementioned debate. Dans leur manuels, les secrétaires de chancellerie discutent souvent des différences entre les lettres initiales (ibtidāʾ) et leur réponses (ǧawāb). Néanmoins une question demeure : laquelle était de statut plus élevé ? Fondant leur raisonnement sur des critères littéraires, les secrétaires sont divisés. La plupart attribue à la réponse la plus grande valeur, car elle nécessitait plus d’habilité et de dextérité littéraire de la part de son auteur. Alors que pour la lettre initiale, le mubtadiʾ avait l’entière liberté du choix des mots, de la structure, de la prolixité, le muǧīb était mis au défi de la formulation posée dans la lettre initiale. D’autres, cependant, considéraient chacune des tâches égales en difficulté, car après tout, tous les secrétaires devaient pouvoir œuvrer à la fois en tant que mubtadiʾ et muǧīb. En dépit de ce débat entre secrétaires, il est clair que lettres initiales et réponses étaient de nature différente et dès lors se doivent d’être distinguées. Dans cet article, nous aborderons la question de la rédaction des lettres (initiales et réponses) au sein de la chancellerie mamlouke du Caire. Nous fondons cette étude sur l’analyse d’un corpus de lettres échangées entre le gouverneur Qara Qoyunlu Pīr Būdāq (m. 870/1466) et le sultan mamlouk Īnāl (r. 857/1453-865/1461), tel qu’il est conservé dans un munšaʾa inédit (ms Paris, BnF, Arabe 4440). Ce corpus comprend à la fois les lettres initiales envoyées par Pīr Būdāq, ainsi que les réponses produites par la chancellerie égyptienne. Après une brève présentation du corpus et du contexte entourant sa réception, nous nous concentrerons sur l’étude du style des lettres et des différents éléments de leurs structures et nous les comparerons avec les règles de rédaction telles qu’elles nous sont transmises dans les manuels de chancelleries de la période (i.e. thème, citation, statut). Enfin, nous analyserons la nature des réponses mamloukes dans le cadre du débat mentionné ci-dessus. This article is in English.
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Uljas, Sami. "Egyptian: An Introduction to the Writing and Language of the Middle KingdomEgyptian: An Introduction to the Writing and Language of the Middle Kingdom. By BORGHOUTSJORIS F.. Egyptologische Uitgaven 24 (2 vols): Volume I, Grammar, Syntax and Indexes, pp. xxxiii + 581. Volume II, Sign Lists, Exercises and Reading Texts, pp. vii + 481. Leuven, Peeters and Leiden, Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 2010. ISBN 978 9 062 58224 2 (Peeters), 978 9 042 92294 5 (NINO). Price €120." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 98, no. 1 (January 2012): 336–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751331209800130.
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Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 65, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 259–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000207.
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Identity studies live. This latest batch of publications explores what made not just the Romans but the Italians, Christians, and Etruscans who they were. We begin with both age and beauty, the fruits of a special exhibition at the Badischen Landesmuseum Karlsruhe in the first half of 2018 into the most famous of Roman predecessors, the Etruscans. Most of the exhibits on display come from Italian museums, but the interpretative essays that break up the catalogue – which are also richly illustrated – are by both Italian and German scholars. These are split between five overarching sections covering introductory affairs, the ages of the princes and of the city-states, the Etruscans’ relationship with Rome, and modern reception. The first contains essays treating Etruscan origins, history, identity, and settlement area. The second begins with the early Iron Age Villanova site, before turning to early Etruscan aristocratic culture, including banqueting, burials, language, writing, and seafaring. The third and longest section considers the heyday of Etruscan civilization and covers engineering and infrastructure, crafts and production, munitions, women's roles, daily life, dance, sport, funerary culture, wall painting, religious culture, and art. The fourth section treats both the confrontation between Etruscan and Roman culture and the persistence of the former after ‘conquest’ by the latter. The fifth section contains one essay on the modern inheritance of the Etruscan ‘myth’ and one on the history of scholarship on the Etruscans. Three aspects to this volume deserve particular praise. First, it includes not only a huge range of material artefacts but also individual essays on Etruscan production in gold, ceramic, ivory, terracotta, and bronze. Second, there is a recurring interest in the interconnections between the Etruscans and other cultures, not just Romans but Greeks, Iberians, Celts, Carthaginians, and other Italian peoples. Third, it includes the history of the reception of Etruscan culture. Amid the just-shy-of-200 objects included (almost every one with description and high-quality colour image), the reader can find everything from a mid-seventh-century pitcher made from an Egyptian ostrich egg painted with birds, flowers, and dancers (147), through the well-known third- or second-century bcTabula Cortonensis – a lengthy and only partially deciphered Etruscan inscription that documents either a legal transaction or a funerary ceremony (311) – to the 2017 kit of the Etruschi Livorno American Football team (364). Since we have no extant Etruscan literature, a volume such as this is all the more valuable in trying to get a sense of these people and their culture, and the exceptionally high production value provides quality exposure to material otherwise scattered throughout Italy.
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القبيسي, بهجت. "أحمد باشا كمال فقيه الهيروغليفية العربي المصري (Ahmed Kamal Pasha The Philologist of Egyption Hieroglyphs)." Abgadiyat 6, no. 1 (2011): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-90000002.
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Ahmed Kamal Pasha is the clerk who wrote a lexicon which has not seen light because of the tendentious (unfair) orientalists. Ahmed Kamal Pasha is the first Arabic philologist who ascribed the Egyptian dialects to the Arabs throughout [Mystification (Slang)] and [philology]. This research displays the efforts of Ahmed Kamal Pasha and his ideology as philologist, and not as a linguist. This research explains the effect of [Orientale] on the Arab history; some were fair, others were tendentious and another group collected the important information for us. However, the destiny of the clerk, the Egyptian people and Arabs is that Dictionary fell in the unfair hands of Virth (British), Laco (French), and Reisner (American). Some rejected to publish and to print this Dictionary over the past 90 years. This Dictionary has recently returned to meet phenomenal attention by Arabs who know the classical Arabic language to reveal [Hieroglyphic] writings. (please note that this article is in Arabic)
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Ditchey, Mallory. "Body Language: Tattooing and Branding in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 3, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2015-0004.
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AbstractThe permanent marking of human bodies by branding and tattooing was practiced throughout the entire three millennia of the cuneiform record. Brands and tattoos were inflicted on slaves as a means of either marking human or divine ownership, or as a method of punishment for slaves who had already run away. This practice was surprisingly consistent; cuneiform tablets from the early third millennium list branded persons and animals owned by the temple household, while documents from the Achaemenid period detail legal disputes involving marked slaves. As the Near Eastern economy became increasingly international, slaves were marked in multiple languages ensuring the maintenance of social order across a broad geographical scope. Mesopotamian branding and tattoo practices had long-lasting consequences; the Greeks and Romans adopted the custom, the Egyptians began to mark prisoners of war, and the Bible prohibits skin marking in certain contexts. This essay provides a broad overview of the textual evidence for branding and tattooing throughout Ancient Mesopotamian history, placing it within the context of a civilization in which writing on natural bodies – animate or otherwise – was profoundly meaningful.
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Subagio, Mukhamad Hadi Musolin, and Rido Uwais Hasan Surur. "Al-Tāsāmuḥ al-Islāmī fī al-Futūḥāt al-Islāmiyyah; Fatḥ Miṣr Namūdzaj." Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura 20, no. 2 (August 19, 2020): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jiif.v20i2.5808.
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The story of the Islamic conquest of Egypt is one of the most exciting episodes of Egyptian history. Not because of the events and battles that accompanied the conquest, but rather because of the enormous effects and developments that have resulted in the history of Egypt and its people in terms of religion, language, culture, etc. As for the march of conquest, the conduct of armies, and the war against the soldiers, they were subjected to many statements by historians, and there were conflicting reports about the conquest of Egypt, and was this conquest reconciled with a covenant, or by force? The way Egypt was conquered went in a way that contrasts with its conquests in the City of Shams and others. Also, the march of opening Egypt was subjected to multiple suspicions and myths that have no basis, some were able to attach to the history of the Islamic conquests of Egypt, but Allah defended the conquests through the writings of Muslim and non-Muslim scholars. This paper comes to reveal aspects of greatness in Islamic tolerance with the Christians of Egypt, which was their main reason for converting to Islam. This study used the historical, critical and analytical method to present facts and discuss ideas. Among the most important results: the proof of tolerance in theory and in reality concerning the conquest of Egypt, the conversion of Egyptians to Islam because of its grace and ease, and rejecting the myth of the march of the Islamic conquest of Egypt from the beginning to the end.
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Luijendijk, AnneMarie. "Sacred Scriptures as Trash:Biblical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus." Vigiliae Christianae 64, no. 3 (2010): 217–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007210x498646.
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AbstractMost New Testament papyri with a known provenance were found at the site of the ancient Egyptian city of Oxyrhynchus, or more precisely: on that city’s rubbish mounds. The fact that sacred scriptures were discarded as garbage is surprising in view of the holiness of Christian biblical manuscripts, intrinsically and physically. Yet the trash aspect of provenance has never been adequately problematized or studied. Taking a social-historical and garbological approach, this article demonstrates that at Oxyrhynchus in antiquity entire manuscripts with biblical writings were deliberately discarded by Christians themselves, unrelated to persecution and issues of canonicity.
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Ezra, Daniel Stökl Ben. "Weighing the Parts A Papyrological Perspective on the Parting of the Ways." Novum Testamentum 51, no. 2 (2009): 168–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853608x323055.
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AbstractA comparison of the ideological composition of the Qumran library and Christian libraries from ancient Egypt, reconstructed from pre-Constantinian papyri, reveals a profound difference in the amount of group-specific material: ca. 28% Qumran “sectarian” at Qumran vs. ca. 60% “Christian” books in ancient Egyptian Christian libraries. Even for the second century, where we have much less data, the divide is quite great. If we take Qumran as example for a Jewish sectarian library, still focused largely on the Hebrew Bible and writings shared with other Jews, Christian libraries portray an independent group-specific identity, quite early on.
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Ford, Coleman M. "‘A Pure Dwelling Place for the Holy Spirit’: John Wesley’s Reception of the Homilies of Macarius." Expository Times 130, no. 4 (July 9, 2018): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524618787342.
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The focus of this essay is on how, and to what extent, John Wesley’s doctrine of Christian perfection was influenced by his readings of the late fourth-century monastic preacher, Macarius Symeon. In this essay, I argue that Wesley focuses too narrowly upon Macarius’s language of Christian perfection to the neglect of his broader theological reflection. In doing so, Wesley sets out to paint upon a doctrinal canvas using fourth-century paint, yet neglects some of the necessary hues and tones. Wesley’s doctrine of Christian perfection evolved throughout his life, though his reliance upon Macarius is well noted in his writings. The difference, however, between the 18th-century revival preacher and the fourth century Egyptian monk is a greater recognition of earthly struggle and sin in this present life. While Macarius uses perfection language, his notion of the Christian life provided a much more grounded reality of sin and fallen human nature, contrary to Wesley’s rendering with his doctrinal formulation.
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Marback, Richard. "The Phoenix of Hermes, or the Rebirth of Plato in the Eighteenth Century." Rhetorica 13, no. 1 (1995): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.1995.13.1.61.
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Abstract: In this paper 1 provide a reading of the conflict between allegorical and philosophie interpretations of Plato that resulted in the shift of authority from the former to the latter, signalling the decline of rhetoric. The specifie text 1 focus on is Jacob Brucker's eighteenthcentury revision of the history of philosophy. I show that Brucker conceives of Plato as rational and philosophie in direct response to Renaissance and early modem Neoplatonists like Marsilio Ficino, who read Plato's writings as allegory and who revered Plato as a divine sage of Egyptian wisdom. Identifying Brucker's argument for a philosophie Plato as a response to Neoplatonism, 1 argue that Brucker fashions his Plato from eighteenth-eentury attitudes isolating Egypt from Athens, so as to ally ancient Athens more closely to modem Europe. 1 conclude by considering the implications of my reading of Brucker for current histories of rhetoric, drawing parallels between Brucker's discussion of Plato and that of Brian Vickers.
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Jolowicz, Daniel. "THE ROMAN ARMY AND GREEK MILITARISM IN CHARITON'SCHAEREAS AND CALLIRHOE." Cambridge Classical Journal 64 (August 2, 2018): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270518000076.
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This paper seeks to highlight and assess the presence of allusions to Roman military apparatus in Chariton'sChaereas and Callirhoe. In the introduction, I contextualise the argument within the history of scholarship on the novel, and discuss issues relating to the author's date, Aphrodisian provenance and readership. I then divide the argument into three parts. At the end of the novel, Chaereas returns to Syracuse and publicly displays the spoils won from the east in a manner that, I argue, is highly suggestive of the Roman triumph (Parti). He then extends a grant of citizenship to the Greek element of his army and issues them cash donatives, while Hermocrates gives farmland to the Egyptians. As I demonstrate, this is characteristic of what happens upon the demobilisation of Roman military manpower (especially theauxilia) (Partii). I then draw out the ramifications of an imperial-era author who represents Greek military exploits against the Persians, writing during a period in which Greeks were not interested in military endeavours (Partiii).
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Nisa’, Hanun Khiyarotun. "an-Naqd ‘ala Tarjamati Kitab ‘Izah an-Nasyiin li Mustafa al-Ghulayaini." International Journal of Arabic Language Teaching 1, no. 02 (December 1, 2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/ijalt.v1i02.1787.
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The Book of ‘Izah an-Nasyiin is a collection of writings written by one of the great Egyptian scholars, Mustafa al Ghulayaini, in the newspaper "al-Mufid". This book contains a variety of moral issues, social, nationalism, leadership, and education. This book is very well received and has a great influence on the hearts of readers. This book translated into Indonesian by M. Fadlil Said an-Nadwi. In reality, this translated book requires criticism. It must be known that criticism is not only limited to the search for deficiencies or mistakes but also gives high appreciation to translators, editors and, publishers. The purpose of this study is to describe grammatical problems in the translation work along with its solutive efforts. This translation critique research rests on Newmark translation theory, which is focus on the original language and focus on the transfer language. This is because the book of ‘Izah an-Nasyiin is more representative of the author's thoughts in ethics or morals delivered with literary expressions. In many cases, the researcher finds translation models that tend to be closer to the text and in other cases closer to the reader. The researcher focused on evaluating the work of translation in grammatical problems and solutive efforts. The results of this study are that the researcher found translation evaluations on three grammatical problems; tarkib isnadi or jumlah, tarkib bayani and tarkib idafi.
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Ratnagar, Shereen. "Appropriation and Its Consequences: Archaeology under Colonial Rule in Egypt and India." Journal of Egyptian History 13, no. 1-2 (February 16, 2021): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340055.
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Abstract The beginnings of archaeology in Egypt and in India are the subject of this paper. In both countries, antiquities were carried away by the powerful. Moreover, the hubris of the colonial powers ruling both countries made it inevitable that not only antiquities, but knowledge about the past, were appropriated in different ways. For modern Egyptians, the Pharaonic past was remote in culture and distant in time. The people themselves were until fairly recently prevented from learning the Pharaonic writing, once it was deciphered, by various ways and means. In contrast, in India the colonial administration relied on Indian scholars to teach British personnel the ancient languages, texts, and religion. In neither country was the history of the ancient period taught in schools until the foreign rulers had left. But Indian archaeology became involved in Indian identity and in the framing of the nation as Hindu, and thereby acquired an ugly twist. Self-identification in Egypt in the earlier twentieth century, on the other hand, was possibly more with the Arab world than with the pyramid builders.
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Swer, Banbhalang. "The Consecrated Sohpetbneng Peak (Navel of Heaven) - The Meaning and the Need for Protection, Preservation and Conservation." Applied Mechanics and Materials 878 (February 2018): 146–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.878.146.
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The Khasis like any other tribe or nation has its own civilization, different, unique and peculiar. Though it is an oral tradition in absence of writings, yet it had been manifested in the permanent objects of nature, this civilization is as old as that of Babylonian, Egyptian and Greek. The present world today with the progress of science and technology can be compared with the Khasi thought in the aspects of his religion (traditional), his social ways of life and the political aspect of regulating his people with a democratic essence of the highest order which the British as late as 1826 only admired without understanding the language. ‘Sohpetbneng’ literally means the navel between heaven and earth. However, in the philosophical thought of our ancestors, the word carries a different connotation. This can be seen and adjudged from the various ways of life of the Khasis as a race or tribe which cannot be effaced from the surface of the universe.The hillock (Lum) ‘Sohpetbneng’ is a divine manifestation of the essence of the Khasi thought which should be protected and preserved as a historical relic before any harm can come to it. The paper will further highlight the importance of the hillock to the Khasi Community and the kind of ritual rites and activities that are being perform on this place till date and the Architectural built components designed and supervised by the author in connection with the ritual rites and activities performed and the need to protect, conserve, preserve and recognized this hillock as one of the Heritage site.
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Anfi, lovaS G. "In the shade of “beautiful style”: talking about the chamber vocal music pieces by G. Donizetti." Aspects of Historical Musicology 15, no. 15 (September 15, 2019): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.34064/khnum2-15.05.
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Background. In 2018, the 170th anniversary of the death of Gaetano Donizetti (1797–1848) was commemorated. G. Donizetti created 74 operas of various genres and themes. He was the head of the Italian opera school in the second half of the 1830s, picking up the baton from G. Rossini and V. Bellini and anticipating G. Verdi’s searching. Having an apparent melodic gift, excellent skills of composing, knowledge of musical theatre, he created his works extremely quickly and easily – up to 3–4 operas per year, which caused repeated critical attacks. Opera works by G. Donizetti got a hard futurity. This music laid hold of audience in the 1830s–40s, but practically got out of the repertoire by the end of the 19th century, giving way to the masterpieces by G. Verdi and R. Wagner. Its revival began in the 50s of the 20th century, thanks to remarkable interpretations of great performers, in particular Maria Callas, Joan Alston Sutherland, Montserrat Caballé (since 1965), and others. A new success of opera masterpieces arose due to the fact that performing concepts restored the original author’s conception. Among the researchers and listeners, G. Donizetti’s operatic works eclipsed other spheres of his creativity, such as instrumental and chamber vocal music. But at the same time, G. Donizetti lived in the times of the widespread distribution of the romance, and the rapid growth of its popularity in the amateur and professional performing environment. He was an outstanding expert of vocal music and could not ignore this genre. Naturally there is a need for a more attentive approach to such a little-studied topic, as the composer’s chamber vocal music. Objectives. Gaetano Donizetti’s chamber-vocal creativity is the object of this study. The subject is the song cycle “Summer Nights in Posillipo” (“Nuits d’été à Pausilippe”) in terms of individual composer style. The objectives of offered article are not so much fi ll existing gaps on this issue, as taking a closer look at the romance genre, which is eclipsed by the composer’s opera compositions. The author of this work uses classical methods of analysis of historical and theoretical musicology. Results. Studies on the composer style of G. Donizetti in the Russian and Ukrainian languages are very limited in both quantitative and thematic terms. Most sources, including in other languages, consider opera works by the composer. The exact number of Donizetti’s romances is still unknown (from 250 to 270). The song cycle “Nuits d’été à Pausilippe” / “Summer Nights in Posillipo” (1836), consisting of 12 songs, is also not considered in the scientifi c literature. Typical for the fi rst third of the 19th century is the chronotope of this cycle, in which the poetics of the geographical toponym and the symbolism of the night are combined. Posillipo is a distinctive place in the northern part of the Gulf of Naples, with its unusually picturesque landscape and artifacts of ancient culture. The name of the song collection by G. Donizetti corresponds to the popular literature formula of the 1830s – “Florentine Nights” (1833) by H. Heine, “Egyptian Nights” (1835) by A. S. Pushkin, and others, in which the genre of the “night” novelistic cycle embodied. The musical implementations are “Night Pieces” op. 23 (1839) by R. Schumann, song cycle “Summer Nights” op. 7 (1841) by G. Berlioz, which were created in the period of composition writing (1836) by G. Donizetti. The novella-like character of “Summer Nights in Posillipo” is represented by incompleteness of lyric utterance, free alternation of fragments within the boundaries of a given topic, the variability of timbre solutions, varied choice of authors of poetic texts. Six solo numbers (Nos. 1–6) are supplemented by six duets for various timbre sets (Nos. 7–12, for 2 sopranos, soprano and mezzo-soprano, soprano and tenor, tenor and bass). The poems by four poets of Romanticism are involved: Leopoldo Tarantini (Nos. 1, 8, 10, 12), Carlo Guaita (No. 2), Michele Palazzolo (Nos. 7, 11), Francesco Puoti (No. 9), Victor Hugo (No. 6). Also the poems of the anonymous poet (No. 3) and the folklore text (No. 5) are used here. The cycle is “multilingual”, the Italian language coexists with the Neapolitan and French. The love theme prevails. We can talk about creation of a poetic-collective image entitled Homo amore. Solo songs (Nos. 1–6) form conditional self-contained cycle, which is distinguished by genre diversity. This is evidenced by both the designations of the composer himself (Barcarolle – No. 1, Romance – No. 2, Arietta – No. 3, Ballade – No. 4, Neapolitan song – No. 5), and signs of other genres (opera monologue – No. 1, Chivalric romance – No. 2, Serenade – No. 3, Alba – No. 6). The second little cycle is formed by the duets Nos. 7–12. The composer designates Nos. 7–11 as nocturne, while Nos. 12 as brindisi, or drinking song. G. Donizetti’s nocturnes are glad and lyrical, motile, virtuosic, theatrically spectacular. Life and earthly pleasures are glorifi ed in sounding. The atmosphere of a brilliant ball evening is felt here. The unifying factor in duets are the principles of the texture organization of vocal parts. The fi rst one is associated with the interaction of voices-parts with each other according to the principle of anti-phoning singing (Nos. 7, 9, 11). The second principle is associated with the simultaneous sounding of two voices (Nos. 8, 10, 12). The role of intonation relatedness at the songs is signifi cant. The thematism of twelve songs can be divided by the type of melodic core. As a result, there are three groups: I – themes Nos. 1, 2, 5, 8, 10; II – Nos. 3, 6; III – duets Nos. 7, 9. Conclusions. The applying of the “intonation vocabulary” of the epoch is refl ected in numerous allusions between the melodies of the romances by G. Donizetti and the works of his contemporaries (M. Glinka, F. Schubert) and successors (R. Hahn). The biggest interest is the composer work with the form. Acting within the framework of the repeatability (melodic and structural) and stanza form, G. Donizetti seeks to overcome this necessity in every possible way by various means. The structure of his romances “lives”, naturally unfolds in time, obeying the laws of vocal music. The results of “Summer Nights in Posillipo” analysis allow us to conclude about the originality of G. Donizetti’s creative decisions in the genre of romance.
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Retief, Francois P., and Louise C. Cilliers. "Astrology and medicine in antiquity and the middle ages." Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Natuurwetenskap en Tegnologie 29, no. 1 (January 13, 2010): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/satnt.v29i1.2.
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Astrology is a pseudo-science based on the assumption that the well-being of humankind, and its health in particular, is influenced in a constant and predictable fashion by the stars and other stellar bodies. Its origins can probably be traced back to Mesopotamia of the 3rd millennium BC and was particularly popular in Graeco-Roman times and the Medieval Era. Astrology in Western countries has always differed from that in the Far East, and while it largely lost its popularity in the West after the Renaissance, it still remains of considerable significance in countries like China and Tibet. Astrology took on a prominent medical component in the Old Babylonian Era (1900-1600 BC) when diseases were first attributed to stellar bodies and associated gods. In the Neo-Babylonian Era (6th century BC) the zodiac came into being: an imaginary belt across the skies (approximately 16o wide) which included the pathways of the sun, moon and planets, as perceived from earth. The zodiac belt was divided into 12 equal parts (“houses” or signs), 6 above the horizon and 6 below. The signs became associated with specific months, illnesses and body parts – later with a number of other objects like planets, minerals (e.g. stones) and elements of haruspiction (soothsaying, mantic, gyromancy). In this way the stellar objects moving through a zodiac “house” became associated with a multitude of happenings on earth, including illness. The macrocosm of the universe became part of the human microcosm, and by studying the stars, planets, moon, etcetera the healer could learn about the incidence, cause, progress and treatment of disease. He could even predict the sex and physiognomy of unborn children. The art of astrology and calculations involved became very complex. The horoscope introduced by the 3rd century BC (probably with Greek input) produced a measure of standardisation: a person’s position within the zodiac would be determined by the date of birth, or date of onset of an illness or other important incident, on which information was needed. Egyptian astrological influence was limited but as from the 5th century BC onwards, Greek (including Hellenistic) input became prominent. In addition to significant contributions to astronomy, Ptolemy made a major contribution to astrology as “science” in his Tetrabiblos. Rational Greek medicine as represented by the Hippocratic Corpus did not include astrology, and although a number of physicians did make use of astrology, it almost certainly played a minor role in total health care. Astrology based on the Babylonian-Greek model also moved to the East, including India where it became integrated with standard medicine. China, in the Far East, developed a unique, extremely complex variety of astrology, which played a major role in daily life, including medicine. During Medieval times in the West, astrology prospered when the original Greek writings (complemented by Arabic and Hebrew contributions) were translated into Latin. In the field of medicine documents falsely attributed to Hippocrates and Galen came into circulation, boosting astrology; in the young universities of Europe it became taught as a science. It was, however, opposed by the theologians who recognised a mantic element of mysticism, and it lost further support when during the Renaissance, the spuriousness of the writings attributed to the medical icons, Hippocrates and Galen, became evident. Today Western standard medicine contains no astrology, but in countries like China and Tibet it remains intricately interwoven with health care. In common language we have a heritage of words with an astrological origin, like “lunatic” (a person who is mentally ill), “ill-starred”, “saturnine” (from Saturn, the malevolent plant) and “disaster” (from dis, bad, and astra, star).
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Peck, William H. "Egyptian Art: Selected Writings of Bernard V. Bothmer. Edited by Madeleine E. Cody, with, Paul Edmund Stanwick and Marsha Hill. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2004. Pp. xxii + 515 + 230 figs. $60.Egypt 1950: My First Visit. By Bernard V. Bothmer. Edited by, Emma Swan Hall. Oxford and Oakville, Conn.: Oxbow Books, 2003. Pp. xiii + 168 + 85 figs. $50." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 67, no. 2 (April 2008): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/589263.
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"Discourse markers as a lens to variation across speech and writing." Functions of Language, June 6, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.18025.mar.
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Abstract This paper explores the use of the discourse marker (DM) yaʕni (lit. ‘it means’) in spoken and written Egyptian-Cairene Arabic. The DM yaʕni originates in conversational interaction and is symbiotic with its socio-cognitive constraints and goals: it serves to facilitate the verbalization of new or hard-to-activate ideas and to optimize the verbalization of already-introduced ideas, so as to enhance participants’ mutual understanding and involvement. When carried over to written discourse, yaʕni undergoes various forms of adaptation. In casual-personal prose yaʕni is frequently used, however the distribution of the tokens is different and their function recontextualized. Tokens introducing new ideas are few and acquire symbolic meaning, while tokens introducing elaboration of prior discourse are widely used and serve to evoke conversational interaction. In expository discourse, as reflected in Egyptian Wikipedia, yaʕni is considerably less frequent and limited to elaborations of concepts and facts. The paper shows the highly context-sensitive function of the DM yaʕni and the ways in which its indexical force, as a marker of conversationality, is either heightened or weakened in writing, depending on the genre in which it is put to use.
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Mostafa, Asmaa Abdel-Moneim. "An Exploration of Teachers’ Integration of Visual Literacy in the Egyptian Secondary English Language Classrooms." African Journal of Teacher Education 1, no. 1 (October 10, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.21083/ajote.v1i1.1583.
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Recognizing the need for students to be literate in the more traditional areas of reading and writing, professional organizations such as the NCTE, IRA, and NCATE as well as NAQAAE, The National Authority for Quality Assurance and Accreditation of Education in Egypt, have put in place English language standards that address other literacies, including visual literacy. Yet, it has been unclear how secondary English language teachers feel about and understand what is expected of them in teaching non-print literacy, and if they indeed are teaching concepts related to comprehension and production of information in non-text format. This study attempts to discover teachers' attitudes toward, understanding of, and use of visual literacy concepts through a survey of the secondary English language teachers in Egypt. Based on the information from the responses to the survey, secondary English language teachers have received no formal training in teaching visual literacy and that their informal training consists mainly of discussions with colleagues and independent study; among others.