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Journal articles on the topic 'Egyptian liberals'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 30 May 2022
Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

BACHTIAR, Royyan, and Fatma ÇETİN. "Westernizers’ Studies of the Qur’an: Arab Liberals as a Model." Journal of The Near East University Islamic Research Center 10, no. 2 (2024): 678–709. https://doi.org/10.32955/neu.istem.2024.10.2.12.

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In this era, Muslims have faced intellectual challenges in a new form and in modern faces, and these challenges are divided into two parts: Internal challenges and external challenges. Internal challenges like the spread of ignorance, fanaticism, disbelieve (takfīr), terrorism, and others. As for the external challenges, they appeared in the form of the spread of ideas, philosophy, and concepts from Western civilization, including liberalism. This liberalism has spread to the minds of Muslims and dominated them, including Arab intellectuals. Some Arab intellectuals were influenced by this idea
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Culang, Jeffrey. "“The Shari‘a must go”: Seduction, Moral Injury, and Religious Freedom in Egypt's Liberal Age." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 2 (2018): 446–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000117.

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AbstractSince the 2011 uprising in Egypt, the Egyptian state has increasingly used the charge of contempt of religion (izdira’ al-din) to regulate speech. This charge, though sometimes assumed to be a medieval holdover, is part of a modern genealogy of the politics of religious freedom. This article examines how religious freedom accumulated meaning in Egypt after World War I, when it became an international legal standard. Protestant missionaries in Egypt advocated religious freedom as the right to proselytize and the right of Egyptians to convert. For many Egyptians, by contrast, it came to
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El-Beshry, Tarek. "Relationship between state and religion: Egypt after the revolution†." Contemporary Arab Affairs 6, no. 3 (2013): 404–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2013.812595.

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According to Tariq Al-Bishri, it is not true that it is the Islamic current that controls the state in Egypt as a political project is in the process of crystallizing. His main proposal is for the three forces dominating the structure and dynamics of political life in Egypt – namely the army and judiciary, the Muslim Brotherhood, and liberals – to collaborate and avoid posing religion and the state as two opposing entities. Having to deal with the Shari'a as the source or reference for legislation need not be a polarizing issue as religion is being dealt with as ‘the dominant culture’; moreove
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Fattah Batchelor, Daud Abdul. "POST – ‘ARAB SPRING’: BENEFICIAL LESSONS IN GOVERNANCE FROM RECENT EVENTS IN EGYPT AND TUNISIA." TERRORISM FROM THE VIEW OF MUSLIMS 8, no. 1 (2014): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0801117b.

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The fall of elected Egyptian President Morsi is likely to reverberate into the future throughout the Arab World. It pits the growing large communi- ty of Islamic-committed citizens (just under 60 percent in Egypt according to Pew Center surveys) and frustrated youth wanting participatory govern- ance and legitimate freedoms against military autocrats, their business and judicial associates, and hereditary rulers in the region who wish to maintain the status quo against the bedrock Islamic principle of representative govern- ance. Tunisia leads the way in providing a to-date successful transiti
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Gojali, M. Imam, Imron Fauzi, and Khotibul Umam. "Modernism In Islamic Education In Tafsir Al-Manār: An Epistemological Review Of Muhammad Abduh And Muhammad Rashid Ridha." LINGUA: Jurnal Bahasa, Sastra, dan Pengajarannya 21, no. 1 (2024): 91–105. https://doi.org/10.30957/lingua.v21i1.921.

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The decline of the Islamic world in the 18th century was triggered by complacency and rigid thinking, where Muslims understood religion blindly without deep understanding. The Western factor that dominated education in the Islamic world also contributed to this stagnation. Liberals see Western modernization as the key to the success of advanced civilization, especially in technology. This modernization, represented by the airplane, created an impetus for Muslims to pursue technological advancement. The Qur'an, as a universal guide for Muslims, must be interpreted according to the context of th
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Gordon, Joel. "The False Hopes of 1950: The Wafd's Last Hurrah and the Demise of Egypt's Old Order." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 2 (1989): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032281.

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In January 1950, in the first free election held in nearly eight years, Egyptians went to the polls to return a Wafdist government to power. After having been banished from office for five years, Egypt's majority party assumed office aware that it shouldered a heavy burden of responsibility. Between October 1944, when the King dismissed the war-time government of Mustafa al-Nahhas, and January 1950, eight minority governments governed, or tried to govern, Egypt. Escalating political violence marked a period of increasing disillusion with parliamentary rule that encompassed all sectors of Egypt
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Arshad. "Understanding the Praetorian Rule of Fatah al-Sisi in Egypt." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 2 (2021): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i2.3233.

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Gamal Abdel Nasser established the praetorian regime in 1952. Nasser ruled Egypt with the ‘party-state’ system to maintain the ‘social contract’ between the state and the Egyptians. The government thrived on the patrimonial relationship and de-politicization of the population. The ‘Egyptian upheaval’ in 2011 sought the protection of individuals’ rights, equality, and freedom against the military-led praetorian regime. A short-democratic experiment led to the arrival of Islamist majority rule in Egypt under the leadership of President Mohammed Morsi. The liberal-secular oppositions and the mili
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Bechor, Guy. "'TO HOLD THE HAND OF THE WEAK': THE EMERGENCE OF CONTRACTUAL JUSTICE IN THE EGYPTIAN CIVIL LAW." Islamic Law and Society 8, no. 2 (2001): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851901753133426.

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AbstractIn this essay I argue that the Egyptian Civil Code of 1949 sought to minimize the polarization of Egyptian society and to forge a new community based on the concepts of compassion, forgiveness and fairness. To this end the New Code abandoned the liberal/individualistic tendency of its predecessors, which, it claimed, was destructive to Egyptian society. Instead, the New Code advocated a contractual sociological approach that upholds the weak stratum in society.
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WYNNE-HUGHES, ELISA. "‘Who would go to Egypt?’ How tourism accounts for ‘terrorism’." Review of International Studies 38, no. 3 (2012): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210511000805.

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AbstractThis article examines the tension between British and Egyptian counterterrorism discourses and Western tourism industry discourses. I analyse how guidebooks like theRough GuideandLonely Planetattract tourists by representing Egypt as an appealing tourist destination in a way that accounts for its positioning, in counterterrorism discourses, as a location and source of terrorism. They do so by producing ‘risk’ in a very specific way. Guidebook representations construct one extreme of Egyptian society as ‘bad’ Muslims who pose an essential threat to Western tourists and their inherently
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Ginat, Rami, and Marwan Abu-Ghazaleh Mahajneh. "Rethinking the Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty: Perceptions and Receptions Within Egyptian Society (1977–1982)." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 9, no. 1 (2021): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477989211053524.

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The Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty marked a new era in the history of the Arab–Israeli conflict. Relying methodologically on the history of ideas and diplomatic history, this article sheds light on the diversity of the perceptions and receptions of peace and relations with Israel as manifested by two influential Egyptian public opinion shapers who represented polar approaches—the mouthpiece of the Muslim Brothers—the journal Al-Da‘wa and Rūz al-Yūsuf, the semi-independent liberal weekly with a moderate left bias. The timeframe is 1977–1982—from Sadat’s historical visit to Jerusalem to the Israe
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Fahmy, Khaled. "The Anatomy of Justice: Forensic Medicine and Criminal Law In Nineteenth-century Egypt." Islamic Law and Society 6, no. 2 (1999): 224–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568519991208682.

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AbstractThe reform of the Egyptian criminal justice system in the nineteenth century traditionally has been viewed as forming an important step in the establishment of a liberal and just rule of law. By studying how forensic medicine was introduced into nineteenth-century Egypt, I argue that the need to exercise better control over the population and to monitor crime lay behind the reform process as much as liberal ideas borrowed from Europe did. Drawing on a wide range of archival material, both legal and medical, I analyze the role played by autopsy in the criminal system and argue that the
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Anello, Giancarlo. "‘Plural Sharīʿah’. A Liberal Interpretation of the Sharīʿah Constitutional Clause of the 2014 Egyptian Constitution". Arab Law Quarterly 31, № 1 (2017): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730255-12341332.

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This article addresses the Egyptian Constitution issued in 2014 (dustūr ǧumhūriyyah miṣr al-ʿarabiyyah). Article 2 declares that Islam is the religion of the State and that the Sharīʿah is the main source of legislation. The aim of the author is to interpret this provision considering the role that the Islamic religion plays in the cultural and legal framework of Arab countries, notably in Egypt. Furthermore, this article tries to develop a pluralistic interpretation of the norm, taking into account some foundational aspects of the Egyptian legal system including the Civil Code of 1948, the pa
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Manduchi, Patrizia. "Students and Dissent in Egypt." Oriente Moderno 95, no. 1-2 (2015): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340078.

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This essay aims to describe the Egyptian university movement from the birth of University in Egypt (1908) until the end of Nasser period (1970). A particular focus is provided on the political and social role that students’ opposition movements assumed during all the national events, both in the liberal-monarchic age and under the Nasser presidency. A special attention has been payed to the evolution of Islamic student organizations inside Egyptian universities. The ultimate goal is to stress, with an historical perspective, the relations between the history of universities and students moveme
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Romano, Marina. "Muḏakkirāt fī l-siyāsah al-miṣriyyah: Nationalism and the Politics of Memory in 20th-Century Egypt." Oriente Moderno 99, no. 1-2 (2019): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340209.

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Abstract Despite the massive research carried out on Egyptian nationalism and its ideological premises in the first half of the 20th century, little is known on the copious political memoirs composed and published in the same period and on their contribution to the development of a nationalist discourse in its strict sense. Among these “political autobiographies”, the Muḏakkirāt fī l-siyāsah al-miṣriyyah (Memoirs on Egyptian Politics) by Muḥammad Ḥusayn Haykal played a crucial role in the dissemination of a shared sense of identity based on the nation-state. By performing the act of rememb
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Ead, Hamed Abdelreheem. "The historical context of globalization in Egypt: Foreign professors’ migration to the Egyptian university (1908)." International Journal of Education and Learning 3, no. 2 (2021): 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31763/ijele.v3i3.255.

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As a major offshoot of the national Egyptian movement that goes back to the beginning of the 20th century, a number of national leaders, Enlightenment pioneers, and social thinkers called for the establishment of an Egyptian university. These individuals hoped for this to be a lighthouse of liberal thought and the basis of a comprehensive academic revival in all fields of knowledge in order to be able to cope with international scientific and academic advancement. By May 1908, the Royal Palace chose the administrative council for the project of the Egyptian University (EU). When the university
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Tüske, László. "Pharaonism and Contemporary Egypt: A New ‘Civilizational State’ in Statu Nascendi." Arabist: Budapest Studies in Arabic 47 (2024): 171–82. https://doi.org/10.58513/arabist.2024.47.13.

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In April 2021, Egypt held an extraordinary event in Cairo, the ‘Golden Parade of the Pharaohs’, during which the government ceremoniously moved twenty-two ancient mummies from the Egyptian Museum to the recently established National Museum of Egyptian Civilization. The unprecedentedly spectacular event can be interpreted not only from the perspective of culture or tourism but can actually be perceived as a manifestation of the new Egyptian ideological discourse. At the centre of this is the structure of a civilizational state with its specific cultural, historical, and political tradition. The
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Abugideiri, Hibba. "Off to Work At Home: Egyptian Midwives Blur Public-Private Boundaries." Hawwa 6, no. 3 (2008): 254–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920808x381649.

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AbstractThis article uncovers the invaluable work of midwives as medical professionals in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Egyptian society. It challenges the public-private distinction as a way of demonstrating its obscuring effect on measuring Arab women's participation in society. In fact, relying on this conceptualization of space, and by implication, gendered power, can lead to a misleading conclusion. Because Egyptian midwives participated publicly in society, they consequently were unshackled from those social and cultural forces that otherwise segregated them to the private
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Tawfic, Dina. "Countering Cultural Extremism." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 7, no. 3 (2022): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v7i3.573.

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Taking Egypt as an ideal-typical Muslim majority country, the paper addresses the position of women in Arab-Islamic culture and identifies the challenges to accept women’s rights and gender equality as progressive values. The exclusion of Egyptian women has been spearheaded by political Islamist groups and Islamic institutions to reinforce the patriarchal system, leading the society to normalize aggression and violent acts against women. From that perspective, it is necessary to: 1) understand the recent Egyptian cultural transformation from secular position to Islamizing the societal views of
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Brooke, Steven, and Elizabeth R. Nugent. "Exclusion and Violence After the Egyptian Coup." Middle East Law and Governance 12, no. 1 (2020): 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201005.

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Scholars of Islamism have long grappled with the relationship between political participation and ideological change, theorizing that political exclusion and state repression increase the likelihood of Islamist groups using violence. The trajectory of post-2011 Egypt offers a chance to systematically evaluate these theories using subnational data. Pairing district-level electoral returns from pre-coup presidential elections with post-coup levels of anti-state and sectarian violence, we find that districts where Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated candidate Mohammed Morsi performed well in 2012 witne
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성일광. "Egyptian Liberal Intellectual Sayyd al-Qimnī’s Perception on Islam and Islamic Movements." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 19, no. 4 (2017): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2017.19.4.25.

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Herdi Sahrasad. "Pergolakan Mesir: Dari Revolusi ke Transisi Demokrasi." Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial 3, no. 2 (2020): 42–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/konfrontasi2.v3i2.62.

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The 2011 revolution in Egypt started with marches, demonstrations and civil resistance on January 25. Protesters were inspired by the successful uprising in Tunisia, where demonstrators succeeded in bringing down the govern- ment. People came on to the streets demanding the overthrow of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. They complained of poverty, unemployment, corruption and autocratic governance of the president who had ruled the country for 30 years. Demonstrators included Islamic, liberal, anti-capi- talist, nationalist and feminist elements. The Egyptian protesters' grievances focused on
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Galal, Sherif M., Soha A. Elhawari, Hosam M. Dawod, and Ibrahim M. Ibrahim. "Restrictive versus Liberal Blood Transfusion Strategies in Egyptian Patients with Esophageal Variceal Bleeding." Open Journal of Gastroenterology 06, no. 05 (2016): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojgas.2016.65020.

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Zahid, Mohammed. "Egyptian reforms post-2005 and the politics of succession: implications and consequences for the future Egyptian reform process." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 3 (2008): 375–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802163848.

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Egyptian economic reforms have been an on-going process since the Egyptian government adopted liberal market reforms in 1991 (Kienle 2001, 2004), influenced by a number of internal socio-economic factors, including growing levels of poverty, heightened inflation, high levels of corruption and rising levels of unemployment, in particular among new university graduates. These factors were exerting heavy pressure on a highly bureaucratic and inefficient state (Bayat 1997). However, the ensuing economic reforms resulted in tightened fiscal and monetary polices, and a subsequent increased and heigh
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Ghomari, Souhila Malti, and Wafaa Berber Berrached. "Upgrade in the MENA region: Cases of Algeria, Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia." Perspectives of Innovations, Economics and Business 14, no. 2 (2014): 61–68. https://doi.org/10.15208/pieb.2014.08.

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  The concept of upgrading is new in the economic literature, very few theorists are focused on explaining this concept, but all agreed on the relationship of upgrading with the competitiveness of companies. In the context of increasingly competitive environment the countries of the MENA regions including Algeria, Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco have established several programs to upgrade their businesses. Efforts to revitalize these programs have nevertheless been undertaken in recent years, raising hopes for a favorable impact on the competitiveness of companies.    Moreover, we c
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Seedat, Fatima. "An Islam of Her Own." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 1 (2013): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i1.1156.

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An Islam of Her Own is a valuable addition to the growing literature on Muslimwomen’s pietistic subjectivities. Unlike others, however, Sherine Hafezis unsatisfied with the unitary portrayal of the identities of Muslim female activistsas a struggle between secular and religious subjectivities. Locating herselfand the women she studies at the permeable boundaries of these tropes,her study problematizes the neatly bordered parameters of each and argues, instead, for movement, mobility, and transition between religious and secularspaces. She moves the discussion of religious subjectivities from S
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KAMAEV, A. A. "NASR HAMID ABU ZAID: HIS LIFE AND IDEAS." Islam in the modern world 15, no. 2 (2019): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2019-15-2-71-86.

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The article is dedicated to Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd (1943–2010) — an Egyptian thinker, one of the leading liberal theologians of Islam, professor at Cairo University. The work traces in detail the life and scientifi cpaths of Nasr Abu Zayd, including the process of the so-called “Abu Zayd case”, which had resonance not only in the Muslim, but also in the Western world, and caused the emigration of the thinker from his native country. The author also analyzes the main ideas of Abu Zayd, which resulted in criticism of adherents of traditional views and gave reason for accusing the thinker of apostas
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Gershoni, Israel. "Egyptian Liberalism in an Age of “Crisis of Orientation”: Al-Risāla'S Reaction to Fascism and Nazism, 1933–39." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 4 (1999): 551–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800057093.

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The 1930s are generally represented as a decade of crisis in Egypt's liberal experiment. In this conventional interpretation, a clear and acute expression of the crisis can be found in the intellectual discourse. The transition of Egyptian intellectuals to the large-scale production of Islamic literature (islāmiyyāt), books and texts dealing with classical Islamic themes and heroes, particularly biographies of the Prophet and al-Khulafā⊂ al-Rāshidün, is presented as “the crisis of orientation.” This intellectual crisis is depicted as a general abandonment of the Western modernist project by in
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Bali, Maha. "Reimagining Digital Literacies from a Feminist Perspective in a Postcolonial Context." Media and Communication 7, no. 2 (2019): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v7i2.1935.

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Although there are many intersecting but also conflicting definitions and understandings of digital literacy, for the most part, the majority allude to critical thinking in some form or another. This article attempts to imagine a conception of digital literacy and practice of teaching digital literacy that considers a different approach to being critical while using digital technology to consume, produce and communicate. The approach builds on the feminist work of Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger and Tarule’s (1986) <em>Women's Ways of Knowing</em>. The author will also share from her
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Hitchcock, Jason D. "Did Artapanus Use the Septuagint?" Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 1 (2020): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12511304.

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Abstract Many contend that the Hellenistic-era author Artapanus employed the LXX translation, albeit in relatively liberal fashion. Departures from LXX narratives are attributed to his literary and apologetic interests. Although he may have relied upon a combination of oral and written sources, most scholars presuppose his primary reliance upon the LXX. This paper evaluates arguments for Artapanus’s use of the LXX, highlighting the paucity of decisive verbal links and weakness of other proposed linguistic correspondences, and attributing the emergence of similar Greek naming conventions betwee
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Ayash, Mahmoud, Ayman Khamis, and Ihab Awais. "The Image of Hamas in the Egyptian Press After the January Revolution: An Analytical Study on Sample of Egyptian Newspapers." Ulum Islamiyyah 22 (December 29, 2017): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33102/uij.vol22no0.10.

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The political frame to the Egyptian newspapers has played a key role in drawing the image of Hamas within the media content published on Al-Ahram, Al-Ahram, Al-Masry Al-Youm, and Horya and Adalah. Where the image of Hamas in the newspaper Al-Ahram is largely neutral, reflecting the position of the Egyptian authorities, which was represented by the Military Council for 6 months and the presidency of President Mohamed Morsi 6 months other, while the coverage of the newspaper Al-Masry Al-Youm was very hostile to Hamas and the apparent efforts of the contact person to A negative image of Hamas, ba
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Lukasik, Candace. "Migrating Minority: Persecution Politics in Transnational Perspective." International Journal of Middle East Studies 54, no. 3 (2022): 541–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743822000678.

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Every June, Coptic Solidarity, a lobbying organization, holds an annual conference in Washington, DC, with the aim of raising awareness of the persecution of Coptic and other Middle Eastern Christians. The Copt-run organization reaches out to American politicians, religious leaders, and advocates of human rights and religious freedom. During their 2016 conference, a panel entitled “What is the Future of Egypt's Minorities?” sparked a heated debate. Panelist Fatima Naoot, a secular, liberal Muslim activist from Egypt, was firm in her commentary that Copts are not a minority in Egypt because the
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Arafa, Mohamed A. "The prohibition of wearing veil in public schools in Egypt: an analysis of the Egyptian Supreme Constitutional Court jurisprudence." Revista de Investigações Constitucionais 4, no. 1 (2017): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rinc.v4i1.50341.

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Case No.8 of 1996 is a landmark decision of the Egyptian Supreme Constitutional Court (“SCC”) and represents one of the most significant judicial rulings of a structural remedy for the interpretation of Article 2 of Egypt 2014 Constitution. The jurisprudence of the SCC is essential to advance a moderate (liberal), rights-protecting interpretation of Sharie‘a. In this case, the SCC held that a rule on face-veiling in public schools is compatible not only with Islamic law, but with certain human rights guaranteed by the Constitution:, as freedom of expression and freedom of religion. This decisi
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Teti, Andrea, and Andrea Mura. "Convergent (il)liberalism in the Mediterranean? Some notes on Egyptian (post-)authoritarianism and Italian (post-)democracy." European Urban and Regional Studies 20, no. 1 (2013): 120–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776412460535.

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This paper explores the hypothesis of a convergence between ‘backsliding’ European liberal democracies and the ‘pseudo-liberalization’ of Middle Eastern authoritarian systems (Cavatorta, 2010) by considering the similarities, beyond the well-known differences, between Italy and Egypt. We suggest that standard indicators of regime type (e.g. Polity IV Authority Index) fail to capture important trends both in the evolution of both the forms of political power and the forms of resistance. Reflecting on such trends may help re-think the current limitations of Democratization theory (Teti, 2012).
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Laheij, Christian. "Constraints of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Natural Subject." Journal of Cognition and Culture 11, no. 3-4 (2011): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853711x591260.

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AbstractIn this paper, I take aim at the typical anthropological routine of criticizing universalist assumptions in social theory by contrasting them with non-Western emic models. I do so by following up on one recent instance of this practice, which has been heralded as a testament to what anthropology can still offer to critical social theory: Mahmood’s work on the Islamic piety movement in Egypt, and her claim that the normative subject of liberal feminist theory needs to be denaturalized, because the women involved in the piety movement hold a self-model that is incommensurable with secula
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Görmüs, Evrim. "The Economic Ideology of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood: The Changing Discourses and Practices." Journal of Emerging Economies and Islamic Research 4, no. 3 (2016): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/jeeir.v4i3.9097.

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This article aims to examine the transformation of the Muslim Brotherhood’s (MB) economic ideology since Nasser’s rule in Egypt. It argues that the MB”s economic policies were shaped by the complex nature of statesociety relations in the changing political context in Egypt. As an oppositional strategy in the bi-polar political system in Egypt, the MB deviated from its liberal stance dates back to 1970s, and adopted a higly critical position against the regime’s market transformation polices by prioritizing welfare activities during the Mubarak era. The MB”s contstnat inertia in fixing its ideo
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Görmüs, Evrim. "The economic ideology of the Egyptian Muslim brotherhood: The changing discourses and practices." Journal of Emerging Economies and Islamic Research 4, no. 3 (2016): 65–75. https://doi.org/10.24191/jeeir.v4i3.6342.

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This article aims to examine the transformation of the Muslim Brotherhood’s (MB) economic ideology since Nasser’s rule in Egypt. It argues that the MB”s economic policies were shaped by the complex nature of statesociety relations in the changing political context in Egypt. As an oppositional strategy in the bi-polar political system in Egypt, the MB deviated from its liberal stance dates back to 1970s, and adopted a higly critical position against the regime’s market transformation polices by prioritizing welfare activities during the Mubarak era. The MB”s contstnat inertia in fixing its ideo
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Moch, Michal. "Critique of Nasḫ in Contemporary Qur’ānic Hermeneutics Using the Example of Naṣr Ḥāmid Abū Zayd’s Works". Religions 13, № 2 (2022): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020187.

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This article highlights the importance of the issue of nasḫ in the context of the thought and works of the acclaimed Egyptian thinker Naṣr Ḥāmid Abū Zayd (1943–2010) who, while often perceived as a liberal intellectual, was at the same time deeply embedded in classical and modern Islamic thought and a hermeneutical approach to the Qur’ān. The practice of nasḫ is usually translated as “abrogation” and seems to be one of the most important procedures conducted by Muslim jurists within the frame of the Qur’ānic sciences. It is one of the deciding features of Islamic law as subsequently created an
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Ayalon, Yaron. "Revisiting Tāhā Husayn's Fī al-Shi'r al-Jāhilī and its sequel." Die Welt des Islams 49, no. 1 (2009): 98–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006008x364703.

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AbstractIn 1926, Tāhā Husayn published Fī al-shi'r al-jāhilī, a book in which he analyzed the language and style of pre-Islamic poetry, and argued that some poems were written in the Islamic period. A few passages in the work questioning the historicity of the Qur'ān infuriated the religious establishment in Egypt. Accused of blasphemy and threatened to lose his professorship at the Egyptian University, Husayn was summoned before a court that charged and convicted him of apostasy and banned his book from circulation. A year later, he published a presumably softened version of the book under a
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39

Holden, Patrick. "Developing Polyarchy? The European Union and Its Structural Policies for Middle Eastern Neighbours." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 5 (2010): 589–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010043.

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European Union (EU) pursues a long-term structural approach to political development and modernization, in which ethical considerations blend with security and economic objectives. The concept of polyarchy offers a plausible model of the EU’s vision. It is used by liberal political scientists to denote an open, pluralist political, and socio-economic system. More critical political economy theorists emphasize the constraining and insulated features of capitalist polyarchy (which is understood as a sophisticated but anti-democratic system). The EU’s strategy and impact can be critiqued in regar
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40

Benattar, Ilan. "“A New Project of Jewish Colonization in the Sudan”: Ashkenazi Refugees and the Ottoman Jewish Liberal Opposition (1906–1908)." Jewish Quarterly Review 115, no. 1 (2025): 69–98. https://doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2025.a952520.

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Abstract: In late 1906, as part of a broader political campaign against the Ottoman Chief Rabbinate and allied communal elites, editor Abraham Galante (1873–1961) of the Cairo-based Ladino journal La Vara (The staff; 1905–8) first offered a unique proposal pertaining to an urgent question facing global Jewish life: Where should Jews, no longer safe in their lands of birth, direct their migration? Galante, who would later become known as a leading scholar of Jewish history in the Ottoman Empire, was at this point an educator, journalist, and liberal communal activist. With the support of a netw
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Faza, Asrar Mabrur. "ISLAM MESIR: ASAL-USUL, PERKEMBANGAN DAN CORAK PEMIKIRAN KEISLAMAN." Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Ushuluddin 11, no. 1 (2016): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/jiu.v11i1.734.

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This paper raised about Islamic thought patterns that exist in Egypt.According to the authors, the teachings of supplement Islam derived fromhistorical scenarios in a vulnerable time and place as in Egypt, was part ofthe perspective view of Islam as a historical religion. Therefore, the arrivalof Islam, the development and emergence of the Muslims in the fieldof modern thought in this country has its own uniqueness. The leaders ofthe Muslims during the military expansion of Egypt, from the beginninghas been offering the limits of interfaith tolerance. Some of the powerfulempires that ever exis
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Shaham, Ron. "Judicial Divorce At the Wife's Initiative: the SharīcFa Courts of Egypt, 1920-1955." Islamic Law and Society 1, no. 2 (1994): 217–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851994x00048.

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AbstractIslamic law defines divorce as a unilateral act of a husband. In Egypt, modernist statutory legislation (1920 and 1929) improved the legal status of women by granting them four grounds for judicial divorce based on Mālikī doctrine: a husband's defects and diseases; his nonprovision of maintenance; his prolonged absence; and injury caused by him to his wife. This study, based on seventy decisions of the sharīca courts issued between 1920 and 1955, attempts to determine which of these four grounds was more frequently used and to clarify the attitude of the qādīs toward the reform. The qā
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Campbell, Charles. "Reading the Veil of Imperial Discourse: Shakespeare and Arab- English Accounts of the Death of Diana." International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 17, no. 1 (2017): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.17.1.11.

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This paper applies literary reading techniques to journalism. The texts under study are British editorial essays reacting to Arab journalism about the death of Princess Diana, a British national tragedy, and also a moment of unique Arab/Western interface, since she died in a car crash with her Egyptian lover, Dodi Fayed. The texts are about Arabs: one a response to Arab publications on Diana’s death, the other a tendentious consideration of the possibility of conspiracy in her death. Literary parallels are made with Othello and Antony and Cleopatra, and correctives offered from contemporary so
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Indriyani, Dian, and Andriyani Andriyani. "SEKULARISME DAN ISU-ISU GERAKAN UMAT ISLAM." Nurani: Jurnal Kajian Syari'ah dan Masyarakat 17, no. 2 (2018): 275–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/nurani.v17i2.1848.

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In its history, politically, liberalism of Islam accepts deep momentum during Sultanate-Autonomy in Turkey, where Islamic countries, especially Turkey and Egypt, which had got in touch with western world, had big influences toward Islamic societies’ attitude. This influence made the Turkish and the Egyptian understands rigid. Islamic scholars of law seem confused to see new thing in Islamic societies. A case will directly be instructed “illegal” or haram if the case itself cannot be found in the school of Hanafi’s classical books. Then, this paper is intended to contribute some points of view
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Löwstedt, Anthony. "Do we still adhere to the norms of ancient Egypt? A comparison of Ptahhotep’s communication ethics with current regulatory principles." International Communication Gazette 81, no. 6-8 (2018): 493–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048518802241.

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Values and norms for communication expressed in the ancient Egyptian treatise, The Teachings of Ptahhotep, are compared to current regulatory communication standards, especially the IFJ Declaration of Principles on the Conduct of Journalists, and to liberal and socialist ideologies. Ptahhotep argued in favour of basic equalities, respect, and the free flow of information and opinions, particularly for political speech, much like social democracy and political liberalism do. He also set limits regarding freedom of communication similarly: for hate speech, incitement to violence, defamation, inv
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Hopkins, A. G. "The Victorians and Africa: A Reconsideration of the Occupation of Egypt, 1882." Journal of African History 27, no. 2 (1986): 363–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700036719.

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This article offers a reassessment of Britain's decision to occupy Egypt in 1882. Research published since 1961, it is suggested, does not support the view put forward by Robinson and Gallagher in their celebrated book, Africa and the Victorians, that Britain intervened reluctantly to safeguard the Suez Canal in response to disorder in Egypt, or that she was led on by French initiatives. Moreover, the decision to occupy Egypt did not have the effect claimed by Robinson and Gallagher of precipitating the scramble for West and East Africa. It is argued instead that the causes of intervention lay
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Mitu, Melinda. "Data on the Egyptian Collection of the National Museum of Transylvanian History. The contribution of Baron Balázs Orbán to the creation of the Egyptian Collection of the Cluj History Museum." Acta Musei Napocensis. Historica, no. 56 (January 15, 2021): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.56.04.

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"This paper aims to highlight the contribution of the famous Hungarian historian and ethnographer of Szekler origin Balázs Orbán, born in the village of Polonița, near Odorheiu Secuiesc, to the establishment of the Egyptian Collection of the Cluj History Museum, in the second half of the nineteenth century. Baron Balázs Orbán is best known for his main work, A Székelyföld leírása, published between 1868 and 1873. Its six volumes represent a genuine encyclopedia of the region. Balázs Orbán was a prominent intellectual of the era in which he lived – he was a writer, historian, ethnographer, a co
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Mahmoud Mohammed Awed. "Design Criteria for Public Buildings in the Context of Sociological Relativism: Egyptian Police Stations." Journal of Information Systems Engineering and Management 10, no. 45s (2025): 301–21. https://doi.org/10.52783/jisem.v10i45s.8765.

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The design reference for public buildings should be reflective of the institutions' orientation and the public' demographics. This underscores the necessity to establish a linkage between architectural and social perspectives, recognizing that social disparities among societies invariably influence architectural outcomes. This necessitates a study of the design of these institutions within their context, in what is known as "sociological relativism". The study definitively reveals that social impediments arise during the design process of police buildings in countries with conservative regimes
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Mulligan, William. "Decisions for Empire: Revisiting the 1882 Occupation of Egypt*." English Historical Review 135, no. 572 (2020): 94–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa003.

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Abstract The decision of Gladstone’s government to invade and occupy Egypt in 1882 remains one of the most contentious in late nineteenth-century British political and imperial history. This article examines the decision-making process in June and July 1882, revisiting Robinson and Gallagher’s influential study in the light of more recent historiographical research and previously unused sources. It looks at who made the critical decisions, what their preoccupations were, and how they were able to get Cabinet approval. Hartington and Northbrook were the two key figures, who co-operated to overt
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Reza, Sadiq. "Endless Emergency: The Case of Egypt." New Criminal Law Review 10, no. 4 (2007): 532–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2007.10.4.532.

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The Arab Republic of Egypt has been in a declared state of emergency since 1981 and for all but three of the past fifty years. Emergency powers, military courts, and other "exceptional" powers are governed by longstanding statutes in Egypt and authorized by the constitution, and their use is a prominent feature of everyday rule there today. This essay presents Egypt as a case study in what is essentially permanent governance by emergency rule and other exceptional measures. It summarizes the history and framework of emergency rule in Egypt, discusses the apparent purposes and consequences of t
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