Academic literature on the topic 'Eiffel Tower (Paris, France)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Eiffel Tower (Paris, France)"
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Isman, Sibel Almelek. "Eiffel Tower Through The Eyes of Painters." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 11 (December 27, 2017): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v4i11.2845.
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The Eiffel Tower, the global icon of France, was erected as the entrance to the Paris International Exposition in 1889. It was a suitable centrepiece for the World Fair, which celebrated the centennial of the French Revolution. Although the tower was a subject of controversy at the time of its construction, many European painters have been inspired by the majestic figure of the Eiffel Tower. They picturised the tower in their portraits and cityscapes. Paul Louis Delance, Georges Seurat, Paul Signac and Henri Rousseau were the first artists to depict this symbol of modernity. Robert Delaunay and Marc Chagall used the image of the tower most frequently. Maurice Utrillo, Raoul Dufy, Fernand Léger, Diego Rivera, Max Beckmann and Christian Schad can also be counted among the artists who picturised the tower. The Eiffel Tower appears differently in the eyes of pointillist, expressionist, orfist, cubist and abstract painters. Keywords: Eiffel Tower, European art, painting.
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Stempniak, Kasia. "Dressing the Eiffel Tower." French Historical Studies 43, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 253–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8018497.
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Abstract The construction of the Eiffel Tower for the 1889 Universal Exposition sparked “Eiffelomania,” a craze for objects imprinted with the likeness of the tower. This mania reverberated in the fashion world, with journals touting the latest fabrics, colors, and styles named “Eiffel.” But the tower's association with fashion went beyond the materiality of clothing. Careful examination of news reports and fashion chronicles from the fin de siècle period reveals that the tower was frequently cast in sartorial terms. In describing the tower's manner of “dressing,” its “clothing” and “outfits,” these discourses brought to the fore the shared theoretical bonds between fashion and architecture. This article traces the reception of the Eiffel Tower in fin de siècle Paris and argues that the sartorial imagery associated with the tower conceptualizes architecture as a form of fashion. La construction de la Tour Eiffel à l'occasion de l'Exposition universelle de 1889 a déclenché l' « Eiffelomanie », un engouement pour toute une série d'objets réalisés à l'effigie de la Tour Eiffel. Cette obsession a eu des échos jusque dans le monde de la mode grâce aux journaux de mode qui promouvaient des étoffes, des couleurs, et des styles à la « Eiffel ». Mais l'association de la Tour Eiffel et de la mode ne s'est pas limitée à la matérialité des vêtements. Une analyse attentive des chroniques de mode démontre que la Tour Eiffel était souvent évoquée à travers des termes empruntés au lexique vestimentaire. En décrivant « l'habillement » de la Tour Eiffel, ses « robes » ou ses « toilettes », ces discours mettaient en évidence les liens théoriques que partagaient la mode et l'architecture. Cet article s'intéresse à la réception que la Tour Eiffel a eue dans le Paris fin-de-siècle, et soutient l'idée selon laquelle le champ lexical vestimentaire associé à la Tour Eiffel conceptualisait l'architecture comme une forme de la mode.
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Smith, Nick. "Gustave Eiffel: Towering Ambitions." Engineer 300, no. 7912 (November 2019): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/s0013-7758(23)90642-2.
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González-Almeyda, J. D., E. T. Ayala-Garcia, and R. Prada-Nuñez. "Analysis of the application of physics in the design and construction of architectural projects. The Eiffel Tower." Journal of Physics: Conference Series 2118, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 012021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1742-6596/2118/1/012021.
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Abstract This article studied the impact and application of physical concepts in the design and construction of the Eiffel Tower in Paris, an architectural reference that implemented physical concepts in its structural design. A documentary methodological framework was used to establish the importance of the Eiffel Tower in the universal exposition of Paris in 1989 and, to carry out the structural analysis of the work; a quantitative-descriptive approach was used for the recognition of the basic concepts of physics from architecture according to gender, through a survey as a research instrument developed under non-probability and convenience sampling, which was applied to students of Architecture of the Universidad Francisco de Paula Santander, Colombia, in order to determine the knowledge of basic physics by students. The results of this research showed that the Eiffel Tower represents a milestone in architecture where physical concepts such as tension, compression, traction, aerodynamics, and torque were applied. Finally, it was evidenced that the students who participated in this study recognize the importance of applying the basic concepts of physics in architecture; fact by which it is recommended to encourage the study of physics, to strengthen the technological component of Architecture.
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Roland, Claudette, and Patrick Weidman. "Proposal for an iron tower: 300 metres in height." Architectural Research Quarterly 8, no. 3-4 (December 2004): 215–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135504000260.
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Black, J. "Gustave Eiffel - pioneer of experimental aerodynamics." Aeronautical Journal 94, no. 937 (September 1990): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001924000022971.
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Travellers flying into Paris would not connect the famous 100-year-old landmark, the Eiffel Tower, an immense and complex structure of open ironwork, 300 m high, with the aerodynamics of their streamlined modern aeroplane. The unexpected association between the two is Gustave Eiffel — ‘le magicién de fer’ — builder of the Tower in 1889, who pioneered much of the experimental research needed by the designers of the first aeroplanes, in the period from 1903, when he was in his ‘70s, until the time of his death aged 90 in 1923.Post-Second World War generations of aerodynamicists are also probably unaware that Eiffel was the source of many of the basic results they use, since no modern textbooks refer to his researches of 70 years ago; yet nearly half of his obituary notice in the Times of 29 December 1923, headed ‘M. Eiffel — A Great Engineer’ referred to his aeronautical research using his Tower and his wind-tunnels. In order to appreciate how Eiffel came to embark on his new activities at such a late age we must look briefly at his first career, which established him as one of the most distinguished structural engineers of the 19th century, and the political scandal which brought it to an end.
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Grandet, Odile. "The Médiathèque at the musée du quai Branly in Paris: virtual, but more than that." Art Libraries Journal 32, no. 4 (2007): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200015078.
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In June 2006, just a year ago, in Paris – between the Seine and the Eiffel Tower – a new museum opened. The musée du quai Branly is dedicated to non-European arts and civilisations. At the heart of this museum is a médiathèque.
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Pégram, Scooter. "“Will They Always Have Paris?”: Observing, Understanding, and Informally Engaging with Undocumented African Souvenir Sellers at the Eiffel Tower." World 5, no. 2 (June 7, 2024): 394–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/world5020021.
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The Eiffel Tower is an enduring symbol, and people from around the world dream of travelling to Paris to gaze at it. Walking amongst the millions of tourists who visit the famous site each year are an enterprising group of African souvenir vendors whose livelihoods rely on the sales of miniature versions of the structure. As visibly omnipresent as these sellers are at the tower, their experience as undocumented migrants working unofficially makes them invisible. For the Paris authorities, the mere presence of Africans offering cheap keepsakes at the Eiffel Tower is considered an illegal nuisance that must be eradicated. No matter, recurrent police interventions have failed to cease the unauthorised souvenir market. Because these independent entrepreneurs are neither wanted nor welcomed, Africans selling trinkets at the iconic Parisian site face daily challenges. Until now, no one has ever investigated or profoundly surveyed their experience working at one of the most-visited places in the world. This study aims to demystify this unique group of Africans in Paris after observing and informally engaging with them directly concerning various topics. Despite the demur realities confronting them as undocumented migrants living clandestinely in a country that does not want them, these migrants remain hopeful for the future.
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Xueref-Remy, Irène, Elsa Dieudonné, Cyrille Vuillemin, Morgan Lopez, Christine Lac, Martina Schmidt, Marc Delmotte, et al. "Diurnal, synoptic and seasonal variability of atmospheric CO<sub>2</sub> in the Paris megacity area." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics 18, no. 5 (March 7, 2018): 3335–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acp-18-3335-2018.
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Abstract. Most of the global fossil fuel CO2 emissions arise from urbanized and industrialized areas. Bottom-up inventories quantify them but with large uncertainties. In 2010–2011, the first atmospheric in situ CO2 measurement network for Paris, the capital of France, began operating with the aim of monitoring the regional atmospheric impact of the emissions coming from this megacity. Five stations sampled air along a northeast–southwest axis that corresponds to the direction of the dominant winds. Two stations are classified as rural (Traînou – TRN; Montgé-en-Goële – MON), two are peri-urban (Gonesse – GON; Gif-sur-Yvette – GIF) and one is urban (EIF, located on top of the Eiffel Tower). In this study, we analyze the diurnal, synoptic and seasonal variability of the in situ CO2 measurements over nearly 1 year (8 August 2010–13 July 2011). We compare these datasets with remote CO2 measurements made at Mace Head (MHD) on the Atlantic coast of Ireland and support our analysis with atmospheric boundary layer height (ABLH) observations made in the center of Paris and with both modeled and observed meteorological fields. The average hourly CO2 diurnal cycles observed at the regional stations are mostly driven by the CO2 biospheric cycle, the ABLH cycle and the proximity to urban CO2 emissions. Differences of several µmol mol−1 (ppm) can be observed from one regional site to the other. The more the site is surrounded by urban sources (mostly residential and commercial heating, and traffic), the more the CO2 concentration is elevated, as is the associated variability which reflects the variability of the urban sources. Furthermore, two sites with inlets high above ground level (EIF and TRN) show a phase shift of the CO2 diurnal cycle of a few hours compared to lower sites due to a strong coupling with the boundary layer diurnal cycle. As a consequence, the existence of a CO2 vertical gradient above Paris can be inferred, whose amplitude depends on the time of the day and on the season, ranging from a few tenths of ppm during daytime to several ppm during nighttime. The CO2 seasonal cycle inferred from monthly means at our regional sites is driven by the biospheric and anthropogenic CO2 flux seasonal cycles, the ABLH seasonal cycle and also synoptic variations. Enhancements of several ppm are observed at peri-urban stations compared to rural ones, mostly from the influence of urban emissions that are in the footprint of the peri-urban station. The seasonal cycle observed at the urban station (EIF) is specific and very sensitive to the ABLH cycle. At both the diurnal and the seasonal scales, noticeable differences of several ppm are observed between the measurements made at regional rural stations and the remote measurements made at MHD, that are shown not to define background concentrations appropriately for quantifying the regional (∼ 100 km) atmospheric impact of urban CO2 emissions. For wind speeds less than 3 m s−1, the accumulation of local CO2 emissions in the urban atmosphere forms a dome of several tens of ppm at the peri-urban stations, mostly under the influence of relatively local emissions including those from the Charles de Gaulle (CDG) Airport facility and from aircraft in flight. When wind speed increases, ventilation transforms the CO2 dome into a plume. Higher CO2 background concentrations of several ppm are advected from the remote Benelux–Ruhr and London regions, impacting concentrations at the five stations of the network even at wind speeds higher than 9 m s−1. For wind speeds ranging between 3 and 8 m s−1, the impact of Paris emissions can be detected in the peri-urban stations when they are downwind of the city, while the rural stations often seem disconnected from the city emission plume. As a conclusion, our study highlights a high sensitivity of the stations to wind speed and direction, to their distance from the city, but also to the ABLH cycle depending on their elevation. We learn some lessons regarding the design of an urban CO2 network: (1) careful attention should be paid to properly setting regional (∼ 100 km) background sites that will be representative of the different wind sectors; (2) the downwind stations should be positioned as symmetrically as possible in relation to the city center, at the peri-urban/rural border; (3) the stations should be installed at ventilated sites (away from strong local sources) and the air inlet set up above the building or biospheric canopy layer, whichever is the highest; and (4) high-resolution wind information should be available with the CO2 measurements.
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Bréon, F. M., G. Broquet, V. Puygrenier, F. Chevallier, I. Xueref-Rémy, M. Ramonet, E. Dieudonné, et al. "An attempt at estimating Paris area CO<sub>2</sub> emissions from atmospheric concentration measurements." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics Discussions 14, no. 7 (April 10, 2014): 9647–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acpd-14-9647-2014.
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Abstract. Atmospheric concentration measurements are used to adjust the daily to monthly budget of CO2 emissions from the AirParif inventory of the Paris agglomeration. We use 5 atmospheric monitoring sites including one at the top of the Eiffel tower. The atmospheric inversion is based on a Bayesian approach, and relies on an atmospheric transport model with a spatial resolution of 2 km with boundary conditions from a global coarse grid transport model. The inversion tool adjusts the CO2 fluxes (anthropogenic and biogenic) with a temporal resolution of 6 h, assuming temporal correlation of emissions uncertainties within the daily cycle and from day to day, while keeping the a priori spatial distribution from the emission inventory. The inversion significantly improves the agreement between measured and modelled concentrations. However, the amplitude of the atmospheric transport errors is often large compared to the CO2 gradients between the sites that are used to estimate the fluxes, in particular for the Eiffel tower station. In addition, we sometime observe large model-measurement differences upwind from the Paris agglomeration, which confirms the large and poorly constrained contribution from distant sources and sinks included in the prescribed CO2 boundary conditions These results suggest that (i) the Eiffel measurements at 300 m above ground cannot be used with the current system and (ii) the inversion shall rely on the measured upwind-downwind gradients rather than the raw mole fraction measurements. With such setup, realistic emissions are retrieved for two 30 day periods. Similar inversions over longer periods are necessary for a proper evaluation of the results.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Eiffel Tower (Paris, France)"
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Zuber, Annette-Eve. ""Bergère, Ô Tour Eiffel" : Ein Mythos in Literatur und Kunst /." Heidelberg : Neuphilologischen Fakultät der Universität Heidelberg, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb390801921.
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Teissonnières, Gilles. "La tour Eiffel : ethnologie d'un espace touristique." Paris 5, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA05H050.
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Le phénomène touristique se caractérise par des rythmes spécifiques associés à une forte mobilité dans l'espace. Ces caractéristiques rendent nécessaire la mise en place d'une méthodologie adaptée, pour mieux comprendre un monde qui, sur certains plans se déterritorialise. Cette recherche repose sur l'ethnographie du site touristique de la tour Eiffel. Le propos de cette étude, située dans la ville et dans l'entrelacs complexe des multiples réseaux qui l'animent, vise à comprendre en quoi l'espace de la tour Eiffel s'offre comme un lieu protéifomre et un condensé du milieu urbain. La perspective diachronique fait apparaître le modelage de ce lieu et sa consécration comme espace de la centralité touristique. En tant qu'espace de tourisme mondial, la tour Eiffel s'inscrit dans un mouvement transnational. Elle se présente comme un paradigme de la globalisation et l'approche de l'économie touristique nous conduit à prendre la mesure de ce processus à l'oeuvre. Les logiques qui sous-tendent ce mouvement sont analysées à travers l'étude de terrain, qui concerne les pratiques des visiteurs, et la place de ce lieu emblématique marqué par les groupes qui le traversent. "L'inventaire des rôles" qui se font jour dans ce cadre traduit la complexité inhérente aux lieux de trafic. L'exploration des interactions qui s'établissent entre les différents protagonistes traduit l'existence de térritorialités superposées et fait surgir des interrogations propres au rapport à l'"autre". La période transitoire du séjour touristique est appréhendée comme une phase liminaire à partir de la notion de rites de passage. L'ensemble des pratiques touristiques récurrentes qui y est associé et anime ce lieu est repéré et analysé comme des rites sécularisés qui font du monument un espace transitionnel dans la villeThe phenomena of tourism is characterised by specific rythms linked with large quantities of mobility within a certain space. These characteristics necessitate an adapted methodology in order to attain a better understanding of the world, which in certain cases is demarcated less by specific territories. This research rests on ethnography of a touristic space called the Eiffel Tower. The subject of the study is situated in a town amongst a complex interplay of several animated activities. These factors must be taken into account in order to understand what the Eiffel Tower offers as a protean place and a condensed urban milieu. Using a diachronic perspective brings to light a model of a place that is consecrated as a central tourist space. In so far as world tourism is concerned, the Eiffel Tower is part of a transnational movement. It represents a paradigm of globalisation and the appoach of economic tourism, which drives and shapes the form it takes. The underlying implications and logic of this movement are analysed in a cross study of the area that concerns the behaviour and practices of its visitors in a place that is emblematic and defined by the groups that cross and come into contact with it. "The inventory of roles" that comes into play can be understood in a complex dynamic that is inherent in this specific movement. Any examination of these interactions that are established between different protagonists and the different territories superposed bring to the surface many questions in relationship to the "other". The transitory period in a tourist trip can be understood as a liminality phase that is linked to the idea of rites of passage. Taking everything into consideration the reoccurring behaviour of tourists associated and played out in a tourist setting can be understood and analysed as a secular ritual which makes the monument a transitional space in the city
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Gimbal, Julie. "L’architecture de grande hauteur à Paris (1893-1973) : débats et hypothèses autour d’une spécificité française." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL152.
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L’architecture de grande hauteur appelle un ensemble de mythologies urbaines et de constructions historiques qui, indéfiniment, valorisent sa charge symbolique ou débattent de sa définition, de son lieu de naissance et de sa place dans le cours de la modernité. Le gratte-ciel, la tour sont des objets de fascination souvent pris dans la trame de grands récits qui, en relevant les manifestations les plus éclatantes, omettent les traces mineures qui sont autant d’écho fondamentaux de l’émission et de la réception de l’architecture, susceptibles de rééquilibrer les discours. Grâce à un large corpus d’œuvres et de sources, ce travail de recherche a l’ambition de comprendre la situation idéologique et urbaine de l’architecture de grande hauteur à Paris, de son émergence dans l’opinion française en 1893 (exposition internationale de Chicago) à sa condamnation au début des années 1970, sous l’action de critères convergents : la circulaire du 21 mars 1973 d’Olivier Guichard (Tours et barres) et l’arrêt des tours proclamé un an plus tard par le président de la République Valéry Giscard d’EstaingHigh-rise architecture raises a whole set of urban mythologies and historical constructions that, indefinitely, value its symbolic dimensions or debate its definition, its place of birth and its place in modern times. The skyscraper, the tower are objects of fascination often taken in the frame of great narratives which, by noting the most striking manifestations, omit the minor traces which are so fundamental echoes of the emission and the reception of architecture, likely to rebalance the speeches. Thanks to a large body of works and sources, this research project aims to understand the ideological and urban situation of high-rise architecture in Paris, its emergence in the French opinion in 1893 (World Fair of Chicago) to its condemnation in the early 1970s, under the action of convergent criteria: Olivier Guichard's Circular of March 21, 1973 (Tours and Barres) and the stop of the towers proclaimed a year later by the president of the Republic Valéry Giscard d'Estaing
Books on the topic "Eiffel Tower (Paris, France)"
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Bardhan-Quallen, Sudipta. The Eiffel Tower. San Diego, Calif: KidHaven Press, 2005.
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Orsenne, Catherine. Paris et sa tour Eiffel: Paris and her Eiffel tower. Issy-Les-Moulineaux, Paris: Massin, 2010.
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Barthes, Roland. The Eiffel Tower, and other mythologies. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Eiffel Tower (Paris, France)"
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Phillips, Alastair, and Nicoleta Bazgan. "The Eiffel Tower: A Parisian Film Star." In Paris in the Cinema, 17–25. London: British Film Institute, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-84457-820-7_2.
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Gordon, Bertram M. "German Tourism in Occupied France, 1940–1944." In War Tourism, 99–145. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501715877.003.0004.
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For German Occupation personnel France became a place to exercise the tourism imaginary that had developed over the preceding generations in Germany as elsewhere. The Deutsche Wegleiter, a bi-weekly guide, offered tourism tips for German soldiers. Hitler set the tone with his tour of Paris, where he was famously photographed standing before the Eiffel Tower. The army organized tours for tens of thousands of German personnel. Sex tourism and gastronomic tourism featured prominently, with selected brothels and elite restaurants made available to German personnel. Tourist images of France may have inadvertently spared France the kind of “polonization” that occurred elsewhere during the war. The touristic iconicity of Paris may have helped spare it the fate of Warsaw during the war.
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Matsuda, Matt K. "Distances: In The Revolutionary Garden." In The Memory Of The Modern, 143–64. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195093643.003.0008.
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Abstract 1889, the Universal Exposition at Paris; amid the spectacles and wonders of the Pavillion of Electricity, the Gallery of the Machines, and the stupefying achievement of the Eiffel Tower, the casual visitor to the Exposition might be forgiven for not having spent much time at the Musee d’Ethnographie, with its superb collections of artifacts from Europe, the Pacific Islands, Asia, South America, and Africa. To establish his exhibition at the Galeries du Trocadero with its fabulous display halls, the director Dr. Ernest Ramy requested and received contributions from regional and private collections all over France. Oceania was admirably well represented, in particular the islands of New Caledonia.
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Vere, Bernard. "Oval balls and cubist players: French paintings of rugby." In Sport and modernism in the visual arts in Europe, c.1909-39. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784992507.003.0004.
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The third chapter deals with the wholesale importation of a British team sport, rugby, into France. Led by Baron de Coubertin, the founder of the Olympics, who was the referee in the first French championship, its adoption by the French was a self-conscious response to defeat in the Franco–Prussian War. Choosing rugby over the more proletarian soccer, an haute-bourgeois and aristocratic elite played rugby at Paris’ most exclusive clubs, a moment reimagined by Henri Rousseau. But rugby could not be confined to these environs for long, and by the time of Delaunay’s The Cardiff Team, with its press photograph source, the sport was included alongside aeroplanes, the Eiffel Tower and advertising as a cipher of all that was modern in the Paris of 1913. Also on view at that year’s Salon des Indépendants was another picture of rugby, The Football Players, cementing the sport as a theme for salon cubism. During the First World War, rugby was celebrated by French nationalists as a sport that had trained its participants to become heroes on the battlefield. This, I surmise, is what led André Lhote to produce his cubist paintings of rugby during and after the conflict.
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Dallek, Robert. "Prologue: An American Internationalist." In Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932-1945, 3–20. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195097320.003.0001.
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Abstract ASIDE FROM HIS COUSIN Theodore, Franklin D. Roosevelt was the most cosmopolitan American to enter the White House since John Quincy Adams in 1825. The son of James and Sara Delano Roosevelt, Hudson River Valley aristocrats who habitually lived and traveled abroad, Franklin was introduced to Europe in 1885 at the age of three. His first memories, in fact, were of a lost jumping jack swept away by seawater that entered the family cabin on a return voyage from England in April of that year. Between the ages of seven and fifteen he spent a few months annually in Britain, France, and Germany, where his parents socialized with their European counterparts. During a typical stay abroad in 1889--<)o, the family first visited England, where “James had some good shooting with Sir Hugh” Cholmeley and “much riding and hunting” at “Belvoir, one of the most beautiful of the English castles, belonging to the Duke of Rutland.” After six weeks, they moved on to France, where Franklin played in the parks and gardens of Versailles and the Paris Tuileries, walked in the Champs-Elysees and the Bois, and accompanied his father to the “dizzying” top of the Eiffel Tower to marvel at “the great city, spread out like a map below.” The winter found them in Pan, a health spa in the south of France. There Franklin took bird-watching walks with Cecil Foljambe, an M.P., rode his pony for two hours every morning, listened to his father discuss naval affairs with Lord Clanwi1liam, Admiral of the Fleet, and attended a Christmas-day children’s party at “Lady Nugent’s.” In subsequent years, when James Roosevelt took his cures at Bad Nauhaim, Franklin bicycled through parts of Holland and Germany, attended the opera at Bayreuth, and climbed the Blauen in the Black Forest.
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Garner, John S. "Noisiel-sur-Marne and the Ville Industrielle in France." In The Company Town, 43–73. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195070279.003.0003.
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Abstract When Tony Garnier arrived in Paris from Lyon in 1889 to complete his studies in architecture, he would have been attracted to the great Exposition then occupying the Champs de Mars and spilling over to the grounds of Les lnvalides. From the upper platform of Eiffel’s tower, which had been criticized for being “a work more American in character than European” because of its exposed structure of wrought iron, Gamier could have surveyed the vast array of exhibits and pavilions that stretched below. Much of the foreground south of the tower was occupied by the gargantuan Galerie des Machines, a building that sheltered sixty-three thousand square meters of exhibition space and contained everything from steam locomotives to a single-cylinder internal combustion engine. Because the exposition marked the centennial of the French Revolution, special emphasis was placed on social advancement and a part of the exposition was given over to a section entitled “social economy.” In stark contrast to the monumental buildings of iron that occupied the midway were a cluster of small frame and masonry houses that lay in the distance.
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McAuliffe, Mary. "CHAPTER EIGHTEEN Eiffel Tower and Beyond." In Paris, 225–36. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9781538173343-225.
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Thacker, Andrew. "Paris." In Modernism, Space and the City, 24–75. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748633470.003.0002.
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This chapter explores the affective pull that Paris exerted upon modernist writers and artists, attracting outsiders from around the globe to experience its cultural institutions and openness to creative experimentation. The chapter first discusses the writers T. S. Eliot, Guillaume Apollinaire, and Blaise Cendrars as ‘outsider-insiders’ (in Peter Gay’s terms), figures who come to the city as outsiders but who, by virtue of status or identity, are able to function as insiders within its cultural geography. The second group of writers discusses include Hope Mirrlees (in her poem Paris), Jean Rhys (in novels such as After Leaving Mr Mackenzie and Good Morning, Midnight), and Gwendolyn Bennett (in her story ‘Wedding Day’), female modernists who remain marked as outsiders in the city. The chapter discusses how all of these writers engaged affectively with various aspects of the technological modernity of Paris, including features such as the Eiffel Tower, café culture, hotel rooms, and the Grands Boulevards.
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Ray, Robert B. "Golden Gate Bridge." In The ABCs of Classic Hollywood, 165. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195322910.003.0059.
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Abstract Huston’s version of The Maltese Falcon immediately establishes its setting by superimposing “SAN FRANCISCO” over stock footage of the Bay and Golden Gate bridges. Popular narratives, as Barthes saw, are “marked by the excessive fear of failing to communicate meaning”; hence, they rely on “a certain redundancy, a kind of semantic prattle.” Studio Hollywood will always assume the viewer’s ignorance of even unmistakable landmarks: The Eiffel Tower must come equipped with an explicit marker, “PARIS.” And yet, commercial filmmaking also practices a certain laconic economy, dependent on the audience’s knowledge of stereotypes.
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Crisanti, Giulia. "“The Sun Never Sets On Coca-Cola: atop the Eiffel Tower”." In Europeans Are Lovin' It? Coca-Cola, McDonald's and Responses to American Global Businesses in Italy and France, 1886–2015, 93–112. BRILL, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004678842_009.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Eiffel Tower (Paris, France)"
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"Proposing an Improved Risk Assessment Model: A Case Study in Saba Tower." In Oct. 5-6, 2017 Paris - France. EIRAI, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/eirai.f1017121.
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Koc, Adem. "A Symbolic Taste of the City: Eskișehir Met Halva from Legend to Game." In Conferința științifică internațională Patrimoniul cultural: cercetare, valorificare, promovare. Ediția XIV. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/pc22.29.
Full textAbstract:
Th ere are some symbols (images) of cities in which they come to the fore. Th ese symbols can be diverse such as city silhouettes, temples, holy places, museums, festivals, natural areas, food, drinks, and desserts. Urban symbols can be an important soft power and tourism intermediary for the promotion of both the city and the country. Many examples such as Japan’s kimono, Kyoto garden, and sushi; France’s Paris Eiff el Tower; Moldova’s wine cellars; Moscow’s Kremlin Palace in Russia; Istanbul’s Topkapi Palace in Türkiye, beaches, doner kebab and baklava; Tibet’s Buddhist temples can be cited. As can be understood from these examples, a city or a small settlement can sometimes come to the fore even more than the country itself due to its symbol. Countries that benefi t from this can provide a good promotion in terms of tourism. While there are professional works in creating an image of the city, sometimes bad examples can be seen. However, creating the image of the city, strange structures or sculptures can sometimes be used for the promotion of the city. In fact, it is an interesting method which causes a very bad appearance. Even this situation sometimes causes a funny and disgusting image. For example, ill-hewn statues of fruit-vegetable, food, animals, persons or heroes, etc. It is unnecessary but it also causes bad publicity. Instead, applied kitchens, food and beverage presentations, and museums are more remarkable. In this paper, the city image “met halva”, which has come to the fore in the fi eld of gastronomy, with the cultural animations made recently in Sivrihisar district of Eskișehir province of Türkiye will be introduced.