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Journal articles on the topic 'Elagabal'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Corsi Silva, Semíramis. "Heliogábalo vestido divinamente: a indumentária religiosa do imperador sacerdote de Elagabal = Heliogabalus divinely dressed: the religious clothes of Elagabalus’ priest emperor." ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 17 (November 20, 2019): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2019.4595.

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Resumo: Heliogábalo foi um jovem imperador romano de origem siríaca e membro da dinastia dos Severos (193-235). Seguindo uma tradição familiar, Heliogábalo foi sacerdote do deus solar Elagabal, da cidade de Emesa, na Síria. Diante de uma análise da documentação textual contemporânea de Heliogábalo, cruzada com análises das moedas emitidas no governo do imperador, apresentarei elementos sobre suas vestimentas sacerdotais de culto a Elagabal, consideradas na documentação textual antiga como cross-dressing, ou seja, transitando entre as fronteiras normativas de gênero da época. Analisarei a representação de sua indumentária religiosa e também relacionarei a essa representação a ideia trazida por Dião Cássio sobre a tentativa de Heliogábalo em fazer uma intervenção cirúrgica em seu corpo, buscando construir uma vagina nele. Também relacionado à sua indumentária religiosa, apresentarei a análise sobre a possibilidade do que seria um símbolo sacerdotal encontrado na imagem da cabeça do imperador em algumas de suas moedas. Abstract: Heliogabalus was a young Roman emperor from a Syriac origin and member of the Severan dynasty (193-235). Following a family tradition, Heliogabalus was the priest of the solar god Elagabal, from the city of Emesa, in Syria. Developing an analysis of the contemporary textual documentation of Heliogabalus, crossed with analyzes of the coins issued in the emperor's government, I will present elements about his priestly clothes of worship to Elagabalus, which were considered in the ancient textual documentation as cross-dressing, in other words, transitioning the normative gender boundaries of that time. I will analyze the representation of his religious dress and relate to this representation the idea brought by Cassius Dio about the attempt of Heliogabalus to make a surgery intervention in his body, seeking to build a vagina. Also related to his religious clothes, I will present the analysis on the possibility of what would be a priestly symbol found in the image of the emperor's head on some of his coins.Palavras-chave:Império Romano, dinastia dos Severos, Heliogábalo, Elagabal, Performances cross-dressing.Key words: Roman Empire, Severan dynasty, Heliogabalus, Elagabalus, Cross-dressing performance.

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2

Weigel, Richard D., and Martin Frey. "Untersuchungen zur Religion und zur Religionspolitik des Kaisers Elagabal." Classical World 84, no. 6 (1991): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350955.

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3

González García, Alberto. "¿Fue Baalbek el templo de Heliogábalo?: Nuevas evidencias." El Futuro del Pasado 4 (May 30, 2013): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/fdp.24759.

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Hace algunos años, Warwick Ball propuso que el Templo de Elagabal de Emesa, jamás encontrado, debe identificarse con el complejo de templos de Baalbek. Más recientemente, Gary Young ha pretendido mostrar la endeblez de las evidencias con que apoyó tal aserto, así como la falsedad de algunas de sus suposiciones. Tratamos de refutar a Young y demostrar que las evidencias textuales, arqueológicas y epigráficas en realidad apoyan la tesis de Ball, añadiendo algunas nuevas pruebas.

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4

Kettenhofen, Erich. "Rezension zu: Martijn Icks, Elagabal. Leben und Vermächtnis von Roms Priesterkaiser." Frankfurter elektronische Rundschau zur Altertumskunde, no. 24 (July 27, 2016): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/fera.24.102.

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5

Kulikova, Yulia V. "The cult of Sol in Ancient Rome (from ancient times to the reform of Elagabal)." LOCUS: people, society, cultures, meaning, no. 1, 2020 (2020): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-1-46-63.

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The Solar cult can be found in the religious beliefs of many peoples. In Rome, the worship of the sun has been recorded since ancient times, unfortunately, the ancient authors left us only scattered mentions. The Importance of the cult of Sol grew with the transformation of the system of control, under the influence of Hellenism and penetrating the Roman worldview Oriental cults. In the course of its evolution, the cult of Sol became the part of the imperial cult, allowing to justify the emperor’s increasing power. However, in the reign of the emperor of Elagabal the essence of the Roman Sol was perverted by the oriental rituals of the new official cult.

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6

Królczyk, Krzysztof. "Hic finis Antoninorum nomini in re publica fuit Der Tod des Kaisers Elagabal und die Tilgung seines Andenkens." Res Historica, no. 48 (December 23, 2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2019.48.37-54.

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<p>W artykule omówiono wydarzenia, które rozegrały się w Rzymie w dniu 12 marca 222 r. Został wówczas zamordowany cesarz M. Aurelius Antoninus, zwany również Heliogabalem. Razem z nim zabito jego matkę, Julię Soaemias, a także pewną liczbę osób z jego najbliższego otoczenia. Śmierć Heliogabala nie zakończyła jednak spirali przemocy, a Rzym po raz drugi w swojej historii stał się świadkiem pohańbienia zwłok cesarza, którym odmówiono prawa do godnego pochówku. Heliogabal nie tylko został brutalnie zamordowany, ale również pośmiertnie potępiony za pomocą ogłoszonej przez senat <em>damnatio memoriae</em>. Senatorowie zdecydowali, że z dokumentów i napisów, w których występowało nazwisko władcy, zostanie usunięty człon Antoninus. Zostały również zniszczone wizerunki cesarza. Sam Heliogabal po śmierci został wystylizowany jako uosobienie wszelkiego zła i jako prawdziwy potwór na tronie, i w taki sposób uwieczniony w historycznej pamięci w Rzymie.</p>

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7

Pailler, Jean-Marie. "Martin Frey, Untersuchungen zur Religion und zur Religionspolitik des Kaisers Elagabal, Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, « Historia-Einzelschriften 62 », 1989, 125 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 45, no. 4 (August 1990): 921–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900065069.

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8

Birley, A. R. "Martin Frey: Untersuchungen zur Religion und zur Religionspolitik des Kaisers Elagabal. (Historia Einzelschriften, 62.) Pp. 125. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1989. DM 36." Classical Review 40, no. 2 (October 1990): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00255236.

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9

Pikoula, Eleni Kourinou. "The bronze portrait statue NM 23321 from Sparta." Annual of the British School at Athens 96 (November 2001): 425–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400005360.

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In 1964, in the agora at Sparta, Ch. Christou excavated part of a monumental building which is identified as the Persian Stoa. The most important find was a bronze female portrait statue, Roman in date, which is on display in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens (NM 23321). The identification of the statue as Julia Mamaea, suggested by Ch. Christou, is still prevalent, although several scholars see in the Sparta statue iconographical elements that link it with Caracalla's wife Plautilla or with Annia Faustina, Elagabalus' third wife. However, the rendering of the hairstyle provides evidence for the identification of the woman whom the statue depicts as the empress Julia Aquilia Severa, Elagabalus' second and fourth wife. The erection of a statue of Julia Aquilia Severa in the Persian Stoa is most likely connected with the imperial cult of Elagabalus and his empress in Sparta.

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10

Wiseman, T. P. "The Palatine, from Evander to Elagabalus." Journal of Roman Studies 103 (August 7, 2013): 234–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435813000117.

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It is nearly forty years since Filippo Coarelli's brilliantGuida archeologica di Roma(FC 1974) announced the arrival of a new era in Roman topographical studies. A series of seminal monographs soon followed, on the Roman Forum (FC 1983, 1985), the Forum Boarium (FC 1988), and the Campus Martius (FC 1997). A volume on the Palatine was advertised as forthcoming, but unforeseen circumstances put that project on hold.

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11

Comeron, F. "Stars and stones on emperor elagabalus' coins." Vistas in Astronomy 39, no. 4 (January 1995): 711–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0083-6656(96)88177-3.

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12

Linderski, J. "M. Frey, Untersuchungen zur Religion und zur Religionspolitik des Kaisers Elagabal (Historia Einzelschriften LXII). Stuttgart: Steiner, 1989. Pp. iv + 125. ISBN 3-515-05370-0. - R. Turcan, Les cultes orientauxdans le monde romain (Histoire). Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1989. Pp. 397, 24 pls, 5 figs. ISBN 2-251-38001-9." Journal of Roman Studies 80 (November 1990): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300327.

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13

Mader, Gottfried. "History as Carnival, or Method and Madness in the Vita Heliogabali." Classical Antiquity 24, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 131–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2005.24.1.131.

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Abstract The Vita Heliogabali in the Historia Augusta consists of a political-biographical first section (1.4––18.3), generally considered to be historically useful, followed by a fantastic catalogue of the emperor's legendary excesses (18.4––33.8), generally dismissed as pure fiction. While most of these eccentricities are probably inventions of the ““rogue scholar,”” it is argued that the grand recital of imperial antics, more than just a detachable appendix, serves a demonstrable ideological purpose and is informed by a unifying rationale, which in turn helps explain the ““Lampridian”” Elagabalus as historiographical construct. Within the sequence of Antonine biographies Elagabalus, ultimus Antinonorum, marks the climax in a progressive tendency towards tyranny and is accordingly styled as transcendental despot; multiple topoi from the literary tradition provide the generic coordinates for this larger-than-life portrait. Food and sex in particular, both typical elements in this context, are inflated in Heliog. into major thematic systems to signal the emperor's tyrant status, to bring out his distinctive attention to aesthetics, and to enhance the Life's literary cohesion.

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14

Caldelli, Maria Letizia. "Un atleta dimenticato e gli amori di Elagabalo : nota su un mosaico di Puteoli." Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Antiquité 120, no. 2 (2008): 469–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.2008.10480.

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15

Green, R. P. H. "Ausonius’ Fasti and Caesares revisited." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 2 (December 1999): 573–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.2.573.

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This paper reconsiders certain questions about Ausonius’ two incomplete works on historical themes, Fasti and Caesares, with particular attention to points raised in a recent article by R. W. Burgess. Of the Fasti we have only a few tantalizing snippets, the packaging and not the core: what did the work look like when it left Ausonius? What was its coverage? was it in verse or prose? The Caesares as we have it breaks off in mid-quatrain, at line 139: did it go beyond Elagabalus? What of the evidence in Giovanni Mansionario that Ausonius treated certain imperatores from Decius to Diocletian?

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16

Gorrie, Charmaine. "The Emperor Elagabalus: Fact or Fiction? by Leonardo de Arrizabalaga y Prado." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 11, no. 3 (2011): 415–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.2011.0050.

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17

Betzig, Laura. "Suffodit inguinal: Genital attacks on Roman emperors and other primates." Politics and the Life Sciences 33, no. 1 (2014): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/33_1_54.

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When Julius Caesar was stabbed, 23 times, on the Ides of March, at least one of the daggers is supposed to have gone into his groin. He wasn't the last Roman to have his privates attacked. And he wasn't the last primate. In competition for sexual access, gonads are occasionally targeted: canine incisions in monkey and ape scrota are not uncommon; and rumors had a number of Roman emperors—from Caligula and Nero, to Galba, Vitellius, Domitian, Commodus, Caracalla, Elagabalus, to Balbinus, Pupienus and Valerian over the course of the third century crisis—done in with their genitals at risk, or with their genitals cut off.

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18

ΠΑΠΠΑΣ, Βασίλειος Λ. "Οι "Caesares" του Αυσονίου. Παρατηρήσεις και επισημάνσεις." Byzantina Symmeikta 26, no. 2 (April 18, 2016): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1191.

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Ausonius was a latin poet, born in Burdigala (Bordeaux), who, <em>inter alios</em>, composed the poetic work entitled "Caesares" between 379-383 A.D. This collection is an exposition of the lives of Roman emperors in verse (in hexameter and elegiac couplets). The collection is not complete. The work stops suddenly at the incomplete quatrain of Elagabalus. In this paper the author deals with the literary genre of the collection, the style of the poem, while he also attempts to trace the texts the poet used (Suetonius, Tacitus, the so[called <em>Kaisergeschichte</em>, Marius Maximus etc.). Finally he refers to the proposals concerning the missing part of the collection as put forth by various scholars in recent years.

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19

Bittarello, Maria Beatrice. "Otho, Elagabalus and The Judgement of Paris: the literary construction of the unmanly emperor." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 37, no. 1 (2011): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dha.2011.3257.

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Bittarello, Maria Beatrice. "Otho, Elagabalus and The Judgement of Paris : the literary construction of the unmanly emperor." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 37/1, no. 1 (2011): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dha.371.0093.

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21

Mark Nugent. "From ‘Filthy Catamite’ to ‘Queer Icon’: Elagabalus and the Politics of Sexuality (1960–1975)." Helios 35, no. 2 (2009): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hel.0.0009.

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22

Noreña, Carlos F. "Elagabalus - (L.) De Arrizabalaga y Prado The Emperor Elagabalus. Fact or Fiction? Pp. xxxviii + 381, ills, maps. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Cased, £60, US$99. ISBN: 978-0-521-89555-2." Classical Review 62, no. 1 (March 9, 2012): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x11003878.

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23

Leadbetter, Bill. "An eccentic book on Elagabalus (or Varius) - LEONARDO DE ARRIZABALAGA Y PRADO , THE EMPEROR ELAGABALUS: FACT OR FICTION? (Cambridge University Press 2010). Pp. xxxvii + 381, figs. ISBN 978-0-521-89555-2. $99." Journal of Roman Archaeology 27 (2014): 677–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759414001731.

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24

Fowden, Garth. "Constantine's Porphyry Column: The Earliest Literary Allusion." Journal of Roman Studies 81 (November 1991): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300493.

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The purpose of this article is to draw attention to what I believe to be the earliest surviving allusion to Constantine's porphyry column in Constantinople. Although the proposition that the Life of Elagabalus in the Historia Augusta alludes to the porphyry column is incapable of strict proof, it has, at the very least, considerable heuristic value. By focusing our attention on, for example, the column's Theban origin or the fact that it is not a monolith, it enables us to propose a narrative of the progress of Constantine's project which does much to illuminate the monument's significance. The passage under consideration also provokes a new look at the old debate about the origin of the statue on top of the column — had it or had it not once been an image of Apollo? This idea or suspicion has played an important role in all discussions of Constantine's ‘ambiguity’ in religious matters.

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25

Malik, Shushma. "Elagabalus - (M.) Icks The Crimes of Elagabalus. The Life and Legacy of Rome's Decadent Boy Emperor. Pp. xii + 276, pls. London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2011. Cased, £22.50. ISBN: 978-1-84885-362-1." Classical Review 62, no. 2 (September 12, 2012): 604–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x12001254.

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26

Gorrie, Charmaine. "The Crimes of Elagabalus: The Life and Legacy of Rome’s Decadent Boy Emperor by Martijn Icks." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 1012, no. 2 (2012): 269–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.2012.0018.

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27

Sommer, Michael. "The mysterious Elagabalus - MARTIJN ICKS, THE CRIMES OF ELAGABALUS. THE LIFE AND LEGACY OF ROME'S DECADENT BOY EMPEROR (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA 2012). Pp. xii + 276, ills. 17. ISBN 978-0-674-06437-9. $29.95." Journal of Roman Archaeology 25 (2012): 726–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400001677.

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28

Brilli, M., and M. C. Savin. "Provenance study of the white marbles of the “Baths of Elagabalus” at the Palatine Hill in Rome." Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 11, no. 10 (July 6, 2019): 5539–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12520-019-00895-4.

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29

Icks, Martijn. "De triomf van de tiran - Triumphi als kritiekmiddel in Romeinse literatuur." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.1.icks.

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Of all the rituals of ancient Rome none was more spectacular than the triumph. Scholarly attention has long been devoted to the origins and circumstances of this ritual, but lately the role of the triumph in moral discourse has also come into focus. Emperors could gain great military prestige from celebrating a triumphus, yet this prestige could (posthumously) be undermined by hostile historians and biographers who used descriptions of triumphal processions to cast unpopular emperors in a negative light. Discussing in particular the ‘bad triumphs’ of Nero, Elagabalus, and Gallienus, but also considering many other cases, this article explores how triumphal descriptions could be employed as literary weapons. Ancient authors did not hesitate to emphasize, distort, or invent certain aspects of the ritual to suit their purposes. In fact, the triumphal idiom proved such a powerful tool for the delegitimation of emperors that it was even employed to situations which did not constitute triumphal celebrations at all. Hence the cultural elite sought to control the meaning of the ritual and to establish whether emperors counted as benign rulers or tyrants.

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30

Rowan, Clare. "THE PUBLIC IMAGE OF THE SEVERAN WOMEN." Papers of the British School at Rome 79 (October 31, 2011): 241–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246211000031.

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Coinage remains one of the best resources from which to gain an insight into the public image of empresses in the Roman Empire. This article employs a quantitative approach to the coinage of the Severan women, utilizing coin hoards to gain an idea of the frequency of particular coin types. The result offers a nuanced and contextual assessment of the differing public images of the Severan empresses and their role within wider Severan ideology. Evidence is presented to suggest that in this period there was one workshop at the mint dedicated to striking coins for the empresses. The Severan women played a key connective role in the dynasty, a position communicated publicly through their respective numismatic images. By examining the dynasty as a whole, subtle changes in image from empress to empress and from reign to reign can be identified. During the reign of Elagabalus, the divergence in imagery between Julia Soaemias and Julia Maesa is so great that we can perhaps see the influence of these women on their own numismatic image.

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RICHARDSON-HAY, CHRISTINE. "Dinner at Seneca's Table: The Philosophy of Food." Greece and Rome 56, no. 1 (March 9, 2009): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383508000703.

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There is an abundance ‘to eat’ in the pages of Roman literature, where lavish and exotic dishes crowd the tables at banquets that flatter and fortify indulgent and insatiable appetites in unrestrained festivals of eating and drinking. As Emily Gowers explains, ‘Imperium had turned Rome into the world's emporium: its alimentary choices are presented as almost infinite, from the turnips of Romulus to the larks' tongues of Elagabalus’. Nevertheless, in Roman society, where the food a person ate (its quality, quantity, and presentation) reflected their station in life and where large numbers of the population struggled at subsistence levels, these literary banquets are neither reliable, nor even factual, accounts of a Roman meal. In fact, food or events of consumption appear to have occupied an ambivalent, even undistinguished, place in Roman literature, which typically saw their inclusion in comedy, satire, epigram, and the epistle but not the serious genres of epic, tragedy, elegy, or lyric. Generic considerations could possibly therefore influence an author's inclusion of culinary description in ancient literature, although food details did not merely satisfy these expectations and were typically shaped by the attitudes, social values, or artistic insights of an individual author.

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Scott, Andrew G. "The Crimes of Elagabalus: The Life and Legacy of Rome’s Decadent Boy Emperor, by Martijn IcksThe Crimes of Elagabalus: The Life and Legacy of Rome’s Decadent Boy Emperor, by Martijn Icks. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 2012. xii, 276 pp. $29.95 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 48, no. 1 (April 2013): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.48.1.117.

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Cressey, Roger, and Hillary Boyle Cressey. "A new species of parasitic copepod, Shiinoa bakeri (Shiinoidae), with a new host record for Shiinoa elagata Cressey." Systematic Parasitology 8, no. 4 (December 1986): 285–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00009737.

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34

Okamura, Lawrence. "The Crimes of Elagabalus: The Life and Legacy of Rome's Decadent Boy Emperor. By Martijn Icks. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012. Pp. 276. $29.95.)." Historian 75, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 618–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12016_53.

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35

Icks, M. "Icks, M. 2008. Images of Elagabalus. PhD thesis, Radboud University Nijmegen, 339 p. Promotores: prof.dr. L. de Blois, prof.dr. E.M. Moormann, prof.dr. S.A. Levie, Radboud University Nijmegen." Mnemosyne 63, no. 1 (2010): 167–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002670710x12604263128363.

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36

Hampson, Françoise J. "The Legality of Non-Forcible Counter-Measures in International Law. By O. Y. Elagab. [Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1988. xxix + 255 pp. £27·50]." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 38, no. 1 (January 1989): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/38.1.221.

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37

Rowan, Clare. "PERSPECTIVES ON ELAGABALUS - (L.) de Arrizabalaga y Prado (ed.) A Varian Symposium. (Varian Studies 3.) Pp. xlvi + 389, ills. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017. Cased, £70.99. ISBN: 978-1-4438-9576-7." Classical Review 69, no. 1 (December 3, 2018): 248–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x1800241x.

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Ranathilaka, M. B., and I. A. J. Imbulana Arachchi. "THE EFFECT OF FERTILIZER SUBSIDY ON PADDY PRODUCTION OF SMALL SCALE FARMERS: SPECIAL REFERENCE IN POLONNARUWA DISTRICTIN SRI LANKA." Review of Behavioral Aspect in Organizations and Society 1, no. 1 (February 17, 2019): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32770/rbaos.vol133-44.

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Paddy cultivation is major part in rural agriculture sector in Sri Lanka. Majority of rural sector paddy farmers are small-scale producers. According to available data paddy production sector provides livelihood opportunities for large numbers of rural population, provide rice requirement of the nation, provide inputs to other industrial sector etc.To enhance small-scale farmers living condition as well as paddy production, Sri Lankan government promotes paddy farmers to use more fertilizer for their paddy cultivation activities. Therefore, Sri Lankan government provides subsidized fertilizer to enhance both paddy production and paddy yield per acre. Last few decades paddy production and paddy yield per acre data show continues increasing trend. At the same time government expenditure on fertilizer also becomes heavy burden to national budget. There are arguments for and against to fertilizer subsidy program and its practice. This study attempts to study the effect of fertilizer subsidy on paddy production and living condition of small-scale farmers in Polonnaruwa district in Sri Lanka. The data are used to estimate an econometric model to find the relationship between paddy productivity, fertilizer subsidy, agricultural infrastructure facilities and farmers education level. The data were collected from Bubula and Raja-elagama villages in Higurakgoda divisional secretariat in Polonnaruwa district. Structured questioner was used to collect the data from 150 farmers. The results show that there is significant relationship between paddy production and dependent variables named fertilizer subsidy, agricultural infrastructure facilities and farmers education level. Especially fertilizer subsidy and paddy productivity is significant at 5 per cent level and R2 was 0.68. This result shows that government main objective of fertilizer subsidy that improves paddy productivity has been fulfilled. At the same time, household income from paddy has also increased and it has affected their livelihoods. But poor agricultural infrastructural facilities have mitigated farmers’ income. Research results and some empirical evidence have concluded that it is important to find alternative methods to select suitable and needy farmers who are eligible to get fertilizer subsidy because conducting methods of distributing have made many kinds of effects on the efficiency of resource utilization, equity of income distribution as well as government budget. Agricultural infrastructure facilities are very important for making fertilizer subsidy programs more meaningful and to have a significant effect on enhancing paddy farmers’ living conditions.

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39

Vasciannie, Stephen. "The Legality of Non-Forcible Counter-Measures in International Law. By Dr. Omer y. Elagab. [Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1988. xxix, 221, (Appendix) 4, (Bibliography) 15 and (Index) 13. Hardback £27·50 net.]." Cambridge Law Journal 47, no. 3 (November 1988): 493–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197300120537.

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Ballesteros Sánchez, Juan Ramón. "Una cigüeña en una higuera, un potro en un tejado, el espejo de Didio Juliano y la máscara de Heliogábalo. Bienvenidos al mundo religioso de los siglos II y III d. C… según la Historia Augusta = A Stork on a Fig Tree, a Colt on a Roof, the Mirror of Didius Iulianus and the Mask of Elagabalus. Welcome to the Religious World of the 2nd and 3rd Centuries A.D... According to the Historia Augusta." ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 16 (September 12, 2019): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2018.4421.

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Resumen: El capítulo estudia varios textos con alusiones religiosas de la Historia Augusta desde una doble perspectiva. Por un lado, se describen las alusiones satíricas presentes en estos pasajes. Por otro, se reconstruye la crítica política que contienen estos mismos fragmentos. El objetivo último del trabajo es proponer una lectura coherente para el conjunto de la Historia Augusta. Se analizan varios fragmentos de la Vita Marci (13, 6), la Vita Pertinaci (1, 2-3 y 14,1-3), la Vita Didii Iuliani (7, 9-11), la Vita Pescennii Nigri (6, 5-8), la Vita Heliogabali (5, 4-5; 6, 4-5 y 28, 2) y la Vita Alexandri Severi (49, 6) para los que el autor proporciona traducciones originales. La lectura de estos textos permite definir el registro historiográfico y la personalidad crítica del esquivo y pícaro autor de la colección de biografías imperiales de los siglos II y III d.C.Abstract: The chapter studies several texts of religious content from the Historia Augusta using a double point of view. On the one hand, are described the satirical allusions present in these passages. On the other, the political criticism contained in these fragments is reconstructed. The ultimate goal of this text is to propose a coherent reading for the whole of the Historia Augusta. Several fragments of the Vita Marci (13, 6), the Vita Pertinaci (1, 2-3 y 14,1-3), the Vita Didii Iuliani (7, 9-11), the Vita Pescennii Nigri (6, 5-8), the Vita Heliogabali (5, 4-5; 6, 4-5 y 28, 2) and the Vita Alexandri Severi (49, 6) are analyzed throughout the text. The autor provides original translations of all of them. The reading of this corpus allows to define the historiographic record and the critical personality of the elusive and naughty author of the fundamental collection of imperial biographies from the II and III century AD.Palabras clave: Historia Augusta, sátira política, religión romana.Key words: Historia Augusta, political satire, Roman religión.

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Bruun, Christer. ""Kaiser Elagabal und ein neues Zeugnis für den Kult des Sonnengottes Elagabalus in Italien"." TYCHE – Contributions to Ancient History, Papyrology and Epigraphy 12, no. 01 (1998). http://dx.doi.org/10.15661/tyche.1997.012.01.

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Körner, Christian. "Martijn Icks, Elagabal. Leben und Vermächtnis von Roms Priesterkaiser. 2014." Klio 98, no. 2 (January 1, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2016-0083.

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43

Chrysanthou, Chrysanthos S. "Sex and Power in Cassius Dio’s Roman History." Mnemosyne, August 14, 2020, 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342753.

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Abstract This article contributes to our understanding of Dio’s technique of using sexual discourse as a useful tool of characterisation and ethical and historical interpretation. It also aims to advance our understanding of the role of sexual-moral critique in ancient historiography more generally. In the first part, it argues that comments on sexual matters in Dio’s history contribute to the construction of imperial portraits and the evaluation of an emperor. Sexual transgressions regularly coalesce with other bad characteristics of a ruler and his overall tyrannical behaviour. In the second part it is suggested that Dio’s representation of Elagabalus is considerably peculiar in terms of both its narrative technique and content, including themes and stories that unfold in signiﬁcantly different and unexpected ways. Sexual misconduct is not simply associated with other vices, but is also used as a significant stand-alone category in the historian’s assessment of Elagabalus’ character and reign. This understanding of Dio’s technique, it is proposed, makes not only a historiographical point, but also a significant historical one about Elagabalus, his rule, and the state of the Roman Empire at the time.

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"The crimes of Elagabalus: the life and legacy of Rome's decadent boy emperor." Choice Reviews Online 49, no. 12 (August 1, 2012): 49–7039. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.49-7039.

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Scott, Andrew G. "The Legitimization of Elagabalus and Cassius Dio’s Account of the Reign of Macrinus." Journal of Ancient History 1, no. 2 (January 1, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2013-0012.

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Rohrbacher, David. "MARTIAL AND THE HISTORIA AVGVSTA." Classical Quarterly, December 23, 2020, 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000774.

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The short-lived emperor Macrinus had a son whose name, inscriptions reveal, was M. Opellius Antoninus Diadumenianus. Little is known about this figure, who is remembered through brief references in the late Roman breviaries and in Herodian, and in a short biography in the collection of imperial lives now known as the Historia Augusta (= HA). In 1889, Dessau argued that the lives of the Historia Augusta, which present themselves as written by six different authors in the Age of Constantine, were in fact written by a single writer closer to the year 400, an argument that has now all but prevailed in scholarly circles. Some of the biographies depend on reliable sources, at least in part, and thus can provide actual historical information; others do not, and are mostly or entirely the result of authorial invention. The life of Diadumenianus fits clearly in the latter category. The secondary lives (Nebenviten) of the Historia Augusta contain no original information, but rather are constructed from a combination of information derived from their ‘parent’ life and invented fiction. So, for example, the life of the Caesar Aelius combines information from the life of Hadrian with fiction, the life of the usurper Avidius Cassius combines information from the life of Marcus Aurelius with fiction, and the lives of Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus combine information from the life of Severus with fiction. In the case of Diadumenianus, the life is even more thoroughly fictional, since the life of Macrinus from which it is derived is itself a kind of secondary life; Cameron suggests that Marius Maximus, the probable source for the author of the Historia Augusta, treated Macrinus as a usurper in the life of Elagabalus. Almost every detail of the life of Diadumenianus is therefore the fictive invention of the author.

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