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Journal articles on the topic 'Elamite language'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

McAlpin, David. "Modern Colloquial Eastern Elamite." Al-Burz 14, no. 1 (December 26, 2022): 64–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.54781/abz.v14i1.370.

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This paper is a formal demonstration of cognation between Elamite, a major language of the ancient Near East, and Brahui, a language of Balochistan, spoken primarily in Pakistan but also in Iran and Afghanistan. It is identifying Brahui as Modern Colloquial Eastern Elamite. Almost exactly two millennia have elapsed between the last recording of Elamite and the first recorded example of Brahui. While closely related, Brahui is not a descendant of classical Elamite. Rather, it is descended from an unattested eastern branch of Elamite. Part, one deals with a full statement of the Comparative Method focusing on the root syllable. Part Two adds comparative morphology and retailed comparisons of the verb structure.

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2

Desset, François, Kambiz Tabibzadeh, Matthieu Kervran, Gian Pietro Basello, and and Gianni Marchesi. "The Decipherment of Linear Elamite Writing." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 112, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 11–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2022-0003.

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Abstract Linear Elamite writing was used in southern Iran in the late 3rd/early 2nd millennium BCE (ca. 2300–1880 BCE). First discovered during the French excavations at Susa from 1903 onwards, it has so far resisted decipherment. The publication of eight inscribed silver beakers in 2018 provided the materials and the starting point for a new attempt; its results are presented in this paper. A full description and analysis of Linear Elamite of writing, employed for recording the Elamite language, is given here for the first time, together with a discussion of Elamite phonology and the biscriptualism that characterizes this language in its earliest documented phase.

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3

Stolper, Matthew W. "The Elamite Language. Margaret Khačikjan." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 60, no. 4 (October 2001): 275–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468950.

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4

ZORMAN, Marina. "The Spread of ‘Heavenly Writing’." Acta Linguistica Asiatica 4, no. 1 (December 31, 2014): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.4.1.103-112.

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Cuneiform is the name of various writing systems in use throughout the Middle East from the end of the fourth millennium BCE until the late first century CE. The wedge-shaped writing was used to write ten to fifteen languages from various language families: Sumerian, Elamite, Eblaite, Old Assyrian, Old Babylonian and other Akkadian dialects, Proto-Hattic, Hittite, Luwian, Palaic, Hurrian, Urartian, Ugaritic, Old Persian etc. Over the centuries it evolved from a pictographic to a syllabographic writing system and eventually became an alphabetic script, but most languages used a 'mixed orthography' which combined ideographic and phonetic elements, and required a rebus principle of reading.

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5

HENKELMAN, WOUTER F. M. "OF TAPYROI AND TABLETS, STATES AND TRIBES: THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF PASTORALISM IN THE ACHAEMENID HEARTLAND IN GREEK AND ELAMITE SOURCES." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 54, no. 2 (December 1, 2011): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2011.00020.x.

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Abstract The Persian tribe of the Tapyroi appears to be at home in the Caspian region according to the classical sources, except for one passage in Arrian's Anabasis. The Elamite texts from the Persepolis Fortification archive now add more information on this second group of Tapyroi. More important, these sources allow for a new contextualization of classical accounts on the tribes of Achaemenid Iran and yield a more complete image of their status within, and interaction with, the state.

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6

Zohouriyan, Kouhpar, Neyestani, and Nobari. "Semiology of the Gryphon Motif in Ancient Elamite Architecture." Central Asiatic Journal 62, no. 2 (2019): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/centasiaj.62.2.0227.

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7

Zohouriyan, M., S. M. M. Kouhpar, J. Neyestani, and A. H. Nobari. "Semiology of the Gryphon Motif in Ancient Elamite Architecture." Central Asiatic Journal 62, no. 2 (2019): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/caj/2019/2/7.

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8

Behnood, Mahsa. "Understanding Mathematical-based Language: A Case Study of the Chalcolithic Period, Proto-Elamite." International Journal of Visual Design 15, no. 1 (2021): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2325-1581/cgp/v15i01/51-69.

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9

Bakhtiari, Jalil. "A New Reading of the Middle Elamite Text Shun I 9." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 73 (January 1, 2021): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/714656.

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10

Álvarez-Mon, Javier, and Yasmina Wicks. "Elamite War Chariots and Military Equipment At Ancient Kabnak (ca. 1400 bce)." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 73 (January 1, 2021): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/714657.

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11

Briceño-Villalobos, Juan. "Correlative negation in Old Persian." Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 56, no. 3 (September 25, 2020): 451–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2020-0016.

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AbstractNegation is an operator that reverses the truth value of a proposition and it is considered an universal category (Horn 2001: xiii) since all human systems of communication contain a representation of propositional negation. Therefore, one of the most important features of negation is its markedness that sets a contrast between affirmation and negation. Said markedness is carried out in various ways by the world languages. As its standard negation, which is the most common kind of negation marking found in a given language (Payne 1985a: 198), Old Persian (OP) has nai̯, which is mainly used in assertions, while it has a non-standard, prohibitive marker, OP mā. Concerning correlative negation (‘neither … nor’), Old Persian systematically employs the asyndetic repetition of the negative marker, provided the notorious absence among Indo-Iranian languages of the standard negation plus the enclitic particle IIr. *-ča. The objective of this paper is to make a thorough description of this isogloss shared by Indo-Iranian languages and, in the case of Old Persian, try to contrast its data with the Achaemenid Elamite material. I believe this will shed some new light on the nature of the asyndetic repetition of the negative marker as a means of expressing correlative negation in Old Iranian.

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12

Moorey, P. R. S. "Excavations at Anshan (Tal-e Malyan): The Middle Elamite Period. Elizabeth Carter." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 59, no. 1 (January 2000): 34–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468768.

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13

Dalley, Stephanie. "Gilgamesh in the Arabian Nights." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1, no. 1 (April 1991): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300000031.

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It is difficult to lose a good story. Many of the best folk tales transcend the boundaries of language and nationality, and the Gilgamesh Epic, attested in Human, Hittite, Elamite and Akkadian cuneiform, is no exception. The latest Akkadian tablets to be inscribed with the story come from the site of Uruk of the late Babylonian period, some time after the fall of Babylon in 539 B.C. and perhaps as late as the Seleurid period, after the reign of Alexander the Great. The story had been popular for some two thousand years. Despite this popularity in so many countries and for such a very long period of time, the story of Gilgamesh was supposed to have died more or less with the death of cuneiform writing, although some residual themes were recognised in various versions of the Alexander Romance.

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14

Bedford, Peter. "DIASPORA: HOMELAND RELATIONS IN EZRA-NEHEMIAH." Vetus Testamentum 52, no. 2 (2002): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853302760013820.

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AbstractEzra-Nehemiah is widely recognized as stressing the separation of Judeans repatriated from Babylonian exile from those they found living in and around Judah at their return. A related theme has received little attention, namely, the on-going relationship between the repatriates and their parent community in the Babylonian-Elamite diaspora. The present article highlights features of this relationship, noting that as a colony of the Babylonian exiles, the community of repatriates remained dependent on the diaspora for leadership and for instruction in religious culture and practice. It is suggested that in tandem with the emphasis on separatism, this view of diaspora-homeland relations reflects a concern current in the mid- to late-fourth century Judah to articulate a Judean identity that reinforced the connection of the Babylonian diaspora to the homeland. In its view of diaspora-homeland relations, Ezra-Nehemiah displays certain features in common with other late-Persian and Hellenistic biblical texts such as Esther and Daniel i-vi.

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15

Berzon, Katherine. "The Seleukids and Elam in the 2nd c. BC." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2022): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080022677-1.

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The history of the Elymais is one of the poorly illuminated pages in the history of the Hellenistic Iran. This land was inherited by Alexander the Great from the Achaemenids, c. 311 BC it came under the rule of Seleukos I and remained the part of the Seleukid state until the middle 2nd century BC when Kamnaskires I, “the King of Elam” according to Babylonian cuneiform texts, founded the independent Kingdom of Elymais. However, the prehistory of these events is not well known. Our sources for the 3rd century BC do not provide any reliable data on separatist tendencies in the area. The events of 187 BC associated with the expedition of Antiochos III to Elam should be considered as the first known evidence of such hostilities. The death of Antiochos during the campaign is often presented as the result of his attempt to rob the local sanctuary, but it should not be interpreted simply as spontaneous reaction of angry natives. Rather it was a deliberate refusal to raise funds from the temple treasury according to royal request. The ensuing military campaign ended in defeat. In 184, Babylonian sources record the appearance of an “Elamite enemy” in the area of Susa. The next Seleukid military activity in Elymais, also associated with an unsuccessful attempt of Antiochos IV to rob the temple of Nanaya, falls on 164 BC. This evidence demonstrates the gradual strengthening of local autonomy, which led to the creation in ca. 147/145 BC an independent state of Elymais.

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16

Isakova, Alina S. ""I established kingdom on its place": an idea of law and order in the Achaemenid Empire." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2023): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025213-1.

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The article aims to consider the problem of correlating the concept of “law” in the Achaemenid Empire, expressed by the word dāta-, with the ideological concept of “order”, metaphorically denoted by the word gāϑu-, i.e. “place”. The article examines in detail the word gāϑu-, which denotes not only the imperial world order, but also the royal throne. In Old Persian royal inscriptions, the expression “I established in its place” is often used in those texts that testify of the restoration of political stability after a series of uprisings and turmoil. The return of the kingdom “to its original place” was obviously thought of as the restoration of the power of the Achaemenids over the entire Persian Empire, and the people – as the return of their property. The statement that Darius “put the royal house in its original place” could mean that he restored order in the succession to the throne by removing Gaumata the Magus. The “return to the place” of the rebellious satrapy meant the pacification of this uprising. If in the Elamite version of the Achaemenid inscriptions the word kat in the meaning of “place” was most likely a loanword from the Old Persian gāϑu-, then in the Babylonian version the Akkadian word ašru has its own tradition of use as early as the pre-Achaemenid period in inscriptions from the Mesopotamian region. As for the term dāta-, it refers not only to the judicial and administrative state of affairs in the Achaemenid Empire, but also reflects the religious and political-ideological ideas of the Achaemenids, including those related to their perception of the idea of justice.

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17

Tavernier, Jan. "A Survey of Neo‐Elamite History. Edited by Matthew W. Waters. State Archives of Assyria Studies 12. Helsinki: Neo‐Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2000. Pp. xviii + 139. $29.50." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 62, no. 3 (July 2003): 202–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/380319.

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18

Derakhshani, Iahanshah. "Some Earliest Traces of the Aryan." Iran and the Caucasus 5, no. 1 (2001): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338401x00026.

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AbstractThe early presence of the Aryans in the Near East is the topic of the research I have undertaken using the positive material and linguistic evidence, part of which has already been published, while the other, the main body of the work (Main Work) will be published as an extensive version.1 In these works, and based on linguistic evidences, such as Aryan loanwords, ethnonyms and toponyms extant in the archaic Near Eastern texts as well as due to the absolute lack of loanwords from the so-called pre-Iranian native languages in the Old Iranian dialects, the conventional theory of the late migration of Aryans into the Iranian Highland has been refuted as "strongly disproved". Based on the same evidence, a pre-Sumerian presence of the Aryans in Mesopotamia has been substantiated (see Aryans 5.4.1.10; 6.1.10). The present article is dealing with some earliest linguistic traces of the Aryan in the archaic Near Eastern languages such as in Sumerian, Akkadian, Elamite and Egytian.

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19

Vallat, François. "Deux Tablettes Elamites de l'Universite de Fribourg." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 53, no. 4 (October 1994): 263–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373706.

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20

Vuorikuru, Silja. "Lõpuni elamatu elu: Aino Kallase biograafia." Keel ja Kirjandus 60, no. 8-9 (September 2017): 617–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54013/kk718a4.

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21

Bosworth, C. E. "Some Remarks on the Terminology of Irrigation Practices and Hydraulic Construction in the Eastern Arab and Iranian World in the 3rd–5th/9th–11th Centuries." Arabist: Budapest Studies in Arabic 15-16 (1995): 271–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.58513/arabist.1995.15-16.27.

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The Arabs and Persians of the mediaeval Islamic period inevitably fell heirs to the extensive and complex irrigation systems of their various pre-Islamic predecessors. Not surprisingly, the language of Islamic times of the technical terminology of practices in these regions of highly-organised, irrigated agricultural exploitation goes back frequently to such more ancient tongues as Aramaic, Middle and Old Iranian, Akkadian, Sumerian and perhaps Elamitic. A considerable part of this terminology is known to us from certain early Islamic writers of the 4th/10th and 5th/11th centuries. The article examines this terminology, aiming to trace the etymology of the words.

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22

Rung, Eduard V. "The orders of Darius I and Xerxes in the corpus of the Achaemenid royal inscriptions." Vestnik drevnei istorii 84, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910024546-3.

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The article examines the role of the orders of Darius I and Xerxes in the functioning of the legal system in the Achaemenid Persian Empire. It is concluded that along with local political and legal traditions, royal decrees, commands and instructions that came from the king himself and his office served as tools of socio-political and economic regulation in the Achaemenid empire. The Achaemenid trilingual royal inscriptions are analysed as the main source of information on this subject. These texts contain references to king’s orders, and the terminological analysis, covering the corresponding vocabulary of inscriptions in the main three languages (Old Persian, Elamite and Akkadian), allows us to come to some conclusions regarding the functioning of the Achaemenid legal system as a whole. It can be asserted that royal orders mentioned there can be divided into three groups (royal decrees, royal commands and proclamations). In the Achaemenid royal inscriptions orders given by the king to his military commanders or his army can be considered as commands, while decrees do not have any specific addressee and are of more general nature. If one speaks about a special type of royal commands, such as proclamations, these are addressed to the entire population of the Achaemenid Empire.

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23

Biggs, Robert D. "Fragmenta Historiae Elamicae: Mélanges offerts à M.-J. Steve. L. de Meyer , H. Gasche , F. Vallat." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 47, no. 3 (July 1988): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373302.

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24

VAN BLADEL, KEVIN T. "The Language of the Xūz and the Fate of Elamite." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, April 26, 2021, 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186321000092.

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Abstract This article discusses the language of the Xūz mentioned in Arabic sources, endorsing the view that it is the latest attestation of the Elamite language. Drawing on models from historical sociolinguistics, it also studies the problem of mutual acculturation between speakers of Elamite and Persian in antiquity.

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25

Mäder, Michael. "Some new Linear Elamite inscriptions." BAF-Online: Proceedings of the Berner Altorientalisches Forum 1 (March 22, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.22012/baf.2016.18.

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The Linear Elamite writing system was used in the late 3rd millennium in ancient Iran.The underlying language is supposed to be Elamite – an isolate language otherwise known from cuneiform sources. 40 to 60% of the Elamite words and morphemes are decoded.In early 2016, about ten new inscriptions and fragments were presented at the University of Hamedan, Iran. They are now in the Mahboubian Gallery. Some of these new texts are the longest ones ever found, depicting up to 200 signs.In the past months, the Deciphering Crew at the Institut für Sprachwissenschaft, Universität Bern, has made drawings of the so far unpublished inscriptions and compiled a sign catalogue.Preliminary results show that fragments from Gonur and Altyn Depe formerly tagged as “Linear Elamite” do not belong to the Linear Elamite text corpus.The Deciphering Project is hoping to collaborate with scholars of different fields. The web page http://elamicon.org is an open source project.

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26

Mäder, Michael. "Detecting word endings in an unknown script." BAF-Online: Proceedings of the Berner Altorientalisches Forum 2 (May 25, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.22012/baf.2017.11.

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Date: Around 2200 BC.Location: Western, southern and eastern Iran.Type: Syllabic Script.Text Corpus: 22 (known a long time), plus 15 (known since 2015).Sign Corpus: 110 sign type, 1340 sign tokens.Status: Principally undeciphered, except the sound values for in, šu, uš, ši, na, and k, drawn from the divine name Inšušinak found in the only bilingual inscription. Several further sound values were proposed. In our paper, some of them are being corroborated, and a new one is presented.Language behind the signs: Based on graphotactical patterns found in the texts, this paper claims that it must be Elamite or a language closely related to it.

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27

Baghbidi, Hassan Rezai. "The Linguistic History of Rayy up to the Early Islamic Period." Der Islam 93, no. 2 (January 20, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2016-0034.

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Abstract:The purpose of this paper is to give a short sketch of the linguistic history of Rayy from ancient times through the early Islamic period. The language of Rayy in the Old Iranian period must have been Median. The only traces of Median are a few loanwords identified in Old Persian, Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions, Elamite tablets, Aramaic documents, and Greek texts. The language of Rayy in the Middle Iranian period seems to have been very close to the well-documented northwestern Middle Iranian language spoken in Parthia, known as Parthian or Arsacid Pahlavi. The Iranian dialect of Rayy in the Islamic period, known as the Rāzī dialect, was in fact the natural continuation of Middle Median. The only Rāzī texts available are a small number of poems by Bundār, a Shīʿīte poet at the court of Majd al-Dawla, the Buwayhid ruler of Rayy. In addition, scanty information about the Rāzī dialect can be obtained from a few classical Islamic sources and some of the Persian texts written in Rayy by Rāzī-speaking writers.

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28

Sokhadze, Panteleimon. "Analysis of New Etymologies Related to Several Elamite Verbs /რამდენიმე ელამურ ზმნასთან დაკავშირებული ახალი ეტიმოლოგიების ანალიზი." Spekali / სპეკალი (Ed.: Nana Gaprindashvili / სამეცნიერო რედაქტორი: ნანა გაფრინდაშვილი), August 1, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55804/jtsu-1987-8583-15-10.

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The article discusses some of the verbs found in Elamite texts. The focus is on the units that bear some typological similarities with the items in the Kartvelian, Dravidian and Indo-European languages. Based on the examples, assumptions are made about the etymology of the root of a verb. /სტატიაში განხილულია ელამურ ენაზე შესრულებულ ტექსტებში დაფიქსირებული რამდენიმე ზმნა. ყურადღება გამახვილებულია იმ ერთეულებზე, რომლებიც გარკვეულ ტიპოლოგიურ მსგავსებას ავლენენ ქართველურ, დრავიდულ და ინდოევროპულ ენებში არსებულ ერთეულებთან. მაგალითების საფუძველზე გამოთქმულია ვარაუდები ამა თუ იმ ზმნის ძირის ეტიმოლოგიის შესახებ.

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29

Ivancic, Barbara. "Directionality and Spracherleben in the Biographies of Multilingual Literary Translators / Suunalisus ja Spracherleben mitmekeelsete ilukirjandustõlkijate elulugudes." Methis. Studia humaniora Estonica 25, no. 31-32 (December 15, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/methis.v25i31-32.23318.

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Abstract: The paper explores the issue of directionality, i.e. the question of whether translation is made into or out of one’s first language, by placing it within the framework of Translator Studies. Drawing upon this framework, the article investigates the topic from the biographical perspective of multilingual literary translators, with the aim of promoting a phenomenological approach to translators as experiencing subjects, that is as living bodies who constitute themselves through language and translation. Suunalisus ja Spracherleben mitmekeelsete ilukirjandustõlkijate elulugudes Artiklis käsitletakse suunalisuse küsimust, s.t ülekandesuunda tõlkeprotsessis mitmekeelsete tõlkijate perspektiivist, kes tõlgivad keelde, mis pole nende emakeel. Suunalisus on tõlkeuuringutes oluline ning ka vastuoluline teema, mis on viimastel kümnenditel põhjustanud elavat arutelu. Sel on palju tegemist viisiga, kuidas me defineerime keeli, mis moodustavad osa inimese keelelisest repertuaarist. Nagu mitmed uurijad osutavad, on traditsioonilised ja kõige laiemalt kasutatavad dihhotoomiad nagu esimene ja teine keel või emakeel ja võõrkeel kõik äärmiselt küsitavad, sest viitavad selgetele eristusjoontele, mida selles multikultuurses maailmas, milles me elame, paljudel juhtudel ei eksisteeri. Tõlkeuuringutes kasutatav terminoloogia peegeldab neid defineerimisprobleeme mitmeti. Suunalisusküsimuse puudutamisel, eriti vanemate terminite osas, peegeldab see ka rahvuskeskset ja eurotsentristlikku maailmavaadet, mis põhineb emakeele ainulaadsuse eeldamisel ning selle ja kõrgeima taseme keelelise pädevuse implitsiitsel vastavusseviimisel. Tulemuseks on mitte-emakeelde tõlkimise paratamatu devalveerimine. Traditsioonilist mõtet, et emakeelde tõlkimine on kõige ilmsem ja normaalsem valik, on viimaste kümnendite jooksul küsimärgi alla seatud. Enamikul juhtudel jääb debatt fundamentaalselt kinnitunuks tõlketeaduse peamise uurimisobjekti, see tähendab teksti külge. Kuid käesolevas artiklis pannakse ette siduda suunalisusteema tõlkija isikuga ning seega vaadelda seda niinimetatud tõlkijauuringute kontekstis, mis on tõlketeaduse valdkonnas üpris uus ning alles kujunemisjärgus valdkond, mille eesmärgiks on seada teadusuuringute keskmesse isik. Viimastel aastatel on tõlkijakeskne lähenemine arenenud mitmes suunas, sealhulgas hõlmates ilukirjandustõlkijate uurimise metodoloogilisi ja kontseptuaalseid vaatenurki. Elulooline perspektiiv, millele käesolev uurimus osutab, on üks neist. Täpsemalt on kasutatavaks paradigmaks tõlkijaelulugu – mõiste, mis ilmselt meenutab keele-elulugu, sotsiolingvistikas välja töötatud mõistet, mis on seotud eluloonarratiividega, mis keskenduvad indiviidide keelekogemustele. Ka tõlkijaelulood keskenduvad indiviidide keelekogemustele, mis on intiimselt seotud isiklike, autobiograafiliste vaatepunktidega tõlkija enda repertuaaris esinevatele keeltele. Siinkohal soovitan arvesse võtta elatud keelekogemuse mõistet (Spracherleben), mis valgustab taju ning kõne kehalist ja emotsionaalset mõõdet, viidates seega fenomenoloogilisele eeldusele, et keel pole üksnes vahend kogemuste sõnadesse valamiseks, vaid vastupidi, sel on fundamentaalne tähtsus kogemuse enese moodustumisel. Väites, et see perspektiiv pole suunalisusteemade küsimärgi alla seadmisel mitte üksnes kasulik, vaid ka vajalik, käsitleb artikkel kolme mitmekeelse tõlkija kogemusi, kes tõlgivad keelde, mis pole nende jaoks sünnijärgne. Nendeks on Rumeenia päritolu itaalia ilukirjandustõlkija Livia Bazu, Elvira Mujčić, kes on elanud Itaalias alates 14. eluaastast ja tõlkinud itaalia keelde mitmeid nüüdiskirjanikke, kes on pärit Jugoslaavia regioonist, kus ka ta ise on sündinud, ning Ilma Rakusa, kes on 1951. aastast saadik elanud Zürichis, olles veetnud varajase lapsepõlve Budapestis, Ljubljanas ja Triestes ning kelle „kultuuriülene elulugu“ peegeldub tema rikkalikus tõlkeloomingus, millesse kuulub mitmeid lähtekeeli (vene, serbohorvaadi, prantsuse ja ungari keel), kuid tema sihtkeeleks on alati saksa keel. Mainitud tõlkijad on kõik ka ise kirjanikud ning nende kakskeelsuses või mitmekeelsuses väljendub migratsiooniajalugu, millel on omakorda erisuguseid ajaloolisi ja majandus-poliitilisi põhjusi. Kõik need rõhutavad omakorda eluloo ning elatud keelekogemuse tihedat seotust. Tõlkijate tunnistustest nähtub ka, et teise keele valimisele keeleks, millesse tõlkida, vaadatakse ilukirjandustõlke vallas ikka veel teatava kahtlusega. Lisaks tundub, et seda peetakse isegi riskantsemaks kui suunalisuse muutmist ilukirjanduse loomisel. Oletan, et see toimub nii seetõttu, et traditsioonilisele seisukohale väljakutse esitavad ilukirjandustõlkijad käivitavad keerukaid küsimusi autorsusest, subjektiivsusest, nähtavusest ning kuuluvusest isegi rohkem kui tõlkijad, kes tõlgivad oma emakeelde. Selles suhtes pakuvad tõlkijauuringud ning eelkõige elatud keele kogemuse mõistega seotud tõlkijaelulugude paradigma olulist võimalust tegelda suunalisusküsimusega konstruktiivsemal moel.

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