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Journal articles on the topic 'Election, 1991'

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Published: 4 June 2021
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1

Otto, Sue. "IALL 1991 Election Results." IALLT Journal of Language Learning Technologies 24, no. 3 (October 15, 1991): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/iallt.v24i3.9435.

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2

Konecne, Sharon. "January 1991 Election Results." Rehabilitation Oncology 9, no. 1 (February 1991): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01893697-199109010-00005.

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3

Strasberg, Murray. "Announcement of 1991 Election." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 88, no. 5 (November 1990): 2487–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.400093.

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4

Goldey, David B. "The Portuguese elections of 1987 and 1991 and the presidential election of 1991." Electoral Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1992): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(92)90039-9.

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5

Mutalib, Hussin. "Singapore´s 1991 General Election." Southeast Asian Affairs 1992 1992, no. 1 (January 1992): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa92q.

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Millard, Frances. "Poland: The 1991 parliamentary election." Representation 30, no. 112 (December 1991): 72–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899138438985.

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Van Trease, Howard. "The 1991 election in Kiribati." Journal of Pacific History 27, no. 3 (December 1992): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223349208572718.

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8

Borre, Ole, Sushil R. Panday, and Chitra K. Tiwari. "The Nepalese election of 1991." Electoral Studies 10, no. 4 (December 1991): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(91)90027-p.

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9

Szajkowski, Bogdan. "The Albanian election of 1991." Electoral Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1992): 157–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(92)90036-6.

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10

Fitzmaurice, John. "The Belgian election of 1991." Electoral Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1992): 162–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(92)90037-7.

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11

Fitzmaurice, John. "Belgian paradoxes: The November 1991 election." West European Politics 15, no. 4 (October 1, 1992): 178–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389208424938.

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12

Berglund, Sten. "The finnish parliamentary election of 1991." Electoral Studies 10, no. 3 (September 1991): 256–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(91)90016-l.

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13

Kristinsson, Gunnar Helgi. "The Icelandic parliamentary election of 1991." Electoral Studies 10, no. 3 (September 1991): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(91)90017-m.

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14

Jalan, Prateek. "The Indian parliamentary election of 1991." Electoral Studies 10, no. 4 (December 1991): 353–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(91)90026-o.

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Webb, W. L. "The Polish general election of 1991." Electoral Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1992): 166–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(92)90038-8.

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16

Fell, Dafydd. "Measuring and Explaining Party Change in Taiwan: 1991–2004." Journal of East Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (April 2005): 105–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006275.

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This article examines party platform change in a third wave democratic country, Taiwan, during its first fourteen years of full multiparty elections. A variety of datasets show that Taiwan's parties have moved from polarized positions toward a moderate center on all core electoral issues. However, the parties have not converged into indistinguishable catchall parties; instead they have instituted a state of moderate differentiation. The degree to which Taiwan's parties have moderated and been electorally successful has been intimately tied to the internal balance of power between election-oriented and ideologically conservative factions or leaders. In response to public opinion and electoral competition, Taiwan's election-oriented leaders attempted to drag their parties toward centrist positions. The key variable constraining convergent party movement and maintaining differentiation has been the strength of ideologically conservative party factions. When these ideologically oriented factions have held the upper hand in parties, they have promoted ideologically orthodox but often unpopular policies. Even when the election-oriented faction is in control at the party center, secondary factions have been able to constrain movement away from party ideals.
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17

Berglund, Sten. "The Finnish Parliamentary Election of March 1991." Scandinavian Political Studies 14, no. 4 (December 1991): 335–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1991.tb00123.x.

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18

Wörlund, Ingemar. "The Swedish Parliamentary Election of September 1991." Scandinavian Political Studies 15, no. 2 (June 1992): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1992.tb00135.x.

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19

May, Diane. "The Bremen land election of September 1991." German Politics 1, no. 1 (April 1992): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009208404282.

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20

McWhinney, Edward, and Serge April. "The 1990 Triennial Elections to the International Court of Justice and the 1989 Casual Election." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 28 (1991): 403–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800004185.

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The regular, triennial elections for the International Court of Justice (ICJ), with a third of the fifteen seats on the Court coming up for renewal or replacement, were held on November 15, 1990. The five successful candidates thus elected, or re-elected, qualified for regular nine-year terms beginning on February 6, 1991. In the result, two incumbent judges, from France (Judge Guillaume) and Great Britian (Judge Jennings), who were candidates for re-election, were successful. Two other incumbent judges, from Argentina (the retiring Court President, Judge Ruda) and from Sénégal (Judge M'Baye), did not present themselves for re-election. A third incumbent judge, from India (Judge Pathak, who had been elected to the Court in a casual election held in April 1989), was nominated for re-election by a country other than his own, but chose to withdraw after the close of nominations and before the actual balloting. These three seats of the Court were filled by the election of candidates from Venezuela (Aguilar Mawdsley), Madagascar (Ranjeva), and Sri Lanka (Weeramantry).
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21

T. M. F. "Vacancies on ICJ Filled by Election." American Journal of International Law 85, no. 1 (January 1991): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203575.

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On February 5, 1991, the terms of five members of the International Court of Justice expired: those of President J. M. Ruda (Argentina) and Judges K. Mbaye (Senegal), Sir Robert Jennings (United Kingdom), G. Guillaume (France) and R. S. Pathak (India). In conformity with Articles 4 and 13 of the Statute of the Court, the General Assembly and the Security Council, on November 15, 1990, elected five persons to nine-year terms of office. Judges Mbaye, Ruda and Pathak did not stand for reelection. Judges Jennings and Guillaume were reelected. The newly elected judges are Andrés Aguilar Mawdsley (Venezuela), Raymond Ranjeva (Madagascar) and Christopher Gregory Weeramantry (Sri Lanka).
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22

Khadka, Narayan. "Nepal's parliamentary election in 1991: An empirical study∗." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 17, no. 1 (June 1994): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856409408723199.

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23

Bouandel, Youcef. "Algerian national popular assembly election of December 1991." Representation 32, no. 117 (December 1993): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899338439028.

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24

Chin, James. "The 1991 Sarawak Election: Continuity of Ethnic Politics." South East Asia Research 4, no. 1 (March 1996): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967828x9600400103.

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25

Corkill, David. "The Portuguese presidential election of 13 January 1991." West European Politics 14, no. 4 (October 1991): 185–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389108424884.

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26

Church, Clive H. "The Swiss election of 1991: Stability, not stasis." West European Politics 15, no. 4 (October 1, 1992): 184–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389208424939.

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27

Azad, Abul Kalam. "Bangladesh: An Umpired Democracy." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 3, no. 6 (June 15, 2012): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v3i6.704.

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This paper reveals that there has been a continuous political confrontation between two archrival political forces in Bangladesh since independence in 1971. In the course of the confrontation, the country has seemingly been divided into two forces: BAL forces and anti-BAL forces. The democratic development in this country since 1991 is a by-product of this confrontation. In 1991, because of the continued mistrust between the two confronting forces, a unique system of interim government (non-party caretaker government) was produced that kept working as a catalyst of power transfer in a democratic way from one government to another till 2008 election from 1991.
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28

Del Pozo Manrique, Marcos. "Selección de emplazamientos para vertederos controlados." Informes de la Construcción 42, no. 412 (April 30, 1991): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ic.1991.v42.i412.1393.

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29

CARPENTER, ERNEST. "ACS ANNUAL ELECTION: Eliel to be 1991 president-elect." Chemical & Engineering News 68, no. 48 (November 26, 1990): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v068n048.p006.

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30

Holaday, Duncan, and Eddie C. Y. Kuo. "Upsetting the agenda: media and the 1991 Singapore election." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 51, no. 3 (June 1993): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929305100302.

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31

Calder, Carlos. "An orange sweep: The Portuguese general election of 1991." West European Politics 15, no. 2 (April 1992): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389208424913.

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32

Arnason, Gudmundur. "Back to Normal? The Icelandic election of 20 April 1991." West European Politics 14, no. 4 (October 1991): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389108424883.

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33

PAVLOVYCH, Yurii. "FEATURES OF THE DOMESTIC POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS IN THE UKRAINIAN VISION (1994-2004)." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-41-56.

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The article analyzes the political life of the Republic of Belarus in the period from 1991 to 2004. The events related to the election campaign of A. Lukashenko, first elections in Belarus in 1994, and elections of 2001 are directly covered in the study. Clearly defined plans and methods of Lukashenko's policy. The article shows the most important stages of the Belarusian domestic policy. The first steps of the Belarusian politicians after the collapse of the USSR, the struggle for the presidency, the formation of democratic opposition to the Belarusian Communist Party, the preparation and signing of the Belovezha Accords 1991 are analyzed. The author studied the perception, in Ukraine, of the reasons, preconditions, and fact of the Belovezha Accords 1991, the appearance in great politics of A. Lukashenko. The visions of some Ukrainian researchers, who believe that the process of building an independent Belarus was initially successful and gradually implemented all the plans of the new leadership of the country, were traced. Assessments of socio-political processes in Belarus after the collapse of the USSR in Ukraine have been submitted. The reaction of the Ukrainian public to A. Lukashenko's victory on the presidential election 1994 and the attitude of experts on referendums of 1995, 1996, and 2004 are highlighted. These political events returned the country towards growing a dictatorial regime headed by the president, who almost completely controlled the state, economic and social areas of life in the country. After that, parliamentary and presidential election campaigns became a formality in order to preserve the form of democracy in Belarus. The view of the Belarusians on independence and the Soviet past is analyzed. The events in the Republic of Belarus were a clear example, they say, of how the system should be stabilized after the overlong political, economic and social crisis caused by the collapse of the Soviet system in the post-Soviet countries. The dictatorial policy and absolute control of Moscow formed a specific image of the Republic of Belarus in the European political arena. Keywords Republic of Belarus, A. Lukashenko, S. Shushkevich, Kuropaty, presidential election
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34

Jain, Purnendra. "The 1991 Tokyo gubernatorial election and its implications for national politics." Japan Forum 3, no. 2 (September 1991): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09555809108721425.

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35

Arter, David. "The Finnish election of 17 March 1991: A victory for opposition." West European Politics 14, no. 4 (October 1991): 174–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389108424882.

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36

Martín Cubas, Joaquín, Pilar Rochina Garzón, and Francisco Clemente González. "The 2019 Local Elections in Valencia’s Metropolitan Area." Debats. Revista de cultura, poder i societat 5 (December 30, 2020): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.28939/10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-9.

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Voting behaviour in Valencia’s Metropolitan Area can be split into four periods: (1) During the early years of democracy (1979-1991) following the Franco dictatorship, the area was a stronghold of the Left; (2) In 1991, the City of Valencia switched and was governed by the Right; (3) In 2011, the Right extended its control to the whole of the Metropolitan Area; (4) In the May 2015 elections, the Left won not only in the ‘red’ metropolitan belt but also in the City of Valencia. This study looks at what happened in the last set of local elections in 2019. To this end, we begin with a brief review of the election results, voting trends, and the institutional performance of each party since the first post-dictatorship local elections in 1979. We then go on to analyse the electoral behaviour of each of the parties, breaking this down by geographical variables: town/village size, comarcas (‘counties’), and the so-called ‘red belt’ before drawing our conclusions.
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37

Ware, Alan. "The Party Systems of the Established Liberal Democracies in the 1990s: Is this a Decade of Transformation?" Government and Opposition 30, no. 3 (July 1, 1995): 312–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00130.x.

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DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE 1990s ABOUT ONE THIRD OF the countries which had been governed continuously by liberal democratic regimes since the mid-1950s experienced major electoral upheavals at a general election. In the case of eight countries an argument could be made that electoral politics was not as it had been, and that the party systems were now experiencing problems that were quite different in scale from those with which they had contended during the previous forty years. The countries concerned were:– Sweden, where the 1991 general election produced a major decline in the share of the vote (5.5 per cent of the total) for the governing Social Democrats; this was the largest change in its vote share between consecutive elections since 1944.
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38

Dinda, Soumyananda. "Social capital and fiscal performance in India during 1991-2012." International Journal of Social Economics 45, no. 1 (January 8, 2018): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2016-0378.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between social capital and fiscal performance using provincial sub-national state-level data in India during 1991-2012. Fiscal performance in India is based on social trust on fiscal institutions that emphasizes mainly social need for economic development. Design/methodology/approach People participation in public affairs or simply vote turnover in general election in India is taken to measure social trust on fiscal institution. Applying principal component analysis, the author constructs social capital index and examines the said relation also. Models are estimated using panel data techniques. Findings Strong social capital reduces fiscal deficits. As one percent vote turnover rate rises, fiscal deficit reduces by 2.6-2.8 percent during 1991-2012. The empirical findings suggest that social capital indirectly controls the fiscal performance of the elected government. The results are robust to a number of control variables. Originality/value The strong political trust is established through high turnover rate and vote share in the election for formation of government that creates the platform for sound fiscal policy decisions.
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39

LeBlanc, Lawrence J. "The Convention on the Rights of the Child." Leiden Journal of International Law 4, no. 2 (September 1991): 281–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002326.

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The United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Rights of the Child in November, 1989, bringing to a close ten years of debate and discussion over the merits of the project as well as the content of its main provisions. Although some representatives expressed misgivings about the content of several articles of the convention, it was adopted by a broad consensus among the member states of the United Nations. In fact, in less than one year, by September, 1990, the convention had been ratified by more than twenty countries, the threshold figure established by Article 49 of the convention, and it entered into force. This set in motion the process for the election of the ten-member Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the body that has been charged with implementing the convention, in February, 1991, and it is scheduled to begin functioning in the fall of 1991. As recently as March, 1991, the United Nations Secretary-General reported to the states parties that 71 states had either ratified or acceded to the convention and that almost 60 other states had signed it. By June, 1991, the ratification of the convention by Belgium brought the total of states parties to over 90.
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40

Sanford, George. "Delay and disappointment: The fully free polish election of 27 October 1991." Journal of Communist Studies 9, no. 2 (June 1993): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279308415211.

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41

Sainsbury, Diane. "The 1991 Swedish election: Protest, fragmentation, and a shift to the right." West European Politics 15, no. 2 (April 1992): 160–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389208424912.

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42

Smits, Jozef, and Inge Thomas. "Het gebruik van de meervoudige voorkeurstem bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 21 mei 1995." Res Publica 40, no. 1 (March 31, 1998): 127–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v40i1.18571.

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In Belgium the multiple preferential voting system was for the first time applied to parliamentary elections in 1995. Since then the electorate has the possibility to cast a vote for several candidates figuring on the same party list.As a result of this voting system change, more voters used the possibilities offered by the preferential voting system than during the 1991 elections: almost 57% of the electorate of 1995 cast a multiple vote on candidates for the House of Representatives - this was an increase of 8,6% compared to the 1991 results. For the Senate, the trend is even clearer: 59% of the electorate expressed their preference for one or more candidates of the Senate, resulting in an increase of 18,3% compared to 1991. Though one has to add that the above mentioned increases are only partly due to the election system change. Part of the increase is actually also due to a more accurate handling by the Ministery of Internal Affairs of the multiple preferential voting data figuring on the ballot-papers.Compared to previous elections the use of preferential voting was for the first time higher for the Senate than for the House of Representatives. Furthermore, the analysis showed that the use of the multiple preferential vote is varying from one constituency to another, from Flemings to Walloons and from one political party to another.
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43

Morin-Chassé, Alexandre. "How to Survey About Electoral Turnout? Additional Evidence." Journal of Experimental Political Science 5, no. 3 (2018): 230–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2018.1.

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Post-election surveys measure voter turnout in a variety of ways. The Canadian Election Study (CES) simply asks respondents whether or not they voted. However, existing research shows that some abstainers report having voted when they in fact did not (Granberg and Holmberg, 1991; Selb and Munzert, 2013). If this misreporting is correlated with other traits, analysis based on the data can be biased. One possible solution to reduce the incentive to overreport is to reframe the turnout question.
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44

Rosales, Rey G., and Dennis T. Lowry. "Online news framing." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 10, no. 1 (June 26, 2000): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.10.1.05ros.

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This study examined how three Manila online newspapers framed the coverage of the 1998 Philippine presidential election. It analyzed election news content (N = 367 stories) in terms of tone of coverage, manner of candidate’s publicity, and the frames used in presenting election news. The results showed positive election news (55%) and favorable (76%) publicity towards the candidates. The dailies used more strategy frames (56%) than issue frames (44%). It was also found that a newspaper can use more in-depth analysis (issue frames) in its coverage and still remain on top of the readership and circulation game. Furthermore, the attribution of the causes and solutions to an issue was not assigned to a candidate but rather to an institution, lending support to Iyengar’s (1991) episodic-thematic framing anal- ysis.
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45

Magalhaes, P. C. "Pre-Election Polls in Portugal: Accuracy, Bias, and Sources of Error, 1991-2004." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 17, no. 4 (February 17, 2005): 399–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edh078.

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46

Kristinsson, Gunnar Helgi. "The Icelandic Parliamentary Election of April 1991: A European Periphery at the Polls." Scandinavian Political Studies 14, no. 4 (December 1991): 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1991.tb00124.x.

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47

Zafarullah, Habib, and Muhammad Yeahia Akhter. "Non‐Political Caretaker Administrations and Democratic Elections in Bangladesh: An Assessment." Government and Opposition 35, no. 3 (July 2000): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00032.

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The transition to democracy in bangladesh after the overthrow of the authoritarian regime in 1990 began with the formation of a non-political caretaker administration (NCA) to prepare the ground for the transfer of power to a popularly mandated government. Its other important purpose was to manage the affairs of the state during the interlude that separated the dissolution of the authoritarian regime (December 1990) and the complete installation of the democratically-elected government (September 1991) to rule the country in its own right.The need for this NCA was imperative in the wake of the dismantling of authoritarian rule. The attempts of the ousted regime to conduct a third election, while still in power, were not acceptable to its political adversaries, given the former's proven tendency to unduly inf luence the electoral process in the past.
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48

SANDERS, DAVID. "GOVERNMENT POPULARITY AND THE NEXT GENERAL ELECTION." Political Quarterly 62, no. 2 (April 1991): 235–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1991.tb00856.x.

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49

Timshina, Ekaterina Leonidovna. "School education reform in the party discourse (based on the materials of the election to the State Duma of the 7th convocation)." Право и политика, no. 6 (June 2021): 140–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2021.6.35709.

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In recent years, the reforms of the educational system have become a pressing public concern. The subject of this research is the proposals of the political parties pertaining to school education. The article considers the election programs of political parties with the federal lists of candidates officially registered for the 2016 State Duma Elections. The author explores reference to the problems of public education in the election campaign, attitude of the parties to such topical aspects as the implementation of the Unified State Exam, social status and salary of the pedagogues, and future trends in the education reforms. With the exception of the “United Russia”, which noted a number of positive trends, the parties criticized the current situation in education. Most criticism was expressed towards drawbacks of the Unified State Exam procedure; therefore, the parties demonstrated different approaches – from its cancellation to modification. Instead of submitting new comprehensive proposals, the political actors suggested focusing on the Soviet system of education or the Russian system of education formed after 1991. The problem of school education will remain relevant in the next election cycle; however, the priority topic of discussion may change to distant education.
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50

Daxecker, Ursula. "Unequal votes, unequal violence: Malapportionment and election violence in India." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (December 17, 2019): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319884985.

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Elections held outside of advanced, industrialized democracies can turn violent because elites use coercion to demobilize political opponents. The literature has established that closely contested elections are associated with more violence. I depart from this emphasis on competitiveness by highlighting how institutional biases in electoral systems, in particular uneven apportionment, affect incentives for violence. Malapportionment refers to a discrepancy between the share of legislative seats and the share of population, violating the ‘one person, one vote’ principle. Drawing on recent work on malapportionment establishing that overrepresented districts are targeted with clientelist strategies, are more homogenous, and are biased in favor of district-level incumbent parties, I argue that overrepresented districts present fewer incentives for using violence. In contrast, elites in well-apportioned or underrepresented districts exert less control over electoral outcomes because such districts have more heterogenous voter preferences, raising incumbent and opposition demands to employ violence. I examine the effects of malapportionment on violence using constituency-level elections data and new, disaggregated, and geocoded event data on the incidence of election violence in India. Results from six parliamentary elections from 1991 to 2009 show that electoral violence is less prevalent in overrepresented constituencies, and that violence increases in equally apportioned and moderately underrepresented districts. The analysis establishes additional observable implications of the argument for district voter homogeneity and incumbent victory, accounts for confounders such as urbanization and state-level partisanship, and validates measures of election violence. The findings illustrate that institutional biases shape incentives for electoral violence.
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