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Journal articles on the topic 'Election, 1997'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2025

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1

Brown, MacAlister. "Election Observers in Cambodia, 1998: What Can We Learn?" Government and Opposition 35, no. 1 (2000): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00013.

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COUNTRIES RIVEN BY INTERNAL CONFLICT HAVE INCREASINGLY SOUGHT to resolve their conf licts and establish stable government by conducting elections, which outside observers can verify as ‘free and fair’. The first highly successful such venture, in Nicaragua 1990, was followed by election operations by the UN in Ethiopia 1992, Angola 1992, El Salvador 1994, Mozambique 1994, South Africa 1994, Haiti 1995, Liberia 1997 and Cambodia 1993 and 1998. The degree of stability and reconciliation achieved by these operations has varied, but the recent election observer effort, in Cambodia (26 July 1998),

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2

Sunarso, Sunarso* Suharno Suharno. "THE DYNAMICS OF LEGISLATIVE ELECTION IN INDONESIA." Global Journal of Engineering Science and Research Management 7, no. 8 (2020): 1–15. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3994499.

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This research aims to describe the dynamics of the legislative elections in Indonesia in 1955, 1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, 1997, 1999, 2004, 2009, 20014, and 2019. This type of research was library research by using a qualitative approach. This study utilized cross-checks as the data validity checking technique. The data analysis techniques in this study used qualitative descriptive analysis. In interpreting data, this study was based on the concepts, theories, and critical analysis. The results of this study are as follows: (1) The 1955 elections were aimed at electing members of the DPR, a

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3

Li, Pang-kwong, and David Newman. "Give and Take: Electoral Politics in Transitional Hong Kong." Asian Perspective 21, no. 1 (1997): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.1997.a921141.

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Abstract: On September 17, 1995 the people of Hong Kong voted for the first fully elected legislature. The electoral system, introduced by the British over the prior eighteen months differed substantially from that used in the 1991 election. Both are likely to differ from that adopted by the Preparatory Committee charged with adopting the rules for electing the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region’s first elected legislature. The changes in the electoral system between 1991 and 1995 do not appear to have changed the overall results of the 1995 election. This paper examines the various elect

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4

Harrop, Martin. "The Pendulum Swings: The British Election of 1997." Government and Opposition 32, no. 3 (1997): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00772.x.

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‘EVERY ELECTION GENERATES ITS OWN MYTHS, MYTHS ABOUT WHAT the politicians were saying, about what the electorate thought they were saying, and about what the electorate meant by its votes.’ Butler's and Kavanagh's comment on the 1979 election applies with even more force to the outcome in 1997. For when an opposition party secures an unexpectedly large victory, there is a seemingly insatiable demand for explanations which stress the positive appeal of the winners — and a corresponding tendency to understate the significance of disenchantment with the outgoing administration. Such myths become

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5

Lockerbie, Brad. "Election Forecasting: The Future of the Presidency and the House." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (2008): 713–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096508081225.

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This article is about a simple two-variable equation forecasting presidential election outcomes and a three-variable equation forecasting seat change in House elections. Over the past two decades a cottage industry of political forecasting has developed (Lewis-Beck and Rice 1992; Campbell and Garand 2000). At the 1994 meeting of the Southern Political Science Association, several participants offered their forecasts of the upcoming midterm House elections. Unfortunately, not one of the forecasters was within 20 seats of the actual outcome. If, however, these forecasts had been pooled, as Gaddi

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6

Çarkoğlu, Ali, and Emre Erdoğan. "Fairness in the Apportionment of Seats in the Turkish Legislature: Is There Room For Improvement?" New Perspectives on Turkey 19 (1998): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003046.

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As new elections approach, Turkish political agenda is once again dominated by discussions of election systems and impending changes in the existing one. These discussions are not without consequence. Since the first competitive and fair elections of 1950, twelve general elections have been held and a total of 37 legislative arrangements concerning elections have been implemented. Three of those were passed by the parliament just before the December 1995 elections (Tuncer, 1997, 5). The new early election, expected to be held in April 1999, seems to be no exception to this general pattern. Bes

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7

Pattie, C. J., and R. J. Johnston. "Civic Literacy and Falling Electoral Turnout: The United Kingdom 1992-1997." Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 3 (2003): 579–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778779.

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Aggregate cross-national analyses of political participation have reported correlations between civic literacy, political knowledge and election turnout. Enhancing civic literacy among Canadian voters, in part by encouraging greater newspaper readership in the general population, has been put forward as a strategy for combating falling turnout in national general elections. The idea is evaluated comparatively at the level of individual voters, using data from the British Election Study. Newspaper readership is related to political knowledge, but increased newspaper reading does not translate i

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8

Mulli, Lucy. "Understanding election clashes in Kenya, 1992 and 1997." African Security Review 8, no. 4 (1999): 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.1999.9627907.

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9

Lamphere, Louise. "1997 AAA Election Results." Anthropology News 38, no. 6 (1997): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.1997.38.6.1.1.

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10

Centellas, Miguel. "Mixed-Member Election and Candidate Selection in Bolivia's 1993 and 1997 Elections." Latin Americanist 59, no. 1 (2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tla.12044.

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11

Centellas, Miguel. "Mixed-Member Election and Candidate Selection in Bolivia’s 1993 and 1997 Elections." Latin Americanist 59, no. 1 (2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tla.2015.a705890.

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12

Rizkinta, Bryna, Ahmad Fauzan Baihaqi, and Fauzan Syahru Ramadhan. "Krisis Politik dan Pandangan Ekonomi Menjelang Pemilu 1997." Fajar Historia: Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 9, no. 1 (2025): 74–87. https://doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v9i1.28078.

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This writing aims to explain how to understand the political crisis in the 1997 election and the economic and business views ahead of the elections. This research uses a historical method involving topic selection, collection of historical sources or heuristics, verification of historical sources, interpretation, and historiography. This research shows that 1997 created a political crisis in various regions in Indonesia, such as Yogyakarta, Banjarmasin, and Madura, as well as economic concerns among various elements. This was manifested with violence and people resistance that resulted in loss

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13

Duchesne, Erick, Munroe Eagles, and Stephen Erfle. "Constituency Homogeneity, Economic Risk and Support for Quebec Sovereignty: A Research Note." Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 3 (2003): 643–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778809.

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This article presents a test of the argument that vulnerability to economic dislocation, primarily as it is represented by economic homogeneity in communities, exercises a constraint on levels of support for Quebec nationalism. The guiding hypothesis is that residents of economically vulnerable ridings will be reluctant to accept the risks attached with political moves toward independence. The authors employ data on the level of support for the Bloc Québécois in the federal elections of 1993 and 1997, and the proportion voting "Yes" in the 1995 sovereignty referendum in Quebec, in the province

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14

Andersen, Robert. "Do Newspapers Enlighten Preferences? Personal Ideology, Party Choice and the Electoral Cycle: The United Kingdom, 1992-1997." Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 3 (2003): 601–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778780.

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The Gelman-King theory of enlightened preferences holds that the mass media play an important role in enlightening vote choices during election campaigns in the United States. This article adapts this theory to the electoral cycle in Britain. It also expands the theory to consider the media's role in facilitating consistent attitudes. Using data from the 1992-1997 British Election Panel Study, the author finds that attitudinal consistency and enlightened party preferences were highest immediately following elections. Moreover, there were significant differences according to the type of newspap

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15

Carter, Neil. "The 1997 British general election." Environmental Politics 6, no. 3 (1997): 156–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644019708414346.

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16

Doyle, John. "The Irish presidential election 1997." Irish Political Studies 13, no. 1 (1998): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189808406589.

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17

Edge, Marc. "How the Camel Got in the Tent: The Canadian Assault on Australia's Foreign Media Ownership Limits." Media International Australia 132, no. 1 (2009): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0913200106.

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Before 1991, Australia enforced strict limits on foreign ownership of licensed broadcasters and also limited foreign ownership of newspaper publishers. In the early 1990s, however, a pair of Canadian entrepreneurs succeeded in first raising and then circumventing those limits. Conrad Black bought 15 per cent of the Fairfax newspaper chain in 1992, and shortly before the ensuing national election lobbied to increase his stake to 25 per cent. In his 1993 autobiography, Black described backroom political dealings that resulted in a Senate inquiry. The Australian Broadcasting Authority soon began

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18

Clements, Ben. "What Contributes to Change and Stability in Individual-level Attitudes towards Britain’s Membership of the EU? An Analysis of the British Election Panel Studies, 1987-1992 and 1992-1997." Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, no. 1 (2010): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i1.196.

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The sources of support for the European Union amongst individuals have been studied exhaustively in recent years, but those factors which contribute to stable and unstable opinions have received less scholarly attention. This article uses the best available panel data to assess which factors contributed to both stable and unstable opinion on the European issue in Britain during a period when the major parties were in the process of revising their positions and we might also expect individuals to change their views. Analysis of the British Election Study Panel Studies shows that there is appare

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19

Armitage, Mark H. "Artifacts from Rapid Microwave Processing of Trematode Tissues (Ascocotyle pachycystisandleighi)." Microscopy Today 12, no. 5 (2004): 32–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1551929500056285.

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The use of microwave energy to assist in the processing of biological tissues for microscopy has generated significant interest in recent years. Microwave (MW) processing has been used to prepare tissues for light microscopy (Carranzaet al.1990 [using parasite tissues]; van Dorpet al.1995; Daviset al.1997; Izumiet al2000; and Rohret al.2001), as well as for electron microscopy (Kasaet al.1982; Hopwoodet al.1984; Leonget al.1985; Kanget al,1991 [using parasite tissues]; Heumann 1992; Wagenaaret al.1993; Login and Dvorak 1993; Giberson and Demaree 1995; Madden and Miriam 1997; Gibersonet al.1997

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20

Keating, Michael. "The Canadian Federal Election of 1997." Scottish Affairs 21 (First Serie, no. 1 (1997): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.1997.0051.

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21

Eklof, Stefan. "The 1997 General Election in Indonesia." Asian Survey 37, no. 12 (1997): 1181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645765.

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22

Harrop, Martin. "Rerunning the British Election of 1997." Government and Opposition 33, no. 2 (1998): 243–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00792.x.

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23

Brown, P. J., D. Firth, and C. D. Payne. "Forecasting on British election night 1997." Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series A (Statistics in Society) 162, no. 2 (1999): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-985x.00131.

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24

Eklof, Stefan. "The 1997 General Election in Indonesia." Asian Survey 37, no. 12 (1997): 1181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1997.37.12.01p0305i.

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25

Wood, S. "The British General Election of 1997." Electoral Studies 18, no. 1 (1999): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(99)90004-5.

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26

Jones, Barry. "The 1997 general election in Wales." Regional & Federal Studies 7, no. 3 (1997): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597569708421023.

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27

Lynch, Peter. "The 1997 general election in Scotland." Regional & Federal Studies 7, no. 3 (1997): 176–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597569708421024.

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28

Wilder, Paul. "British parliamentary election results 1983–1997." Representation 36, no. 2 (1999): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899908523079.

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29

Al Asari, Ahmad Hibatullah, and Ari Sapto. "Dampak reformasi terhadap elektabilitas Partai Golkar pada pemilu 1999 di Kabupaten Malang." Historiography 3, no. 1 (2023): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um081v3i12023p97-113.

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The Golkar Party had considerable influence in Indonesia during the New Order era, not least in Malang Regency. This high enough electability was enough to make Golkar's power firmly entrenched, at least until the 1997 elections. This study focuses on the discussion on the electability of the Golkar party in Malang Regency in the 1999 election and its comparison with the 1997 election which is quite contradictory, as well as its relationship to reform events in 1998. Research It uses a historical method that involves in-depth reading of sources from archives, articles, books, interviews, photo

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30

Lopata, Maryan. "Particular issues of winning parties' election programs in parliamentary elections (1993 and 1997): comparative analysis." Humanitarian vision 5, no. 2 (2019): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2019.02.014.

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31

Huckfeldt, Robert, John Sprague, and Jeffrey Levine. "The Dynamics of Collective Deliberation in the 1996 Election: Campaign Effects on Accessibility, Certainty, and Accuracy." American Political Science Review 94, no. 3 (2000): 641–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585836.

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We examine the effectiveness of political communication and deliberation among citizens during a presidential election campaign. In order for communication to be effective, messages conveyed through social interaction must be unambiguous, and the recipient must readily, confidently, and accurately perceive the intent of the sender. We address a number of factors that may influence communication effectiveness: the accessibility and extremity of political preferences, the distribution of preferences in the surrounding environment, disagreement between the senders and receivers of political messa

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32

ALDERMAN, K. "The Conservative Party Leadership Election of 1997." Parliamentary Affairs 51, no. 1 (1998): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a028771.

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33

O'Muircheartaigh, Colm, and Peter Lynn. "Editorial: The 1997 UK Pre-election Polls." Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series A (Statistics in Society) 160, no. 3 (1997): 381–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-985x.1997.00071.x.

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34

Whitaker, Reg. "Backing and Filling: The 1997 Canadian Election." Labour / Le Travail 40 (1997): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144218.

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35

O'Muircheartaigh, Colm, and Peter Lynn. "Editorial: The 1997 UK Pre-election Polls." Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series A (Statistics in Society) 160, no. 3 (1997): 381–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-985x.00071.

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36

Cowley, Philip, David Denver, Justin Fisher, and Charles Pattie. "Introduction: The British general election of 1997." British Elections & Parties Review 8, no. 1 (1998): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689889808413002.

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37

Blais, André, Richard Nadeau, Elisabeth Gidengil, Neil Nevitte, and Andre Blais. "Campaign Dynamics in the 1997 Canadian Election." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 25, no. 2 (1999): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551888.

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38

Sanders, David. "Pre-election polling in Britain, 1950–1997." Electoral Studies 22, no. 1 (2003): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(01)00027-0.

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39

Kang, Won-Taek, and Hoon Jaung. "The 1997 presidential election in South Korea." Electoral Studies 18, no. 4 (1999): 599–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(99)00016-5.

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40

Rosenbaum, Martin. "Betting and the 1997 British General Election." Politics 19, no. 1 (1999): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00080.

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41

Wilford, Rick. "The 1997 Westminster election in northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 13, no. 1 (1998): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189808406590.

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42

Madeley, John. "The politics of embarrassment: Norway's 1997 election." West European Politics 21, no. 2 (1998): 187–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389808425251.

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43

Razaullah Ansari, S. M. "Commission 41: History of Astronomy/Histoire de l’Astronomie." Transactions of the International Astronomical Union 23, no. 1 (1997): 603–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0251107x00027930.

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The membership of the Commission stands, with the election of 18 IAU members and 12 historians at the XXII GA (1994), at 155 presently (Sept. 1996). Note the increase in membership, which is 24% and which hopefully may go to 30-35% by XXIII GA (1997). The Commission has put a message on WWW for all IAU members/presidents of various commissions to join the Commission 41 in a big way, so that it can extend its scope of activities further. Besides holding a Joint Discussion of its own (No. 17), Commission 41 is co-supporting JDs 8, 20 and 23.

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44

Rosenne, Shabtai. "International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea: 1996-97 Survey." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 13, no. 4 (1998): 487–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180898x00328.

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AbstractThis article surveys the work of the Meeting of States Parties, of the United Nations General Assembly, and of ITLOS, from the third Meeting of States Parties held in November 1995 through 1996 and 1997. The Meeting of States Parties dealing with the Tribunal's financial and administrative matters is noted. The results of the election of members of ITLOS held in August 1996 and the geographical representation in the Tribunal are explained. An account of different actions taken by the United Nations General Assembly relating to ITLOS during the period under review follows. The Tribunal'

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45

Sánchez Ruiz, Raquel. "Analyzing and comparing de Blasio’s and Quinn’s speech in their democratic election programs for 2013 New York Mayoral Elections." Revista Española de Lingüística Aplicada/Spanish Journal of Applied Linguistics 32, no. 1 (2019): 304–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/resla.16009.san.

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Abstract This paper aims to compare de Blasio’s and Quinn’s programs for 2013 New York Mayoral Elections to reveal their rhetoric and figurative language as a means of persuasion in political campaigns. This along with their backgrounds, appearance and previous supports will disclose some key points contributing to de Blasio’s victory. As this study focuses on linguistics, I rely on Political Discourse Analysis (Wilson, 2001), Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough and Wodak, 1997; Wodak and Meyer, 2009), van Dijk’s Sociocognitive Approach (2008) and polarization (1999) – Chilton’s legitimati

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46

Daxecker, Ursula E. "The cost of exposing cheating." Journal of Peace Research 49, no. 4 (2012): 503–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312445649.

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This article investigates the relationship between international election observation, election fraud, and post-election violence. While international electoral missions could in principle mitigate the potential for violence by deterring election fraud, the ability of international observers to detect manipulation may in fact induce violent uprisings. Serious irregularities documented by international observers provide credible information on election quality, which draws attention to election outcomes and alleviates coordination problems faced by opposition parties and society. When elections

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47

Tella, Akin. "Humour generation and multimodal framing of political actor in the 2015 Nigerian presidential election campaign memes." European Journal of Humour Research 6, no. 4 (2018): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2018.6.4.tella.

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Internet memes significantly constitute an outlet for extensive popular political participation in election contexts. They instantiate humour and represent political candidates so as to affect voters’ behaviour. Few studies on memes in political context exist (Shifman et al. 2007; Chen 2013; Tay 2014; Adegoju & Oyebode 2015; Huttington 2016; Dzanic & Berberovic 2017). These studies have not intensively examined the integrative deployment of visual and verbal resources afforded by internet memes to generate humour and to construct specific frames for election candidates in the campaign

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48

Andersen, Robert, and John Fox. "Pre-election polls and the dynamics of the 1997 Canadian federal election." Electoral Studies 20, no. 1 (2001): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(00)00003-2.

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49

Kwon, Hyeok Yong. "Government Partisanship and Electoral Accountability: The Effect of Perceived Employment Situation on Partisan Vote Switching." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 3 (2018): 727–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918804897.

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What are the electoral impacts of perceptions of unemployment under different partisan persuasions of the government? Neither the literature on retrospective economic voting nor partisan voting has provided a compelling answer to this question. This paper addresses this puzzle by analyzing panel surveys and leveraging differences in government partisanship in two consecutive elections. I argue that negative evaluations of the employment situation induce voter transition to support a left-wing party under a right-wing government, but that such voter perceptions do not affect vote choice under a

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50

Lowenthal, Diane. "The Paradox of Multiple Elections and Divided Government." American Review of Politics 26 (January 1, 2006): 369–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005-2006.26.0.369-383.

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In this paper, I identify a relationship between the paradox of multiple elections (PME) (Brams, Kilgour, and Zwicker 1997, 1998) and divided government. PME occurs when voters who face several elections may not know the results of one election before they vote in another. Often the winning combination (the set of winners of each individual election) is not a combination that most voters prefer. ANES data shows that when elections result in divided government PME emerges; when elections result in one party rule, PME is not present. While the 2000 elections break a pattern found in the 12 previ

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