Relevant bibliographies by topics / Election, 2011

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Election, 2011'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Election, 2011"

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Bader, Max. "Crowdsourcing election monitoring in the 2011–2012 Russian elections." East European Politics 29, no. 4 (December 2013): 521–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2013.818979.

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Wojtasik, Waldemar. "Congruent Representation: Election Cycle in Poland 2009-2011." Polish Political Science Review 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0009.

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Abstract The article presents the results of research on the congruence of the political representation formed in elections held in the years 2009-2011 in Poland. The election cycle included the European Parliamentary elections in 2009, the Polish presidential election, elections to local government in 2010, and the parliamentary elections in 2011. The median citizen, median voter, and their positions on the left-right scale were used as tools for examining congruence. Studies have proven that in Poland, the median citizen and the median voter are positioned on the right side of the left-right scale. The legislature and executive authorities chosen in the elections are located left of the median citizen and the median voter. Studies have not demonstrated the existence of any impact of the electoral system on the positioning of the median citizen and the median voter.
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Monogan, James E. "The 2011 Debt-Ceiling Controversy and the 2012 US House Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 48, no. 03 (June 19, 2015): 420–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096515000177.

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ABSTRACTThis article considers how a key legislative vote—that is, the August 2011 vote to raise the federal debt ceiling—influenced the 2012 elections for the US House of Representatives. Two outcomes are analyzed: (1) the incumbents’ ability to retain their seats through the 2012 general election, and (2) their share of the two-party vote for members who faced a general-election competitor. In developing this study, the research design was registered and released publicly before the votes were counted in 2012. Therefore, this article also illustrates how study preregistration can work in practice for political science. The findings show that seat retention did not vary with the treatment; however, incumbents who voted against raising the debt ceiling earned an additional 2.4 percentage points of the two-party vote.
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Mckay, Joanna. "The Berlin Land Election 2011." German Politics 21, no. 2 (June 2012): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2012.677034.

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Kondro, W. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: pharmacare." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 8 (April 26, 2011): E455—E456. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3870.

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Kondro, W. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: research." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 8 (April 26, 2011): E463—E464. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3877.

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Vogel, L. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: transparency." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 9 (May 2, 2011): E513—E514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3879.

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&NA;. "Neurology Section 2011 Election Results." Journal of Neurologic Physical Therapy 35, no. 3 (September 2011): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/npt.0b013e31822a31fd.

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Chen, Ming-Tong. "Taiwan in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.72.

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Abstract Developments in Taiwan's politics, economy, society, and external relations in 2011 were closely tied to the presidential election contest. In the months leading up to the election, incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou held a slight lead in the polls over DPP Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen. James Soong's late entry into the race had little impact on the outcome, and Ma Ying-jeou was reelected.
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Hansen, Hans V., and Douglas N. Walton. "Argument kinds and argument roles in the Ontario provincial election, 2011." Journal of Argumentation in Context 2, no. 2 (August 5, 2013): 226–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.2.2.03han.

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This paper is a report of a pilot study of how candidates argue when they are running for political office. The election studied was the provincial election in Ontario, Canada, in the fall of 2011. Having collected about 250 arguments given during the election from newspaper media, we sought answers to the following questions, among others: (i) which argumentation schemes have the greatest currency in political elections? (ii) Is a list of the best known argumentation schemes sufficient to classify the arguments given in elections? (iii) What schemes should be added to the familiar list to make it more adequate for studying elections? (iv) Is it useful to classify arguments as being used for positive, policy-critical, person-critical and defensive purposes? (v) Can political parties be usefully characterized by noting their preferred kinds of arguments and their most frequent uses of arguments? (vi) What lessons can be learned from this study to better design future studies of the same kind?
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Election, 2011"

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Da, Silva Hebenbrock Josuel Mariano. "Elecciones presidenciales: Brasil (2010) y Argentina (2011). Un análisi comparativo de la agenda política de las campañas electorales en los telediarios: Jornal Nacional (Brasil) y Telefe Noticias." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/352707.

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La cultura política y comunicacional en los países estudiados, tiene semejanzas y diferencias. Esta investigación compara las agendas políticas de los dos grandes partidos que disputaron las elecciones presidenciales de 2010 y 2011 con las agendas periodísticas de los dos grandes noticieros televisivos Jornal Nacional (Brasil) y Telefe Noticias a las 20h (Argentina). También se analizan los cuatros grandes periódicos de estos países, Clarín y La Nación y O Globo y Folha de São Paulo. La investigación muestra cómo periodistas y editores influyen en los electores y determinan condiciones favorables y desfavorables a candidatos o partidos políticos. A través de metodología desarrollada por institutos de Media y Política en Brasil, la investigación reunió elementos cuantitativos y cualitativos para identificar la construcción periodística de los noticieros dentro del escenario político de las elecciones. El análisis de la agenda de los periódicos refuerza la tendencia a una clara parcialidad por determinados candidatos.
The political and communications cultures in the countries studied, have similarities and differences. This research compares the political agendas of the two major parties that contested the presidential elections of 2010 and 2011 with the journalistic agendas of the two major TV newscasts, Jornal Nacional (Brazil) and Telefe Noticias a las 20h (Argentina). The four major newspapers in these countries, Clarín and La Nación and O Globo and Folha de São Paulo are also analyzed. The research shows how journalists and editors influence voters and determine favorable and unfavorable conditions for candidates or political parties. Using methodology developed by institutes of Media and Politics in Brazil, the research gathered quantitative and qualitative elements to identify the journalistic construction of the news in the political scenario of the elections. Analysis of these newspapers’ agendas shows their tendency to be clearly biased in favor of certain candidates.
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Sedziaka, Alesia A. "The Causes and Consequences of Perceptions of Election Unfairness." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/332767.

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The role of unfair elections in breakdown or maintenance of electoral authoritarian regimes has been subject to debate in recent research. On the one hand, the conduct of elections may serve to enhance popular legitimacy and deter challenges to the regime. On the other hand, electoral manipulation may contribute to grievances that fuel mass protest. However, empirical research on the consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support has been limited by the availability of appropriate survey data and has mostly focused on summary or process-based assessments of electoral unfairness. The premise of this study is that electoral manipulation is difficult to assess due to its inherent complexity and ambiguity. As a result, citizens are likely to use cognitive shortcuts to interpret electoral manipulation. Applying psychological theories of justice and motivated political reasoning in this context, this project aims to investigate how both process- and outcome-based assessments of election unfairness influence summary judgments of election quality, regime support, and support for electoral protest. It further seeks to determine how voters' political preferences bias, or condition, the impact of election unfairness evaluations. These propositions are tested using novel data from the XIX New Russia Barometer survey, conducted shortly after the controversial 2011 Russian State Duma election that triggered mass electoral protests. This study finds that perceived election outcome unfairness affects reactions to elections alongside assessments of the electoral process; it also shows evidence of partisan reasoning in evaluations of election unfairness. Ultimately, this project points to some factors that may explain the diverging consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support.
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Amzat, Ajibola Taofeek. "Voting and meaning in Hooggenoeg, Grahamstown : an audience's reception of Grocott's Mail's 2011 municipal election coverage." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011729.

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This thesis examines the meanings that residents of the township of Hooggenoeg (in Grahamstown, in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa) made of the election coverage in the Grocott’s Mail newspaper during 2011 municipal elections in South Africa. In addition, this study also sought to understand the particular set of ‘normative roles’ played by the paper, both with reference to the well-established body of theory about the normative roles of journalism in a democracy, and in terms of the paper’s own conceptualisation of its role in the functioning of local democracy. Grocott’s Mail, the oldest independent newspaper in South Africa, provided extensive pre-election coverage, which included producing and distributing an unprecedented free edition of the paper. The paper also facilitated a town hall debate in order to encourage residents to vote, and empower them to make a more informed choice about their vote. Three qualitative research methods, namely qualitative content analysis, focus group interviews, and individual interviews were used to examine the relationship between the content provided by the paper and the audience’s process of ‘making sense’ and deriving meaning from the content provided. The study concludes that Grocott’s attempt to encourage democratic culture in Grahamstown, in keeping with the more ‘facilitative’ normative roles that the local media can play, was only partially successful. Much of the election reporting subordinated the voices of the ordinary people, and privileged reporting that focussed narrowly on the voting process, and which foregrounded the views of political parties. Overall this coverage largely failed to resonate with the Grocott’s readers who live in Hooggenoeg (a largely ‘coloured’ area of Grahamstown), whose key concerns in terms of their daily life – such as poverty, unemployment, crime, lack of services – seemed, to them, unaddressed by this election coverage and, consequently, was not as engaging or convincing as the publishers/editors had hoped it would be. It can be also argued that Grocott’s narrow conceptualisation of democracy as entailing only public participation in electoral processes failed to cater for how audiences can be made aware of how they can participate in governance beyond the election period.
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Ujkani, Venera. "The Swedish Democrats Ideological Foundation and Affiliation : An Idea- and Ideology Analysis of the Swedish Democrats Principle Program 2011 and Election Manifesto 2014." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-59946.

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Since the Swedish Democrats established in 1988, debates and discussions have occurred regarding the party's ideological foundation and affiliation. This study is based primarily on a qualitative textual analysis, an idea- and ideology analysis and ideal types. The study's purpose is to discover which of the following political ideas and ideologies; fascism, populism, conservatism and socialism are most prominent in the Swedish Democrats election manifesto (2014) respectively principle program (2011). At my disposal, the study consists of two research questions; To what extent are there general features of socialism, populism, fascism and conservatism in the Swedish Democrats principle program respectively election manifesto? Which ideology is more prominent in the principle program respectively election manifesto? The theoretical section summarises the different ideologies central themes/discussions and view of democratic governance, the nation, the economic system respectively international governance. When conducting the analysis, the focus is on the Swedish Democrats central themes/discussions and view of democratic governance, the nation, the economic system respectively international governance and how the party's views relate to the political ideologies and ideas. The conducted analysis reveals features of all four ideologies, especially conservatism and populism.
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Phillips, Stephen. "A cup of tea a study of the Tea Party Caucus in the United States House of Representatives." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/602.

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Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Krivovyaz, Elena. "Political news and propaganda in Russian broadcasting media : The case study of Parliamentary election in Russia in December, 2011 and its media representation." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-78323.

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The Parliamentary election in Russia held in December, 2011 caused vote fraud scandal and resulted in a wide-scale protest movement which spread all over the country. The Western media repeatedly compared political situation in Russia to ‘Arab spring’. Russian media, in their turn, got divided in two opposite camps regarding their reporting on the issue. This study examines news coverage of the political conflict in two Russian media outlets and interprets the findings within the framework of propaganda. The analysis incorporates two main levels: institutional and textual. In-depth interviews with the journalists were conducted in order to establish what internal and external factors, such as censorship or state control, shaped news reporting and promoted ideological bias. The comparative analysis of news coverage involved two media outlets Russia Today and Radio Liberty, which adhere to different ideological perspectives. The results show that both media represented contrasting versions of the situation and used information selectively in order to pursue certain goals. Nevertheless, the analysis allows to conclude that Russia Today explicitly supported the views of the Russian authorities and oppressed undesirable facts and opinions. Its news policy also evokes an idea of cold war, as it repeatedly appeals to the image of external enemy – the USA. Radio Liberty, in contrast, provided various opportunities to the discontent part of the Russian society to speak out, which can be considered as an attempt to represent the other side of the story, as it was excluded from the news agenda of the state owned media. However, news policy of Radio Liberty also implied certain propagandistic objectives. The study confirms the assumption that propaganda arguably exists within any political doctrine, but can take explicit and implicit forms which are difficult to detect without thorough scrutiny of overall news reportage of certain media. Further research should look at the role of social media in a series of political scandals and protest movement awakening in Russia, as many media experts link the political situation with emergence of new means of communication. It could also compare news representation of the current political conflict in several Russian domestic independent media to detect distinctions and similarities and try to evaluate what kind of an ideology they communicated to the audience.
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Lazo, Rodríguez Sebastián. "Electoral behavior in Peru: An analysis of the role of socio-demographic and socioeconomic variables during the first election round in the presidential elections of 2006 and 2011." Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/53706.

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El comportamiento electoral es un tema de estudio bastante complejo dentro de las ciencias sociales y específicamente dentro de la ciencia política, pues llega a tomar en consideración no solo elementos políticos sino también sociológicos y psicológicos. La mezcla e interacción de factores que tienen lugar dentro del proceso de decisión electoral es lo que complejiza su estudio. Este artículo tiene por intención dar acercamientos a la comprensión del compor- tamiento electoral en el Perú a partir del análisis de las elecciones presidenciales en primera vuelta de 2006 y 2011. Buscamos la propuesta de un modelo que considere los elementos más importantes dentro del estudio del comportamiento electoral, a partir de lo que se ha estudiado y analizado sobre dicho tema desde las ciencias sociales. La identificación de los elementos clave a tener en cuenta nos permitirá un análisis más detallado y desagregado del comportamiento electoral. El artículo busca estudiar el efecto de un primer elemento del modelo propuesto: la influencia de las variables sociodemográficas y socioeconómicas en el comportamiento electoral de los votantes.
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Roca, Trenchs Núria Candela. "L’ús de les pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube dels candidats en tres països: Espanya (2011), Estats Units (2012) i Noruega (2013) a partir de l’anàlisi comparativa de les campanyes electorals. Cap a un nou paradigma?" Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664354.

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L'ús d'Internet i les tecnologies de la informació i comunicació ha propiciat importants transformacions en tots els àmbits de la societat (Castells (2006) i també en l'àmbit de la comunicació política, i per tant també, en les campanyes electorals. Durant els últims anys la qualitat democràtica dels països occidentals ha estat qüestionada pel descens generalitzat de l'interès de la ciutadania pels afers polítics, com a conseqüència de la pèrdua de la seva confiança amb els actors polítics. Internet però, pot contribuir a millorar les relacions entre els actors polítics i els electors. Per tant, la investigació es planteja com i quant utilitzen les pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube, durant les campanyes electorals els principals candidats a la presidència de tres països models dels tres grans models de sistemes polítics que proposen Hallin i Mancini (2004): Mariano Rajoy (PP) i Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba (PSOE) d'Espanya (2011) com a exemple del model Pluralista Polaritzat; Barack Obama (Partit Demòcrata) i Mitt Romney (Partit Republicà) als Estats Units (2012), com a exemple del gran model Liberal; i Jens Stoltenberg (Partit Laborista) i Erna Solberg (Partit Conservador) a Noruega (2013), com a exemple del model Democràtic Corporatiu. La investigació es pregunta, també, si existeix alguna correlació entre l'ús d'Internet (pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube) que fan els candidats i el model de sistema polític en el qual operen; així com també si hi ha un tendència a imitar el model dels Estats Units durant les campanyes electorals a Internet. La recerca es fonamenta teòricament en les aportacions dels grans autors de la política comparada i dels sistemes polítics, de partits, electorals i de la cultura política (Almond i Verba, 1963; Dahl, 1989; Duverger, 1957; Hallin i Mancini, 2004; Kirchheimer, 1966; Lijphart; 1994; Lipset i Rokkan, 1967 i Sartori, 1980). Pel que fa a la metodologia, aquesta es fixa en els estudis metodològics de Kluver et al., 2007; Lilleker, Koc et al, 2009; Schneider i Foot, 2002 i Vergeer, Hermans i Cunha, 2013, que proposen diferents categories a partir de les quals es pot analitzar l’ús de les pàgines web i que en aquest cas adaptem a la resta de xarxes socials: Facebook, Twitter i YouTube. Així, el sistema de codificació es planteja des de la proposta de Vergeer i Cunha (2009) elaborant una bateria de preguntes que es poden respondre amb un sí o un no: per cada pregunta que es pot respondre amb un sí, se li atribueix un 1, mentre que cada pregunta que es pot respondre amb un no, se li atribueix un 0. Les preguntes que es plantegen es divideixen en les tres categories que proposen Lilleker i Vedel (2013): informació, debat o discussió (deliberació) i mobilització i coordinació per a la participació ciutadana), de manera que es considera que cada nivell supera l'anterior i que engrandeix la manera com els candidats es poden relacionar amb els electors, construint unes relacions més properes i millorant la qualitat democràtica de cada país. La investigació conclou que els candidats dels Estats Units van ser els qui millor ús qualitatiu i quantitatiu van fer d'Internet (pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube); que les campanyes electorals dels països més democratitzats s'assemblen cada cop més tot i que els candidats estan subjectes al sistema polític del país en el qual operen per utilitzar Internet; i que les campanyes electorals dels Estats Units no s'estan americanitzant, encara que hi posem matisos.
The use of the Internet and information and communication technologies has led to important changes in society (Castells, 2006) and also in the field of political communication, and therefore also in the election campaigns. Meanwhile, in recent years the quality of democracy in Western countries has been questioned by the general decline in interest of citizens for political affairs, as a result of the loss of trust with political actors. Internet can help to improve the relations between political actors and voters. The research is based on the qualitative and quantitative use of Internet (web pages, Facebook, Twitter and YouTube), during the election campaign of the main candidates for the presidency in three countries example of the three models of political systems that propose Hallin & Mancini (2004): Mariano Rajoy (PP) and Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba (PSOE) in Spain (2011) as example of the Polarized Pluralist model; Barack Obama (Democrat Party) and Mitt Romney (Republican Party) in the Unitade States (2012), as example of Liberal model; and Jens Stoltenberg (Laborist Party) and Erna Solberg (Conservative Party) to Norway (2013), as example of the Corporative Democratic model. Therefore it is considered if there is a correlation between the use of the Internet and the model of political system to which they are subject; and finally, if there is a tendency to imitate the model of the United States during the election campaigns in Internet. The research is theoretically based on the contributions of the great authors of comparative politics and political systems, party systems, electoral systems, and political culture (Almond and Verba, 1963; Dahl, 1989; Duverger, 1957; Hallin and Mancini, 2004; Kirchheimer, 1966; Lijphart; 1994; Lipset and Rokkan, Sartori 1967 and 1980). Regarding the methodology, it looks at the methodological studies of Kluver et al., 2007; Lilleker, Koc et al, 2009; Schneider and Foot, 2002 Vergeer, Hermans and Cunha, 2013. They propose different categories from which the web sites can be analyzed, and this research adapt it to other social networks: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. Thus, the coding system arises from the proposal of Vergeer and Cunha (2009). The researchers build a battery of questions that can be answered with a yes or no: every question answered with a yes, is marked with a 1, and for every question ansewred with a no, is marked with a 0. The questions are divided into three categories proposed by Lilleker and Vedel (2013): information, discussion or debate (deliberation) and mobilization and coordination for citizen participation), so it is considered that each level provides a more authentic relation between the candidates and voters, building closer relations and improving the quality of democracy. The research concludes that US candidates were the ones that better qualitative and quantitative use made of Internet (web pages, Facebook, Twitter and YouTube); election campaigns of most democratic countries seem increasingly to resemble each other, but we also believe that the political system of each country still influence the quality of election campaigns; and we also conclude that election campaigns are not being americanized, although we put some nuances.
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Šuminas, Andrius. "Expression of the Objectives of Interactive Electoral Communication: The Study of 2011 Municipal Council Elections." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20111227_091344-89761.

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The process of interactive electoral communication initiated by politicians in social media is the object of the dissertation. The aim of the paper is to develop a comprehensive research approach to politicians’ electoral communication in social media and to use the approach in describing the specificity of electoral communication taking place in social media, determining the features of expression of the candidates’ electoral objectives, and making an analysis of the communication that took place in an interactive environment during the elections to municipal councils in 2011. In the first part of the thesis, the notion of interactive electoral communication in social media is defined, development of electoral communication in a virtual environment is discussed, and an in-depth analysis of the features of interactive electoral communication in social media is presented. In the second part of the thesis, a process model of interactive electoral communication in social media is formulated and objectives of electoral communication in an interactive environment are identified and analysed, including a detailed examination of their practical application. The third part of the thesis is an empirical study into interactive electoral communication, where the electoral campaign that took place in an interactive environment during the 2011 elections to municipal councils is comprehensively analysed using the process model of the electoral communication objectives.
Disertacijos darbo objektas yra interaktyvios politikų rinkiminės komunikacijos vyksmas socialinių medijų priemonėse. Darbo tikslas – sukonstruoti kompleksišką politikų rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose tyrimo prieigą, kurią taikant atskleisti socialinių medijų priemonėse vykstančios rinkiminės komunikacijos specifiką ir nustatyti kandidatų naudojamų rinkiminių siekinių raiškos ypatybes, taip pat išanalizuoti 2011 metų savivaldybių tarybų rinkimų metu interaktyvioje erdvėje vykusią komunikaciją. Pirmojoje disertacijos dalyje apibrėžiama interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose samprata, nagrinėjama rinkiminės komunikacijos virtualioje erdvėje raida, detaliai analizuojamos interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose ypatybės. Antrojoje disertacijos dalyje konstruojamas procesinis interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose vyksmo modelis, išskiriami ir analizuojami rinkiminės komunikacijos siekiniai interaktyvioje erdvėje, detaliai nagrinėjamos praktinės jų įgyvendinimo formos. Trečiojoje disertacijos dalyje atliekamas empirinis interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos tyrimas, kuriame, taikant procesinį rinkiminės komunikacijos siekinių modelį, kompleksiškai išanalizuojama interaktyvioje erdvėje vykusi 2011 metų savivaldybių tarybų rinkimų kampanija.
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Greičiūtė, Gintarė. "Politikų komunikacijos stilius rinkimų kampanijos metu: D. Cameron ir G. Brown atvejų palyginamoji analizė." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110606_113907-31765.

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Rinkiminė kampanija yra ypatingai reikšminga politinio proceso dalis, nes tuomet bet kokia kaina stengiamasi parduoti savo “produktą”. Politikos veikėjai, siekdami įgyti rėmėjų, privalo patraukti visuomenę, o tam pasiekti gali būti naudojami skirtingi politikų komunikacijos stiliai. Politikui svarbu pasirinkti tokį komunikacijos stilių, kuris padėtų pasiekti kuo didesnę dalį tikslinės auditorijos ir ją pritraukti. Politiko rinkimų kampanijos stilių ir padeda nustatyti žiniasklaida, kuri įvardina ir įvertina kandidato stilių: įvairias/keletą priemonių naudoja; negatyvią/pozityvią, aktualią/neaktualią žinią nori perduoti; daug/nedaug, mielai/vengdamas bendrauja su žmonėmis ir pan. Tyrimo objektas – D. Cameron ir G. Brown rinkimų kampanija, tyrimo dalykas – D. Cameron ir G. Brown komunikacijos stiliaus formavimas rinkiminės kampanijos metu. Šio darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti D. Cameron ir G. Brown rinkiminės kampanijos komunikacijos stiliaus bruožus. Iškeliamos dvi pagrindinės hipotezės: H1:D. Cameron, būdamas opozicinės partijos lyderis, rinkimų kampanijoje naudoja negatyvią informaciją, nukreipta prieš G. Brown vyriausybę; H2: G. Brown, būdamas pozicijos premjeras, remiasi pozityvia taktika, tikėdamasis dar penkerių metu. Tyrimo metu nustatyta, kad Cameron rinkiminė kampanija buvo kuriama nuosekliai, siekiant sukurti modernios partijos lyderio įvaizdį, tačiau nepavyko visiškai atsiriboti nuo M. Thatcher ir jos sukurto partijos prekės ženklo. Rinkiminės kampanijos šūkiai buvo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their ‘product’ at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown‘s election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign... [to full text]
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Books on the topic "Election, 2011"

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Nigeria. Independent National Electoral Commission. Operational plan, 2009-2011. Abuja, Nigeria: The Commission, 2009.

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constitutionnelle, Benin Cour. Election présidentielle 2011: Proclamations. Cotonou, Bénin: Cour Constitutionnelle, 2011.

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Colombia. Comisión Nacional de Control y Asuntos Electorales. Cartilla electoral 2011. Bogotá: Procuraduría General de la Nación, 2011.

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(Ecuador), Consejo Nacional Electoral. Referémdum y consulta popular 2011: Documentos esenciales. Quito, Ecuador: CNE, Consejo Nacional Electoral, 2011.

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Instituto Estatal Electoral Baja California Sur. Memoria electoral 2010-2011: Baja California Sur. Mexico]: IEE, Instituto Estatal Electoral Baja California Sur, 2011.

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Zambia, Electoral Commission of. Public notice: 2011 presidential elections results. Lusaka: Electoral Commission of Zambia, 2011.

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Whelan, Noel. Tallyman's campaign handbook: Election 2011. Dublin: Liberties Press, 2011.

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Kochetkov, A. Vybory Prezidenta Abkhazii: 2011 god. Moskva: Knizhnyĭ mir, 2011.

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Forum, SADC Parliamentary. Election Observation Mission report: 2011 tripartite general elections, Zambia = Relatório da Missão de Observação Eleitoral : eleições gerais tripartidas de 2011, Zambia = Rapport de la Mission d'observation électorale : élections générales et tripartites de 2011, Zambia. Windhoek, Namibia: SADC Parliamentary Forum, 2011.

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Elections, Alliance for Credible. Observation report on the 2011 voters registration exercise. [Abuja, Nigeria]: Alliance for Credible Elections, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Election, 2011"

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Buckley, Fiona, and Claire McGing. "Women and the Election." In How Ireland Voted 2011, 222–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230354005_10.

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Coakley, John. "The Final Seanad Election?" In How Ireland Voted 2011, 240–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230354005_11.

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Mair, Peter. "The Election in Context." In How Ireland Voted 2011, 283–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230354005_13.

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Becker, Diogo, Flavio Junqueira, and Marco Serafini. "Leader Election for Replicated Services Using Application Scores." In Middleware 2011, 289–308. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-25821-3_15.

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Murphy, Gary. "The Background to the Election." In How Ireland Voted 2011, 1–28. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230354005_1.

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Carman, Christopher, Robert Johns, and James Mitchell. "The 2011 Scottish Election in Context." In More Scottish than British, 1–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137023704_1.

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Gallagher, Michael. "Ireland’s Earthquake Election: Analysis of the Results." In How Ireland Voted 2011, 139–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230354005_7.

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Deželan, Tomaž, Igor Vobič, and Alem Maksuti. "Twitter Campaigning in the 2011 National Election in Slovenia." In Public Administration and Information Technology, 141–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-04666-2_9.

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Fear, Christopher. "The General Elections: 2015, 2017, 2019." In Conservative Governments in the Age of Brexit, 47–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-21464-6_4.

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Salamurović, Aleksandra. "The Metonymy EUrope as a Means of Legitimizing Nations in the Western Balkans." In Linguistik in Empirie und Theorie/Empirical and Theoretical Linguistics, 219–43. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-66332-5_11.

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AbstractThis chapter focuses on the metonymic use of the lexeme Europe and country name in Montenegro and North Macedonia with the aim of investigating their co-occurrences in discursive-linguistic realizations of the concept of Nation in both countries. The analysis is based on a corpus consisting of political speeches, election slogans, and media texts (both newspaper and social media) that cover the period from 2006 in Montenegro and 2011 in North Macedonia, respectively. Discourse Space Theory (Chilton 2004, 2014) and Proximization Theory (Cap 2009, 2013, 2017) provide a theoretical framework against which the legitimization of particular conceptualizations and framing are disclosed. The analysis shows that although EUrope is largely used for specific national (re)identification in both Western Balkans countries, these discourses are characterized by a complex legitimization: On the temporal and spatial axis, EUrope is constructed as a distant Other (e.g., “European integration,” “our European path”, “European future”), while on the axiological axis, as a symbolic part of the Self (e.g., “European face of Montenegro”, “vote for a European Macedonia”). This divergent legitimation can be seen both as discursive and linguistic handling of the protracted EU rapprochement processes and as a management tool for inner divisions in both countries along the lines of civic versus ethnic-national identification.
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Conference papers on the topic "Election, 2011"

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Yi, Xun, and Eiji Okamoto. "Practical mobile electronic election." In 2011 IEEE/SICE International Symposium on System Integration (SII 2011). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/sii.2011.6147606.

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Fink, Clay, Nathan Bos, Alexander Perrone, Edwina Liu, and Jonathon Kopecky. "Twitter, Public Opinion, and the 2011 Nigerian Presidential Election." In 2013 International Conference on Social Computing (SocialCom). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/socialcom.2013.50.

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Skoric, Marko, Nathaniel Poor, Palakorn Achananuparp, Ee-Peng Lim, and Jing Jiang. "Tweets and Votes: A Study of the 2011 Singapore General Election." In 2012 45th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS). IEEE, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hicss.2012.607.

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Smith, Elisa H. Barney, Daniel Lopresti, George Nagy, and Ziyan Wu. "Towards Improved Paper-Based Election Technology." In 2011 International Conference on Document Analysis and Recognition (ICDAR). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icdar.2011.253.

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Sun, Xiao-han. "A Multi-Candidates Electronic Election Scheme." In 2011 International Conference on Intelligent Computation Technology and Automation (ICICTA). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icicta.2011.14.

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Arghavani, A., E. Ahmadi, and A. T. Haghighat. "Improved bully election algorithm in distributed systems." In 2011 International Conference on IT and Multimedia (ICIM). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icimu.2011.6122724.

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Cabunducan, Gerard, Ralph Castillo, and John Boaz Lee. "Voting Behavior Analysis in the Election of Wikipedia Admins." In 2011 International Conference on Advances in Social Networks Analysis and Mining (ASONAM 2011). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/asonam.2011.42.

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Taheri, Hoda, Peyman Neamatollahi, Mohammad Hossein Yaghmaee, and Mahmoud Naghibzadeh. "A local cluster head election algorithm in wireless sensor networks." In 2011 CSI International Symposium on Computer Science and Software Engineering (CSSE 2011). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/csicsse.2011.5963987.

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Robertson, S. P. "Changes in Referents and Emotions over Time in Election-Related Social Networking Dialog." In 2011 44th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS 2011). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hicss.2011.97.

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Shin, Wooram, Anseok Lee, Hyunjae Kim, Kwangjae Lim, and Dongseung Kwon. "Efficient 2-D mesh election algorithms for OFDMA-based wireless mesh networks." In 2011 5th International Conference on Signal Processing and Communication Systems (ICSPCS 2011). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icspcs.2011.6140852.

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Reports on the topic "Election, 2011"

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Garai, Nikolett. Policy Brief on the Upcoming Czech Parliamentary Elections 2021 : Possible Scenarios and the Effects of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Results of the Election. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.e-2021.03.

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The next parliamentary elections of the Czech Republic, which will be held on 8 and 9 October 2021, is a key political event for the Hungarian foreign policy expert community to watch this year because a possible new government without the participation of ANO 2011 can engage in a new European and neighbourhood policy of the Czech Republic. This analysis lists the key social and political factors that can shape the results of the election, outlines three possible scenarios of the election outcome, and highlights the implications of a possible government change on Czech-Hungarian relations.
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Egeresi, Zoltán. Bulgarian Elections: Ahead of New Polls? Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.35.

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The current analysis describes the path to the elections in Bulgaria on 11 July, 2021, as well as their outcome. It argues that the political stalemate after the April elections can be overcome by the new election results. In July a recently founded party, There Is Such A People (ITN), led by late-night showman Slavi Trifonov, was able to overtake Boyko Borisov’s party, which has not been achieved by any other politician for 12 years. Nevertheless, Trifonov’s party will not be able to form a government alone without forming a coalition with other parties because it is far from a majority in parliament. Without a coalition,there is high probability for lasting political instability in Bulgaria. According to the pessimistic scenario, snap elections will be held along with the presidential elections in mid-autumn of 2021.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Hasnan Bachtiar, Chloe Smith, and Kainat Shakil. Fluctuating Populism: Prabowo’s Everchanging Populism Across the Indonesian Elections. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0030.

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This paper introduces an interesting aspect or variant of populism which we call ‘fluctuating populism’ through a case study of Prabowo Subianto Joyohadikusumo, the winner of the 2024 Indonesian presidential election, and a career politician for over three decades in the country. We define ‘fluctuating’ quality of populism as the strategic adjustments made by populist leaders to their rhetoric and ideological messaging across different political campaigns in pursuit of electoral victory. Based on the Indonesian presidential elections of 2009, 2014, 2019, and 2024, the paper demonstrates the dynamic nature of populism. It reveals that over just a decade, Prabowo has undergone shifts in ideological stances, rhetorical appeals, and electoral strategies in each election cycle. He has evolved from an ultra-nationalist, chauvinist, and Islamist populist to a technocratic figure with a much softer side. We also find that within these election periods, he never fully prescribed an ideology or rhetoric, but instead fluctuated according to the political landscape. Prabowo’s success in the 2024 election underscores the effectiveness of ‘fluctuating populism’ in navigating Indonesia’s political landscape. This case study shows that this concept offers a framework for understanding the strategic adjustments made by populist leaders and warrants further examination in comparative studies of political leadership.
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Bachtiar, Hasnan. Ganjar Pranowo’s Quest: Resisting Islamist Civilizational Populism in Indonesia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0028.

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Ganjar Pranowo stands as a pivotal figure within technocratic populism, anticipated to advocate for the people‘s volonté générale and counter the sway of Islamist civilisational populism within Indonesia. The impending 2024 election positions him in a direct contest against Anies Baswedan and Prabowo Subianto, both politicians who garnered support from Islamist populist factions in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial and 2019 presidential elections, respectively. Perceptions of Ganjar’s political stance vary, with some viewing him as a populist figure. However, in essence, he embodies the antithesis of populism, distinct from narratives and rhetoric persistently leveraging Islamism for political gain. This article seeks to delve into Ganjar’s political prospects in the upcoming 2024 election, shedding light on his role in confronting rivals and their supporters entrenched in Islamist populism. While widely seen as the most compelling figure for upholding the continuity of a vibrant democracy, his emergence also sparks inquiries into the trajectory of substantive democratic progress within the nation.
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Smith, Chloe, Hasnan Bachtiar, Kainat Shakil, Nicholas Morieson, and Susan de Groot Heupner. Appealing to a Religiously Defined ‘the People’: How Religion Was Performatively Operationalised in the 2019 and 2024 Election Campaigns of Indonesia’s President-Elect. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0034.

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Observers widely acknowledged the lack of divisive Islamist populism in Indonesia’s 2024 Presidential Elections. This was in stark contrast to the 2019 elections in which Prabowo Subianto, the case study of this article and new leader of Indonesia, led a campaign that overtly supported Islamist interests and actors, and deepened religio-ethnic tensions in society. Despite this acknowledgement, it remains unclear if religion was still operationalized – albeit differently – in his most recent campaigning efforts. This article therefore seeks to examine if religion was politicized and performed by Prabowo in 2024 and contrast the findings with 2019 to address how and why his instrumentalization of religion varied significantly. Applying a discursive-performative lens, discourse analysis will be used to determine if and how religion featured in a sample of Prabowo Subianto’s speeches (six speeches in total, three from each election campaign). Specifically, this analysis will explore how references to religion and a religious community reflect a) his political goals and b) the political community he is attempting to engage. It will also discuss these findings in the context of contemporary populism studies.
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Scartascini, Carlos, and Razvan Vlaicu. Research Insights: Are Young Latin American Voters Politically Engaged? Inter-American Development Bank, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003571.

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Data on political engagement of newly eligible young voters in 34 countries during 2004-2016 indicate that voting eligibility is associated with higher political engagement, casting doubt on the view that voters are rationally ignorant. Voting eligibility is associated with higher political interest, more discussion of political issues and attendance of political meetings, and more political knowledge. These effects are stronger in countries with enforced mandatory voting. The increase in political engagement is larger closer to the prior election, and it is driven by the engagement of eligible voters, implying that young voters acquire political information in anticipation of elections rather than ex post.
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Moreno-Castro, Carolina, Vania Baldi, Ana Azurmendi, Miguel Paisana, María Iranzo-Cabrera, Dafne Calvo, Miguel Crespo, et al. IBERIFIER Reports – Legal and Political Aspects of Disinformation in Portugal and Spain. Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/026.004.

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In Portugal and Spain, disinformation is a severe concern for social and cultural reasons. Furthermore, it is a significant concern for politicians and policymakers (Wardle & Derakhshan, 2017; Lanoszka, 2019; Saurwein & Spencer-Smith, 2020; Tenove, 2020; Correyero-Ruiz & Baladrón-Pazos, 2022). According to McKay & Tenove (2021), disinformation can undermine trust in democratic institutions and influence election outcomes, harming the reputation of individuals or institutions (European Commission, 2021; Department of National Security of the Spanish Government, 2022). In Portugal, the Government established a task force to combat disinformation, promoted media literacy, and launched campaigns to raise awareness of the dangers of disinformation. Similarly, in Spain, the Government established a Strategic Communication Office to coordinate efforts to combat disinformation and launched campaigns to promote media literacy.
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Bridges, Katherine. 2021 Virginia Election Survey. Washington, DC: AARP Research, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00491.001.

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Hendricks, Ginny, Ed Pentz, Bryan Vickery, Lucy Ofiesh, and Geoffrey Bilder. Crossref Annual Meeting LIVE21 presentation. Chair Rosa Morais Clark. Crossref, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.13003/ywefp4zm.

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The Crossref annual meeting and board election took place on November 9th, 2021, online. This slide deck includes strategic updates from our leadership team as well as the results of the board election.
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Habyarimana, James, Ken Ochieng' Opalo, and Youdi Schipper. The Cyclical Electoral Impacts of Programmatic Policies: Evidence from Education Reforms in Tanzania. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), September 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2020/051.

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A large literature documents the electoral benefits of clientelistic and programmatic policies in low-income states. We extend this literature by showing the cyclical electoral responses to a large programmatic intervention to expand access to secondary education in Tanzania over multiple electoral periods. Using a difference-indifference approach, we find that the incumbent party's vote share increased by 2 percentage points in the election following the policy's announcement as a campaign promise (2005), but decreased by -1.4 percentage points in the election following implementation (2010). We find no discernible electoral impact of the policy in 2015, two electoral cycles later. We attribute the electoral penalty in 2010 to how the secondary school expansion policy was implemented. Our findings shed light on the temporally-contingent electoral impacts of programmatic policies, and highlight the need for more research on how policy implementation structures public opinion and vote choice in low-income states.
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