Dissertations / Theses: 'Election, 2011'

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Da, Silva Hebenbrock Josuel Mariano. "Elecciones presidenciales: Brasil (2010) y Argentina (2011). Un análisi comparativo de la agenda política de las campañas electorales en los telediarios: Jornal Nacional (Brasil) y Telefe Noticias." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/352707.

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La cultura política y comunicacional en los países estudiados, tiene semejanzas y diferencias. Esta investigación compara las agendas políticas de los dos grandes partidos que disputaron las elecciones presidenciales de 2010 y 2011 con las agendas periodísticas de los dos grandes noticieros televisivos Jornal Nacional (Brasil) y Telefe Noticias a las 20h (Argentina). También se analizan los cuatros grandes periódicos de estos países, Clarín y La Nación y O Globo y Folha de São Paulo. La investigación muestra cómo periodistas y editores influyen en los electores y determinan condiciones favorables y desfavorables a candidatos o partidos políticos. A través de metodología desarrollada por institutos de Media y Política en Brasil, la investigación reunió elementos cuantitativos y cualitativos para identificar la construcción periodística de los noticieros dentro del escenario político de las elecciones. El análisis de la agenda de los periódicos refuerza la tendencia a una clara parcialidad por determinados candidatos.
The political and communications cultures in the countries studied, have similarities and differences. This research compares the political agendas of the two major parties that contested the presidential elections of 2010 and 2011 with the journalistic agendas of the two major TV newscasts, Jornal Nacional (Brazil) and Telefe Noticias a las 20h (Argentina). The four major newspapers in these countries, Clarín and La Nación and O Globo and Folha de São Paulo are also analyzed. The research shows how journalists and editors influence voters and determine favorable and unfavorable conditions for candidates or political parties. Using methodology developed by institutes of Media and Politics in Brazil, the research gathered quantitative and qualitative elements to identify the journalistic construction of the news in the political scenario of the elections. Analysis of these newspapers’ agendas shows their tendency to be clearly biased in favor of certain candidates.

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Sedziaka, Alesia A. "The Causes and Consequences of Perceptions of Election Unfairness." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/332767.

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The role of unfair elections in breakdown or maintenance of electoral authoritarian regimes has been subject to debate in recent research. On the one hand, the conduct of elections may serve to enhance popular legitimacy and deter challenges to the regime. On the other hand, electoral manipulation may contribute to grievances that fuel mass protest. However, empirical research on the consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support has been limited by the availability of appropriate survey data and has mostly focused on summary or process-based assessments of electoral unfairness. The premise of this study is that electoral manipulation is difficult to assess due to its inherent complexity and ambiguity. As a result, citizens are likely to use cognitive shortcuts to interpret electoral manipulation. Applying psychological theories of justice and motivated political reasoning in this context, this project aims to investigate how both process- and outcome-based assessments of election unfairness influence summary judgments of election quality, regime support, and support for electoral protest. It further seeks to determine how voters' political preferences bias, or condition, the impact of election unfairness evaluations. These propositions are tested using novel data from the XIX New Russia Barometer survey, conducted shortly after the controversial 2011 Russian State Duma election that triggered mass electoral protests. This study finds that perceived election outcome unfairness affects reactions to elections alongside assessments of the electoral process; it also shows evidence of partisan reasoning in evaluations of election unfairness. Ultimately, this project points to some factors that may explain the diverging consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support.

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Amzat, Ajibola Taofeek. "Voting and meaning in Hooggenoeg, Grahamstown : an audience's reception of Grocott's Mail's 2011 municipal election coverage." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011729.

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This thesis examines the meanings that residents of the township of Hooggenoeg (in Grahamstown, in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa) made of the election coverage in the Grocott’s Mail newspaper during 2011 municipal elections in South Africa. In addition, this study also sought to understand the particular set of ‘normative roles’ played by the paper, both with reference to the well-established body of theory about the normative roles of journalism in a democracy, and in terms of the paper’s own conceptualisation of its role in the functioning of local democracy. Grocott’s Mail, the oldest independent newspaper in South Africa, provided extensive pre-election coverage, which included producing and distributing an unprecedented free edition of the paper. The paper also facilitated a town hall debate in order to encourage residents to vote, and empower them to make a more informed choice about their vote. Three qualitative research methods, namely qualitative content analysis, focus group interviews, and individual interviews were used to examine the relationship between the content provided by the paper and the audience’s process of ‘making sense’ and deriving meaning from the content provided. The study concludes that Grocott’s attempt to encourage democratic culture in Grahamstown, in keeping with the more ‘facilitative’ normative roles that the local media can play, was only partially successful. Much of the election reporting subordinated the voices of the ordinary people, and privileged reporting that focussed narrowly on the voting process, and which foregrounded the views of political parties. Overall this coverage largely failed to resonate with the Grocott’s readers who live in Hooggenoeg (a largely ‘coloured’ area of Grahamstown), whose key concerns in terms of their daily life – such as poverty, unemployment, crime, lack of services – seemed, to them, unaddressed by this election coverage and, consequently, was not as engaging or convincing as the publishers/editors had hoped it would be. It can be also argued that Grocott’s narrow conceptualisation of democracy as entailing only public participation in electoral processes failed to cater for how audiences can be made aware of how they can participate in governance beyond the election period.

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Ujkani, Venera. "The Swedish Democrats Ideological Foundation and Affiliation : An Idea- and Ideology Analysis of the Swedish Democrats Principle Program 2011 and Election Manifesto 2014." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-59946.

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Since the Swedish Democrats established in 1988, debates and discussions have occurred regarding the party's ideological foundation and affiliation. This study is based primarily on a qualitative textual analysis, an idea- and ideology analysis and ideal types. The study's purpose is to discover which of the following political ideas and ideologies; fascism, populism, conservatism and socialism are most prominent in the Swedish Democrats election manifesto (2014) respectively principle program (2011). At my disposal, the study consists of two research questions; To what extent are there general features of socialism, populism, fascism and conservatism in the Swedish Democrats principle program respectively election manifesto? Which ideology is more prominent in the principle program respectively election manifesto? The theoretical section summarises the different ideologies central themes/discussions and view of democratic governance, the nation, the economic system respectively international governance. When conducting the analysis, the focus is on the Swedish Democrats central themes/discussions and view of democratic governance, the nation, the economic system respectively international governance and how the party's views relate to the political ideologies and ideas. The conducted analysis reveals features of all four ideologies, especially conservatism and populism.

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Phillips, Stephen. "A cup of tea a study of the Tea Party Caucus in the United States House of Representatives." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/602.

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Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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Krivovyaz, Elena. "Political news and propaganda in Russian broadcasting media : The case study of Parliamentary election in Russia in December, 2011 and its media representation." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-78323.

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The Parliamentary election in Russia held in December, 2011 caused vote fraud scandal and resulted in a wide-scale protest movement which spread all over the country. The Western media repeatedly compared political situation in Russia to ‘Arab spring’. Russian media, in their turn, got divided in two opposite camps regarding their reporting on the issue. This study examines news coverage of the political conflict in two Russian media outlets and interprets the findings within the framework of propaganda. The analysis incorporates two main levels: institutional and textual. In-depth interviews with the journalists were conducted in order to establish what internal and external factors, such as censorship or state control, shaped news reporting and promoted ideological bias. The comparative analysis of news coverage involved two media outlets Russia Today and Radio Liberty, which adhere to different ideological perspectives. The results show that both media represented contrasting versions of the situation and used information selectively in order to pursue certain goals. Nevertheless, the analysis allows to conclude that Russia Today explicitly supported the views of the Russian authorities and oppressed undesirable facts and opinions. Its news policy also evokes an idea of cold war, as it repeatedly appeals to the image of external enemy – the USA. Radio Liberty, in contrast, provided various opportunities to the discontent part of the Russian society to speak out, which can be considered as an attempt to represent the other side of the story, as it was excluded from the news agenda of the state owned media. However, news policy of Radio Liberty also implied certain propagandistic objectives. The study confirms the assumption that propaganda arguably exists within any political doctrine, but can take explicit and implicit forms which are difficult to detect without thorough scrutiny of overall news reportage of certain media. Further research should look at the role of social media in a series of political scandals and protest movement awakening in Russia, as many media experts link the political situation with emergence of new means of communication. It could also compare news representation of the current political conflict in several Russian domestic independent media to detect distinctions and similarities and try to evaluate what kind of an ideology they communicated to the audience.

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Lazo, Rodríguez Sebastián. "Electoral behavior in Peru: An analysis of the role of socio-demographic and socioeconomic variables during the first election round in the presidential elections of 2006 and 2011." Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/53706.

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El comportamiento electoral es un tema de estudio bastante complejo dentro de las ciencias sociales y específicamente dentro de la ciencia política, pues llega a tomar en consideración no solo elementos políticos sino también sociológicos y psicológicos. La mezcla e interacción de factores que tienen lugar dentro del proceso de decisión electoral es lo que complejiza su estudio. Este artículo tiene por intención dar acercamientos a la comprensión del compor- tamiento electoral en el Perú a partir del análisis de las elecciones presidenciales en primera vuelta de 2006 y 2011. Buscamos la propuesta de un modelo que considere los elementos más importantes dentro del estudio del comportamiento electoral, a partir de lo que se ha estudiado y analizado sobre dicho tema desde las ciencias sociales. La identificación de los elementos clave a tener en cuenta nos permitirá un análisis más detallado y desagregado del comportamiento electoral. El artículo busca estudiar el efecto de un primer elemento del modelo propuesto: la influencia de las variables sociodemográficas y socioeconómicas en el comportamiento electoral de los votantes.

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Roca, Trenchs Núria Candela. "L’ús de les pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube dels candidats en tres països: Espanya (2011), Estats Units (2012) i Noruega (2013) a partir de l’anàlisi comparativa de les campanyes electorals. Cap a un nou paradigma?" Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664354.

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L'ús d'Internet i les tecnologies de la informació i comunicació ha propiciat importants transformacions en tots els àmbits de la societat (Castells (2006) i també en l'àmbit de la comunicació política, i per tant també, en les campanyes electorals. Durant els últims anys la qualitat democràtica dels països occidentals ha estat qüestionada pel descens generalitzat de l'interès de la ciutadania pels afers polítics, com a conseqüència de la pèrdua de la seva confiança amb els actors polítics. Internet però, pot contribuir a millorar les relacions entre els actors polítics i els electors. Per tant, la investigació es planteja com i quant utilitzen les pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube, durant les campanyes electorals els principals candidats a la presidència de tres països models dels tres grans models de sistemes polítics que proposen Hallin i Mancini (2004): Mariano Rajoy (PP) i Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba (PSOE) d'Espanya (2011) com a exemple del model Pluralista Polaritzat; Barack Obama (Partit Demòcrata) i Mitt Romney (Partit Republicà) als Estats Units (2012), com a exemple del gran model Liberal; i Jens Stoltenberg (Partit Laborista) i Erna Solberg (Partit Conservador) a Noruega (2013), com a exemple del model Democràtic Corporatiu. La investigació es pregunta, també, si existeix alguna correlació entre l'ús d'Internet (pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube) que fan els candidats i el model de sistema polític en el qual operen; així com també si hi ha un tendència a imitar el model dels Estats Units durant les campanyes electorals a Internet. La recerca es fonamenta teòricament en les aportacions dels grans autors de la política comparada i dels sistemes polítics, de partits, electorals i de la cultura política (Almond i Verba, 1963; Dahl, 1989; Duverger, 1957; Hallin i Mancini, 2004; Kirchheimer, 1966; Lijphart; 1994; Lipset i Rokkan, 1967 i Sartori, 1980). Pel que fa a la metodologia, aquesta es fixa en els estudis metodològics de Kluver et al., 2007; Lilleker, Koc et al, 2009; Schneider i Foot, 2002 i Vergeer, Hermans i Cunha, 2013, que proposen diferents categories a partir de les quals es pot analitzar l’ús de les pàgines web i que en aquest cas adaptem a la resta de xarxes socials: Facebook, Twitter i YouTube. Així, el sistema de codificació es planteja des de la proposta de Vergeer i Cunha (2009) elaborant una bateria de preguntes que es poden respondre amb un sí o un no: per cada pregunta que es pot respondre amb un sí, se li atribueix un 1, mentre que cada pregunta que es pot respondre amb un no, se li atribueix un 0. Les preguntes que es plantegen es divideixen en les tres categories que proposen Lilleker i Vedel (2013): informació, debat o discussió (deliberació) i mobilització i coordinació per a la participació ciutadana), de manera que es considera que cada nivell supera l'anterior i que engrandeix la manera com els candidats es poden relacionar amb els electors, construint unes relacions més properes i millorant la qualitat democràtica de cada país. La investigació conclou que els candidats dels Estats Units van ser els qui millor ús qualitatiu i quantitatiu van fer d'Internet (pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube); que les campanyes electorals dels països més democratitzats s'assemblen cada cop més tot i que els candidats estan subjectes al sistema polític del país en el qual operen per utilitzar Internet; i que les campanyes electorals dels Estats Units no s'estan americanitzant, encara que hi posem matisos.
The use of the Internet and information and communication technologies has led to important changes in society (Castells, 2006) and also in the field of political communication, and therefore also in the election campaigns. Meanwhile, in recent years the quality of democracy in Western countries has been questioned by the general decline in interest of citizens for political affairs, as a result of the loss of trust with political actors. Internet can help to improve the relations between political actors and voters. The research is based on the qualitative and quantitative use of Internet (web pages, Facebook, Twitter and YouTube), during the election campaign of the main candidates for the presidency in three countries example of the three models of political systems that propose Hallin & Mancini (2004): Mariano Rajoy (PP) and Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba (PSOE) in Spain (2011) as example of the Polarized Pluralist model; Barack Obama (Democrat Party) and Mitt Romney (Republican Party) in the Unitade States (2012), as example of Liberal model; and Jens Stoltenberg (Laborist Party) and Erna Solberg (Conservative Party) to Norway (2013), as example of the Corporative Democratic model. Therefore it is considered if there is a correlation between the use of the Internet and the model of political system to which they are subject; and finally, if there is a tendency to imitate the model of the United States during the election campaigns in Internet. The research is theoretically based on the contributions of the great authors of comparative politics and political systems, party systems, electoral systems, and political culture (Almond and Verba, 1963; Dahl, 1989; Duverger, 1957; Hallin and Mancini, 2004; Kirchheimer, 1966; Lijphart; 1994; Lipset and Rokkan, Sartori 1967 and 1980). Regarding the methodology, it looks at the methodological studies of Kluver et al., 2007; Lilleker, Koc et al, 2009; Schneider and Foot, 2002 Vergeer, Hermans and Cunha, 2013. They propose different categories from which the web sites can be analyzed, and this research adapt it to other social networks: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. Thus, the coding system arises from the proposal of Vergeer and Cunha (2009). The researchers build a battery of questions that can be answered with a yes or no: every question answered with a yes, is marked with a 1, and for every question ansewred with a no, is marked with a 0. The questions are divided into three categories proposed by Lilleker and Vedel (2013): information, discussion or debate (deliberation) and mobilization and coordination for citizen participation), so it is considered that each level provides a more authentic relation between the candidates and voters, building closer relations and improving the quality of democracy. The research concludes that US candidates were the ones that better qualitative and quantitative use made of Internet (web pages, Facebook, Twitter and YouTube); election campaigns of most democratic countries seem increasingly to resemble each other, but we also believe that the political system of each country still influence the quality of election campaigns; and we also conclude that election campaigns are not being americanized, although we put some nuances.

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Šuminas, Andrius. "Expression of the Objectives of Interactive Electoral Communication: The Study of 2011 Municipal Council Elections." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20111227_091344-89761.

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The process of interactive electoral communication initiated by politicians in social media is the object of the dissertation. The aim of the paper is to develop a comprehensive research approach to politicians’ electoral communication in social media and to use the approach in describing the specificity of electoral communication taking place in social media, determining the features of expression of the candidates’ electoral objectives, and making an analysis of the communication that took place in an interactive environment during the elections to municipal councils in 2011. In the first part of the thesis, the notion of interactive electoral communication in social media is defined, development of electoral communication in a virtual environment is discussed, and an in-depth analysis of the features of interactive electoral communication in social media is presented. In the second part of the thesis, a process model of interactive electoral communication in social media is formulated and objectives of electoral communication in an interactive environment are identified and analysed, including a detailed examination of their practical application. The third part of the thesis is an empirical study into interactive electoral communication, where the electoral campaign that took place in an interactive environment during the 2011 elections to municipal councils is comprehensively analysed using the process model of the electoral communication objectives.
Disertacijos darbo objektas yra interaktyvios politikų rinkiminės komunikacijos vyksmas socialinių medijų priemonėse. Darbo tikslas – sukonstruoti kompleksišką politikų rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose tyrimo prieigą, kurią taikant atskleisti socialinių medijų priemonėse vykstančios rinkiminės komunikacijos specifiką ir nustatyti kandidatų naudojamų rinkiminių siekinių raiškos ypatybes, taip pat išanalizuoti 2011 metų savivaldybių tarybų rinkimų metu interaktyvioje erdvėje vykusią komunikaciją. Pirmojoje disertacijos dalyje apibrėžiama interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose samprata, nagrinėjama rinkiminės komunikacijos virtualioje erdvėje raida, detaliai analizuojamos interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose ypatybės. Antrojoje disertacijos dalyje konstruojamas procesinis interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos socialinėse medijose vyksmo modelis, išskiriami ir analizuojami rinkiminės komunikacijos siekiniai interaktyvioje erdvėje, detaliai nagrinėjamos praktinės jų įgyvendinimo formos. Trečiojoje disertacijos dalyje atliekamas empirinis interaktyvios rinkiminės komunikacijos tyrimas, kuriame, taikant procesinį rinkiminės komunikacijos siekinių modelį, kompleksiškai išanalizuojama interaktyvioje erdvėje vykusi 2011 metų savivaldybių tarybų rinkimų kampanija.

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Greičiūtė, Gintarė. "Politikų komunikacijos stilius rinkimų kampanijos metu: D. Cameron ir G. Brown atvejų palyginamoji analizė." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110606_113907-31765.

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Rinkiminė kampanija yra ypatingai reikšminga politinio proceso dalis, nes tuomet bet kokia kaina stengiamasi parduoti savo “produktą”. Politikos veikėjai, siekdami įgyti rėmėjų, privalo patraukti visuomenę, o tam pasiekti gali būti naudojami skirtingi politikų komunikacijos stiliai. Politikui svarbu pasirinkti tokį komunikacijos stilių, kuris padėtų pasiekti kuo didesnę dalį tikslinės auditorijos ir ją pritraukti. Politiko rinkimų kampanijos stilių ir padeda nustatyti žiniasklaida, kuri įvardina ir įvertina kandidato stilių: įvairias/keletą priemonių naudoja; negatyvią/pozityvią, aktualią/neaktualią žinią nori perduoti; daug/nedaug, mielai/vengdamas bendrauja su žmonėmis ir pan. Tyrimo objektas – D. Cameron ir G. Brown rinkimų kampanija, tyrimo dalykas – D. Cameron ir G. Brown komunikacijos stiliaus formavimas rinkiminės kampanijos metu. Šio darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti D. Cameron ir G. Brown rinkiminės kampanijos komunikacijos stiliaus bruožus. Iškeliamos dvi pagrindinės hipotezės: H1:D. Cameron, būdamas opozicinės partijos lyderis, rinkimų kampanijoje naudoja negatyvią informaciją, nukreipta prieš G. Brown vyriausybę; H2: G. Brown, būdamas pozicijos premjeras, remiasi pozityvia taktika, tikėdamasis dar penkerių metu. Tyrimo metu nustatyta, kad Cameron rinkiminė kampanija buvo kuriama nuosekliai, siekiant sukurti modernios partijos lyderio įvaizdį, tačiau nepavyko visiškai atsiriboti nuo M. Thatcher ir jos sukurto partijos prekės ženklo. Rinkiminės kampanijos šūkiai buvo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their ‘product’ at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown‘s election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign... [to full text]

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Dadi, Soumaya. "La Constitution marocaine du 29 juillet 2011 : rénovation institutionnelle et promotion des libertés." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D003.

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D’une portée inédite dans le voisinage maghrébin et arabe, à un moment crucial de l’évolution du monde arabo-musulman, la réforme constitutionnelle globale annoncée par SM le Roi Mohammed VI à la nation le 9 mars 2011, constitue l’aboutissement d’un processus de réformes économiques, politiques et sociales entamé depuis la fin des années 90. Fruit d’une démarche participative inédite dans l’histoire du Maroc, la constitution adoptée par référendum trois ans auparavant a jeté les bases d’une nouvelle phase dans le processus de consolidation d’un modèle démocratique marocain. Cette démarche, a été saluée par l’ensemble de la communauté internationale, l’estimant un pas important dans le développement politique en cours au Maroc, et une preuve significative de l’engagement de toutes les forces vives de la nation au projet de société porté par la nouvelle loi fondamentale. La nouvelle constitution est basée sur plusieurs fondements majeurs, qui concernent la séparation et l’équilibre des pouvoirs, la consolidation de l’Etat de droit, l’élargissement du champ des libertés individuelles et collectives, le renforcement du système des droits de l’Homme. Elle consacre pour la première fois, la reconnaissance de la composante culturelle amazighe, la volonté d’ériger la justice en un pouvoir indépendant. Elle prévoit également le renforcement du statut du premier ministre qui devient chef du gouvernement, la mise en place et la constitutionnalisation des instances en charge de promotion des droits de l’Homme et de la bonne gouvernance. En dehors de ces grands sujets, la nouvelle loi est riche de plusieurs dispositions qui touchent aux fondements de la société marocaine et à son insertion dans le concert des pays modernes et démocratiques. Elle ouvre de nouvelles perspectives, et va au-delà des aspirations exprimées, il s’agit d’une véritable révolution dans la vie politique du pays et un point de départ d’une ère nouvelle. Ce travail vise à montrer que la présente réforme n’est pas conjoncturelle ou due à un facteur unique, ce formidable sursaut de réforme n’est guère une affaire de circonstance, appelée désormais printemps arabe. Cette évolution constitutionnelle qui s’inscrit dans la stabilité du régime, semble démontrer sa maturité politique à travers son choix de mettre en œuvre de nouveaux mécanismes. Il s’agit donc d’un contexte institutionnel nouveau mais qui a pour objectif essentiel de consolider tous les acquis démocratiques qui ont été concrétisé tout au long de l’histoire contemporaine du Maroc et que nous nous proposons d’étudier. La nouvelle loi vient confirmer une fois encore l’exception du modèle marocain et son caractère singulier qui s’articule notamment autour d’une scène politique active et dynamique, puisant sa force d’une monarchie constitutionnelle, vieille de plusieurs siècles. Son exception est en fait un particularisme, une singularité due à la nature monarchique du régime et aux spécificités propres du Royaume, qui font que le changement ne s’opère pas par les mêmes canaux et ne s’exprime pas de la même façon
In an unprecedented scope in the Maghreb and Arab neighborhood, at a crucial moment in the evolution of the Arab-Muslim world, the comprehensive constitutional reforms announced by HM King Mohammed VI to the nation on 9 March 2011, is the culmination of a process of economic reforms, political and social begun since the late 90s. Fruit unprecedented participatory approach in the history of Morocco, the constitution adopted by referendum three years ago laid the foundations of a new phase in the process of consolidation of a Moroccan democratic model. This approach was welcomed by the entire international community, considering an important step in policy development underway in Morocco, and a significant proof of the commitment of all forces of the nation to the project company carried by the new constitution. The new constitution is based on several major foundations, which concern the separation des powers, consolidating the rule of law, expanding the scope of individual and collective freedoms, strengthening the system of human rights. It enshrines for the first time, the recognition of the Amazigh cultural component, the desire to build justice in an independent power. It also provides for strengthening the status of the Prime Minister is head of government, the establishment and entrenchment of bodies responsible for promoting human rights and good governance. Apart from these major issues, the new law is rich with several provisions affecting the foundations of Moroccan society and its insertion in the concert of modern and democratic country. It opens new perspectives, and goes beyond the aspirations expressed; it is a revolution in the political life of the country and a starting point of a new era. This work aims to show that this reform is not cyclical or due to a single factor, great burst of reform is hardly a matter of fact, now called the Arab Spring. This constitutional change that is part of the regime's stability seems to show political maturity through his choice to implement new mechanisms. It is therefore a new institutional context but essential objective to consolidate all the democratic gains that have been materialized throughout the modern history of Morocco and we propose to study. The new law confirms once again the exception of the Moroccan model and its singular character that revolves around a particularly active and dynamic political scene, drawing its strength from a constitutional monarchy, centuries old. His exception is actually a particularism, a singularity due to the nature of the monarchical regime and the specificities of the Kingdom, which make the change does not take place through the same channels and is not expressed in the same way

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Moses, Meshay Lee. "Vote-switching in South Africa: exploring the motivations of voters who switched from the ACDP and COPE to the DA in the 2011 local government election." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4090.

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Magister Administrationis - MAdmin
This study explores the motivations of voters who chose to switch their vote or support from the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) and the Congress of the People (COPE) to another opposition, the Democratic Alliance (DA) in the 2011 local government election. The study was informed by a qualitative research approach. Accordingly, an interview schedule was utilized as a research tool. This schedule contained questions prepared in order to acquire the necessary insight of voters who previously supported the ACDP and COPE (in the 2009 general elections) and moved to the DA in the 2011 local government election. In addition, interviews were conducted with party representatives from the ACDP and COPE in order to gain further insights into their perceptions of the key reasons for their party’s poor performance in this election. Popkin’s integrated theory is used as a basis to make sense of the behaviour and movement of voters during the 2011 local government election. Popkin (1991) argues that voters utilise low-information rationality or “gut-reasoning” when evaluating political parties, their candidates and the issues they present. As will be shown throughout this thesis, Popkin’s approach, where voters combine various sets of information obtained through daily life, the media and political campaigns, best explains the dynamics in the research findings. Based on the research findings, it appears that Popkin’s approach is the most useful for understanding the reasons for the voter migration to the DA in the 2011 election.

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Cross, Kathleen Ann. "Elections without politics: television coverage of the 2001 B.C. election /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2686.

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Dissertation (Ph.D.) - Simon Fraser University, 2006.
Theses (School of Communication) / Simon Fraser University. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 276-296). Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.

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Alionytė, Milda. "Politinio marketingo kaštų įtaka rinkimų rezultatams." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110614_152408-30991.

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Baigiamojo darbo tikslas – įvertinti politiniui marketingui skirtų kaštų įtaką rinkimų rezultatams. Siekiant tikslo, teorinėje darbo dalyje analizuojama politikos ir politinio marketingo sąvokos. Taip pat, aiškinamasis politinio marketingo modelis, analizuojami politinių partijų kampanijų finansavimą apibrėžiantys įstatymai, bei politinė reklama. Analitinėje baigiamojo darbo dalyje pateikiami ir analizuojami Lietuvos Respublikoje vykusių Savivaldybių tarybų rinkimų rezultatai. Naudojant Lietuvos Socialdemokratų, Tėvynės sąjungos – Lietuvos krikščionių demokratų ir Darbo partijų politinei kampanijai skirtų pajamų ir išlaidų ataskaitas skaičiuojama mandato kaina Kauno ir Vilniaus miesto rinkiminėse apylinkėse, bei Lietuvos mastu. Projektinėje darbo dalyje suformuluoti tokie sprendimai rinkėjų skaičiui pritraukti ir kuo didesniam mandatų skaičiui gauti: 1. Reikia kaip atskirą segmentą išsiskirti būsimą ir esamą akademinį jaunimą (studentus); 2. LSDP pozicionuodama turi remtis savo ilgamete patirtimi, žiniomis. 3. TS-LKD turi mažinti savo neigiamą įvaizdį ir pozicionuoti save kaip teigiamų pokyčių ir kaitos siekiančią partiją; 4. DP gali pozicionuoti save kaip partiją padedančią vidurinės klasės asmenims siekti išsilavinimo.
The final goal of diploma paper is to assess the influence of political marketing costs on election results. To achieve the objective, the policy and political marketing concept is analyzed in a theoretical part of the paper, together with interpretation of political marketing model as well as the analysis of the political party campaign finance laws and political advertising. Final analytical part provides an analysis of the Municipal Council election results of the Republic of Lithuania. Using the calculated costs of the income and expenditure of the Lithuanian Social Democrats, the Homeland Union - Lithuanian Christian Democrats and the Labor party's political campaign of the mandate of the city of Vilnius and Kaunas elective districts, and Lithuania. In a designed part of the paper , solutions are formulated how to attract voters and how to get the greatest number of mandates : 1. A separate segment of the future and current university students (undergraduate students) should be distinguished; 2. LSDP when positioning must rely on their many years of experience and knowledge. 3. HU-LSC has to reduce its negative image and position itself as a positive development and change aiming party; 4. LP may be positioning itself as the leading party which helps a middle class people to seek an education.

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Carlson, Ester. "Att lova eller inte lova väljarna - det är EU-frågan : En jämförande studie av de svenska riksdagspartiernas vallöften inför Europaparlamentsvalen 2014 och 2019." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431831.

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The European Parliament elections have for decades been described as 'second-order national elections', meaning that parties tend to have a national focus rather than a European one. Furthermore, the parties are often described as a weak link between the European Union and its citizens. Studies on the parties' election promises have mainly been done on national elections and show that election promises become increasingly important over time. However, no previous studies have looked at election promises in European elections. The purpose of this comparative case study is to compare the election promises that Swedish parliamentary parties present in their election manifestos for the European Parliament elections of 2014 and 2019, in order to contribute to both the discourse on European Parliament elections and the discourse on election promises. Two established fields of research that have not previously met in this way. Based on previous research, this study tests eight hypotheses on the material. By mapping and analyzing 1374 election promises from 16 election manifestos, the result shows a predominant share of election promises with a European focus, rather than national. The election promises are surprisingly specific rather than vague and mainly critical of EU-policy rather than the European Union as a political system. The conclusion of this result is that the European Parliament elections as 'second-order national elections' do not emerge when election promises are studied. The results of this study has shown that there is reason to revise the prevailing picture of European Parliament elections in this field of research.

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Petkanas, Zoe. "Politics of parity : gendering the Tunisian Second Republic, 2011-2014." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/276957.

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This dissertation explores the role of female political actors in the gendered rebuilding of Tunisia’s post-Ben Ali political infrastructure and how gender both informed and featured in the early stages of the democratic transition. Drawing on thirteen months of fieldwork and over 300 hours of interviews, it narrates a yet untold story of the transformation of female political actors from object to subject of the state. In the post-revolutionary political terrain, gender and women’s rights were imbued with broader discursive significance, becoming a vehicle through which to distinguish two broad political categories of Islamism and secularism, which showcased continuity with the historical deployment of gender in pre-independence and post-colonial authoritarian contexts. However, analysis of the development of gender parity legislation from its introduction in the interim electoral law in advance of the 2011 elections, through the constitutional and electoral law drafting processes, and its implementation in the 2014 elections, reveals the inadequacy of gender as a metaphor for broad political characterisations and the fluidity of the Tunisian political terrain as seen through a gendered lens. It was only through the collaborative work of female political actors across the ideological spectrum within the National Constituent Assembly that the foundational texts of the Second Republic were gendered, acknowledging and addressing the ways that the lived experiences of women, as socially and historically constituted subjects, can mediate access to rights. By virtue of this process, these female deputies, whose own subjectivities were transformed through interaction with male-dominated political institutions, enacted and embodied new modes of the female citizen as subject. Finally, in tracing the development of the gender parity laws through the formative years of Tunisian democracy, this dissertation illuminates the ways in which access to newly democratised political power remains gendered, mediated through the complex interplay between larger political, social, and economic structures.

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Cruz, Rodríguez Edwin. "The disagreement between protests and elections in Colombia (2010-2015)." Politai, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92467.

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Between 2010 and 2015, the most important protest cycle in the history of Colombia takes place, organized by leftist social organizations. At the same time, the Polo Democrático Alternativo, the main leftist party, experiences an electoral decline and the fragmentation of its internal tendencies. Consequently, the Colombian left fails to translate the discontent of social protest into electoral results. This article analyzes the disagreement between protests and elections, arguing that it is a result, on the one hand, of structural constraints characteristic of a political system in which electoral politics is not separated from violence and, on the other hand, the inability of the left to generate frameworks of collective action capable of challenging voters beyond the identities that exclude their different tendencies.
Entre 2010 y 2015 tiene lugar el ciclo de protestas más importante en la historia reciente de Colombia, agenciado por organizaciones sociales de izquierda. Al mismo tiempo, el Polo Democrático Alternativo, el principal partido de izquierda, experimenta un declive electoral y la fragmentación entre sus tendencias internas. Por consiguiente, la izquierda colombiana no consigue traducir el descontento de la protesta social en resultados electorales. Este artículo analiza el desencuentro entre protestas y elecciones, planteando que es resultado, por una parte, de constricciones estructurales propias de un sistema político en donde la política electoral no está desligada de la violencia y, por otra, de la incapacidad de la izquierda para generar marcos de acción colectiva capaces de interpelar votantes más allá de las identidades excluyentes de sus distintas tendencias.

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Werth, Luca Camilla. "Brazil’s 2014 presidential elections: the interconnection between election news and stock market behavior." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/15269.

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This study researches whether there has been abnormal stock market behaviour in Brazil as a consequence of election news (observed via opinion polls), regarding the last Brazilian presidential election, held in October 2014. Via applying event study methodology, the research on the Ibovespa and Petrobras suggests that events in which Rousseff was gaining in share have been subject to negative abnormal returns, and events where Rousseff was loosing in share have led to positive abnormal returns. Moreover, volatility has been significantly elevated during the election period and volume has been found to have slightly increased.
Este estudo investiga se houve comportamento anormal no mercado de ações no Brasil decorrente de notícias sobre as últimas eleições presidenciais brasileiras (através da utilização de sondagens), realizadas em outubro de 2014. Utilizando uma metodologia de estudos de evento (event studies), a investigação sobre o Ibovespa e a Petrobras sugere que, nos períodos em que Dilma melhorava a sua posição nas sondagens existiram retornos anormais negativos e, nos períodos em que Rousseff piorava a sua posição, existiram retornos anormais positivos. Além disso, a volatilidade foi bastante elevada durante o período eleitoral tendo o volume de transações aumentado ligeiramente.

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Pabiržis, Dovaidas. "Populizmo apraiškos Baltijos šalių politinių partijų rinkiminėse programose 2011-2012 m." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130606_102907-88809.

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Nors populizmo terminas dažnai sutinkamas politikos moksluose, žiniasklaidoje, politikų ar paprastų piliečių retorikoje, populizmo tyrimai nėra paplitę ir tik pastaruoju metu labiau buvo susidomėta ir bandoma operacionalizuoti šią sąvoką. Lietuvoje populizmo tyrimų apskritai praktiškai nėra. Vis dėlto populizmo tematika yra itin aktuali: paprastai populizmas suvokiamas kaip žalingas stabiliam demokratijos veikimui ar, Rytų ir Vidurio Europos regiono atveju, tolimesniems demokratijos ir partinės sistemos konsolidacijos procesams. 2011-2012 m. parlamento rinkimai Baltijos valstybėse vyko po sunkios ekonominės krizės, kuri sukrėtė šį regioną itin stipriai, todėl populistinių politinių partijų sėkmės galimybės tapo dar didesnės. Pagrindinis šio darbo tikslas yra ištirti Lietuvos, Latvijos ir Estijos politinių partijų programas ir įvertinti jų populizmo apraiškas 2011-2012 m. rinkiminiu laikotarpiu. Norint pasiekti šį tikslą, pirmiausia verta atkreipti dėmesį į populizmo tyrimų raidą politikos moksluose. Egzistuojant daugeliui teorinių prieigų bei populizmo fenomeno sampratų, būtina apsibrėžti savąją populizmo tyrinėjimo prieigą ir aiškinimą. Šiame darbe remiamasi populizmo kaip demokratijos patologijos aiškinimu, kadangi jis labiausiai atliepia šiandieninio populizmo Europoje kontekstą. Tokiu būdu nagrinėjamas ir sudėtingas ryšys tarp populizmo ir modernios demokratijos. Populizmas šiame darbe visų pirma suprantamas kaip siaura ideologija, ši prieiga įgalina tinkamiausiai... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
Populism is a widespreaded conception, often used in the discourse of political scientists, media or common citizens. However, only in the recent period scientists attempted to adapt this conception to empirical research or to use a comperative approach. Populism researches in Lithuania practically do not exist yet. Nevertheless, populism topic is relevant: usually it is associated with negative impact on stable function of democracy, or in the context of East and Central Europe region – a setback for further democracy and party system consolidation. Parliamentary elections in the period of 2011-2012 occurred after harsh economical crisis in Baltic region, therefore potential populism success is more presumable. The main goal of this research is to analyse the election programmes of political parties in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the 2011-2012 parliament election period. To reach this goal, the study of populism research evolution in political sciences is made. One may find various theoretical approaches of populism phenomena, so scholar must adjust one particular explanation and theoretical approach. Populism as a pathology of democracy explanation is used in this study, because it most properly corresponds with recently context of populism in Europe. Consequently, the complex bond between modern democracy and populism phenomena is accomplished. I maintain that populism is primarily a thin ideology and this approach enables to analyse party programmes. Specific... [to full text]

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Mendoza, Ramos Nathaly Erika. "Plan estratégico para la compañía Electro Enchufe S.A.C. 2017-2021." Master's thesis, Universidad del Pacífico, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11354/2252.

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Electro Enchufe S.A.C. es una empresa que tiene 23 años con la exclusividad en la importación y distribución de suministros eléctricos en el Perú. Su inicio, en el año 1994, se da con la especialización de enchufes y tomacorrientes industriales para el sector residencial, comercial e industrial con representaciones exclusivas de marcas de prestigio a nivel internacional en el Perú, logrando un posicionamiento fuerte y único por su especialización. Electro Enchufe presenta tres líneas de negocios: corporativo, con fuerza de venta propia para desarrollar ventas directas al sector construcción, mineras, hidrocarburos, pesca, industria; distribución, por medio de empresas minoritas y mayoristas; y retail, como Sodimac, Maestro y Promart, además de dos tiendas directas para atención a personas naturales o empresas. El plan estratégico se desarrolla para los siguientes cinco años (2017-2021), con información desde el año 2004 hasta el 2016. Se debe desarrollar un plan estratégico con un análisis externo para aprovechar las oportunidades y mitigar las amenazas; además de un análisis interno para tener un panorama claro del negocio, analizado en distintas directrices como proveedores, clientes, recursos y capacidades, además de otras herramientas que permitirían determinar las mejores estrategias alineadas a los objetivos, conjuntamente con las áreas funcionales y el equipo a cargo de cada área para que desarrollen e impulsen el logro de los objetivos basados en rentabilidad y sostenibilidad del negocio, buscando un servicio diferenciado a los clientes frente a las estructuras similares de la competencia y lograr el liderazgo de la posición de las marcas que representa de manera exclusiva.

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Carvalho, Augusto de Barros Lisboa de. "Pricing the cost of an election: the impact of the 2014 elections on stock markets." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/16600.

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What is the effect of elections on real assets? Can we measure the effect on price only observing one outcome? This dissertation attempts to estimate these effects using a methodology based in stock options. The model developed adapts the benchmark Black-Scholes model to incorporate two new parameters: a perfectly anticipated jump in price (∆) and a series of daily probabilities (Θ) reflecting beliefs about outcomes of the election. We apply this method to 2014 Brazilian Presidential Elections and Petrobras - an important oil company in Brazil - using market data from the second election round. The results found show 65-77% difference in company valuation, depending on election outcome. This is equivalent to approximately 2.5% of Brazil’s GDP in 2014.
Qual o efeito de eleições em ativos reais? É possível mensurar diretamente a diferença de preços mesmo que só possamos enxergar um dos resultados potenciais? Essa dissertação estima esses efeitos utilizando metodologia baseada em opções sobre ações. O modelo aqui desenvolvido adaptção tradicional Black-Scholes para incorporar dois novos parâmetros: um salto no preço do ativo perfeitamente antecipado e uma série de probabilidades diárias refletindo as crenças sobre quem venceria a corrida eleitoral. Aplicamos esse método para o caso brasileiro das Eleições Presidenciais de 2014 e a Petrobras - uma importante companhia do setor petrolífero do país -utilizando dados de bolsa do segundo turno das eleições. Os resultados encontrados mostram uma diferença de 65-77% para o valor da companhia, dependendo de quem vencesse nas urnas. Isso é equivalente a aproximadamente 2.5% do PIB de 2014 do país.

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Schäfer-Bung, Boris, and Mathias Nest. "Correlated dynamics of electrons with reduced two-electron density matrices." Universität Potsdam, 2008. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4177/.

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We present an approach to the correlated dynamics of many-electron systems. We show, that the twoelectron reduced density matrix (2RDM) can provide a suitable description of the real time evolution of a system. To achieve this, the hierarchy of equations of motion must be truncated in a practical way. Also, the computational effort, given that the 2RDM is represented by products of two-electron determinants, is discussed, and numerical model calculations are presented.

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Hwang, Annie S. "Social Media and the Future of U.S. Presidential Campaigning." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1231.

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The new technological mediums of each era, such as the radio in the 1920s and 30s, television in the 1950s and 60s, and today’s Internet and social media platforms, allow presidential candidates the opportunity to control their messaging and the potential to reach a greater audience than ever before. Candidates today are increasingly using social media and the Internet as a vital campaign source for spreading information, raising money, and rallying voters. Whether social media will measure into offline votes and political influence is yet to be seen, but presidential candidates who quickly recognize the potential of the latest technologies and use the new mediums at their disposal will nonetheless reap the most benefits of political communication.

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Mazurová, Sonja. "Politický marketing v ČR: komparace využití politického marketingu na komunální a senátní úrovni v roce 2014." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192706.

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The submitted thesis "Political marketing in the Czech Republic: comparison of application of political marketing on municipal and senate elections in 2014 " concentrates on the analysis of application of political marketing on municipal and senate election campaigns in 2014. The thesis analyses in detail the tools that were used in campaigns. The first chapter defines the theory and origins of political marketing. The second chapter concentrates on tools, strategies and new ways of using political marketing. The third chapter introduces the term permanent campaign and its effects on growing professionalism in election campaigns. In the fourth chapter author presents researched political subjects and the last chapter analyses the election campaigns.

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Becerra, Guillén María Gracia. "El voto emocional : Un análisis del rol de las emociones en el comportamiento político del elector peruano." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/8217.

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Se propone que, en un contexto como el peruano, las emociones generadas por los candidatos sirven como información que guía la toma de decisión electoral. Empíricamente, la hipótesis básica anticiparía que los electores votarán mayoritariamente contra aquellos candidatos que generen respuestas afectivas negativas y votarán mayoritariamente a favor de aquellos candidatos que generen respuestas afectivas positivas. Más aún, el voto no solo sería espontaneo y emocional, sino que este proceso inconsciente luego sería justificado a través de argumentos racionales. Por ello, se esperaría encontrar congruencias entre las evaluaciones políticas de los votantes y la respuesta emocional: las emociones sesgan las evaluaciones políticas del elector, potenciando/atenuando el efecto de las mismas. Así, por ejemplo, algunas personas no votarían por un candidato por el que sienten emociones negativas a pesar de que dicho candidato sea la opción racional.
Tesis

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Fuller, Jan. "Využití nástrojů politického marketingu v předvolební kampani ODS ve volbách do krajského zastupitelstva Jihomoravského kraje 2012." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-142250.

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Frolova, Ksenia. "Presidential elections - Russia 2012." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-161879.

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The uniqueness of 2012 Presidential election campaign lies in some new trends: for the first time Internet played such an important role in influencing voters. It's not just about traditional official websites of the candidates, but first and foremost about campaigning in blogs and social networks. The opposition, including "off-system" one (which is advocating the overthrow of the ruling elite), was much more active in this field. The Internet space became the scene of this conflict, and we should expect that it would only escalate in the future.

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Mwansa, Abraham. "Election politics and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) : comparing the 2001 elections in Zambia and Uganda." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1092.

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"The right to participate in the political and economic life of one's state is guaranteed in most African constitutions as well as in regional and international human rights instruments. It is practiced in various froms, one of which is through elections. Zambia and Uganda are among African countries that have embarked on the democratisation process. The leadership of the two countries ascribed to the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), launched in October 2001. NEPAD emphasises a "common vision and a firm and shared conviction" by African leaders for Africa's development. It is the determination of Africans to extricate themselves and the continent from the malaise of underdevelopment and exclusion in a globalising world. ... Since the return to multiparty politics in 1991, Zambia has had periodic elections every five years, the latest being in December 2001. Uganda too, after two decades of instability and military dictatorship, returned to the path of democracy under the leadership of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and had the latest elections in June 2001, although in contrast to Zambia, it was held on the basis of a "no-party" system. Common to the elections in the two countries are alleged electoral malpractices. The electoral processes in place in the two countries have perpetuated the trend. As a result, the electorate have been cheated of their genuine choices. For NEPAD to achieve the vision it postulates, Africa requires committed leadership borne out of free, fair, open and democratic electoral processes. Africa needs electoral practices that guarantee fairness, inclusiveness and accountability of the elected to the electorate. Zambia and Uganda must adopt electoral practices that would foster democracy in the two countries and in line with the NEPAD vision for Africa stipulated in the Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance (DDPECG). ... This thesis consists of five chapters. The first chapter outlines the context of the study. Chapter two is devoted to a study of NEPAD objectives, goals and tasks with particular attention to democracy, good governance, and free and fair and periodic elections. Chapter three looks at the electoral and legal framework of Zambia while chapter four addresses the electoral and legal frame of Uganda. Chapter five is a summary of the study and makes conclusions from the entire study and some recommendations for the adoption of particular electoral practices by the two countries, NEPAD, the civil society and the donor community." -- Introduction.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.
Prepared under the supervision of Professor J. Oloka-Onyango at the Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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Brennan, Audrey. "Primaries : a dress rehearsal for the election? : analyzing the conservative party of Canada's 2016-2017 leadership primary." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/32540.

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Primaire: une répétition générale pour l’élection? La sélection des chefs de partis de façon décentralisée étant un phénomène récent au Canada, en quoi cette nouvelle formule de sélection se distingue d’une campagne électorale? Ce projet est une étude d’un cas actuel soit, la course à la chefferie du Parti conservateur du Canada. À l’aide d’une analyse de contenu médiatique, de données issues des réseaux sociaux et d’entretiens semi-dirigés, nous tentons de répondre à la question suivante: Comment est-ce que les règles de la course à la direction 2016-2017 du Parti conservateur duCanada influencent-elles la perspective électorale du parti. La loi d’airain deMichels (1915c) suggère qu’en raison du manque d’intérêt des électeurs, les partis centralisent leurs organisations de plus en plus complexes autour des chefs de partis politiques. Trois composantes conduisent à l’oligarchisation des partis politiques dans les démocraties: la psychologie des candidats; le besoin d’organisation; et la psychologie des masses (Michels, 1915c, 516). Ce projet met à jour et teste la loi de d’airain. La campagne à la chefferie du Parti conservateur du Canada n’est pas une répétition générale pour les élections. Celle-ci est une audition. Il s’agit de choisir qui seront les principaux acteurs de l’élection, aucune répétition générale nécessaire. Il s’agit de préparer la mise en scène, d’écrire le scénario et de choisir qui sera le metteur en scène lors de la répétition générale. Celle-ci débutera réellement lor du congrès du parti qui aura lieu à l’été 2018. Une année après la sélection du nouveau chef.
Primaries: A Dress Rehearsal for the General Election? Since the selection of party leaders in a decentralized manner is a recent phenomenon in Canada, how is this new selection procedure different from an election campaign? This project is a study of a current case, the leadership selection of the Conservative Party of Canada. The research question is: How do the rules of the Conservative Party of Canada’s 2016-2017 leadership race influence the electoral prospect of the party? It is answered using an analysis of media content, data from social networks, and semistructured interviews. Michels’ (1915c) Iron Law of Oligarchy suggests that due to the lack of interests of voters, parties have centered their increasingly complex organizations around leaders. Three components lead to the oligarchization of political parties in democracies: the psychology of candidates; the need for organization; and the psychology of the masses (Michels, 1915c, 516). This project updates and tests the Iron Law. The Conservative Party of Canada’s leadership campaign is not a dress rehearsal for the general election. This leadership primary is more like an audition. It is about choosing who will be the key players at the election, no dress rehearsal needed. It is about setting the scene, writing the plot and choosing who will lead the party at the dress rehearsal. Which will really begin during the policy convention that follows the leadership selection in the summer of 2018.

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Dyachenko, Nina. "Russia’s ‘Sovereign Democracy’ : A Case Study of the Public Protests in Connection with Parliamentary and Presidential Elections 2011-2012." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-233896.

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Gunnarsson, Maja. "Tanzania – a democracy by elections? : Testing Staffan I Lindberg’s theory on democratization by elections on Tanzania in 2005, 2010 and 2015." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412743.

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32

Caicedo, Andrea. "The 2012 Presidential Election Gender Gap." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/578550.

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The gender gap in presidential elections has been an important part of American politics for the past decades. This phenomenon in politics refers to the differences of men and women in party identification and voting behavior. This paper explains the origins of the gender gap dating back to the 1980s. It explains the patterns and analyzes the most significant issues in each presidential election. Finally, it analyzes the gender gap in the 2012 presidential election. It focuses on the issues that had the biggest difference and it explains why some issues are more susceptible to having a greater gender gap.

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Kultová, Dana. "Komparace komunikačních kampaní kandidátů v prezidentských volbách 2013." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192482.

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Direct presidential election is a new phenomenon in Czech Republic which brought a challenge for political marketing. There was no previous experience with presidential campaigns and therefore there were a number of expectations how the candidates are going to carry out the campaigns. The thesis focuses on the election campaigns of individual candidates for Czech president in 2013. On a basis of the theoretical framework is an ambition of the thesis to analyze and compare the campaigns and subsequently to evaluate whether they have played an important role in the election, influenced voters' decisions and election results

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Ambrózyová, Miroslava. "Nové parlamentné politické strany na Slovensku po voľbách v roku 2010 a 2012." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-125143.

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The Slovak political party system was shaken by new political parties, that emerged just recently and strongly influenced the political scene. The aim of the paper was to find out, what was the key of success of the the new political parties, which made it to the parliament in the parliamentary elections in June 2010 and in march 2012. In order to reach this goal I research the circumstances which lead to the establishment of these parties, their election program, the governmental period, the campaign and the role of the party leader. The paper is divided into four chapters, out of which the chapter one is dedicated to the teoretical background and definitions, the second chapter is putting light on the Slovak party and election system, the chapter three and four are the analytical core of the paper, in which I analyze the the political parties SaS, Most-Híd and OĽaNO in the above mentioned areas. I conclude the analytical part by the anlysis of the election results do the Slovak parliament in year 2010 and the preliminary election in the year 2012.

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Ferreira, Marcos Francisco Soares. "O USO DO TWITTER NAS ELEIÇÕES PRESIDENCIAIS NO BRASIL EM 2010." UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE PONTA GROSSA, 2012. http://tede2.uepg.br/jspui/handle/prefix/334.

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Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:43:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos francisco soares ferreira.pdf: 1978054 bytes, checksum: e78bba4d9dfc01921d522faf9bb33501 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-29
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The work of this dissertation has as its object of study "The use of Twitter in the 2010 presidential elections." It has as main objectives: 1) Analyze Twitter as a communication tool in the elections. 2) Identify the use of Twitter by the three main candidates for presidency of the republic in the presidential elections in Brazil in 2010. This is an exploratory research, which systematizes the empirical data collected directly from Twitter candidates surveyed. To that end, we collected all the tweets of the three candidates surveyed: Dilma Roussef, Marina Silva and Jose Serra, published between 06/07/2010 and 06/11/2010.The survey results were organized into three chapters, the first of which is democracy, elections and public sphere, the second discusses the elections in Brazil and the third chapter presents the use of Twitter in the presidential elections in Brazil.
O presente trabalho de dissertação de mestrado tem como objeto de estudo “O uso do Twitter nas eleições presidenciais de 2010.” Apresenta como objetivos principais: 1) Analisar o Twitter como ferramenta de comunicação nas eleições. 2) Identificar o uso do Twitter pelos três principais candidatos a presidência da república no Brasil nas eleições presidenciais em 2010. Trata-se de uma pesquisa exploratória, que sistematiza dados empíricos coletados diretamente do Twitter dos candidatos pesquisados. Para isto foram coletados todos os tweets dos três candidatos pesquisados: Dilma Roussef, Marina Silva e José Serra, publicados entre 06/07/2010 e 06/11/2010.Os resultados da pesquisa foram organizados em três capítulos, sendo que o primeiro trata da democracia, esfera pública e eleições, o segundo aborda as eleições no Brasil e o terceiro capítulo apresenta o uso do Twitter nas eleições presidenciais no Brasil.

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Holmström, Zenk Jesper. "Enade eller delade? Stad och land i Sveriges mellanstora kommuner : Vad säger riksdagsvalen 2006 till 2014? [An English version of this thesis is available. See the link in the right column]." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-153578.

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Sweden has a divided pattern in terms of voting patterns from region to region in terms of the urban/rural divide in the 2006-14 three-time election cycle. The country’s mid-sized municipalities outside of the three major metropolitan areas show a general likelihood to vote for the left-leaning red-green coalition than to vote for the centre-right “alliance” in the urban areas. On the contrary, the alliance had a general advantage on the countryside or in minor locations in said municipalities. Out of the 31 municipalities studied, regional variations are significant. Northern municipalities, while left-leaning in both demographic groups, saw a general trend of the red-green parties winning more relative votes outside of the urban centres. This went heavily against the rest of the country’s tendencies, while southern Sweden also saw many towns vote for the alliance over the red-greens, especially in 2010. The study confirmed that towns and rural areas are moving further apart, especially when considering the influence of the social conservative and nationalist Sweden Democrats on the rural areas. The Social Democratic party has instead become ever more dependent on urban voters during the eight years of opposition to the alliance between ’06 and ’14. The other main party of Sweden, namely the Moderates was slightly stronger in towns than rural areas in ’06, before shifting in a slightly more rural-dependent direction in the forthcoming elections. The scope of the study covered all eight parliamentary parties elected into the Swedish Riksdag in 2014. The findings did indicate tendencies for several of them in the electoral research being done around that election. Areas with lower trust in the political system, lower political personal interest, sense of direction of the country going in the wrong direction and low trust ratings for the European Union were linked with rural areas, where the Sweden Democrats gained strong support as an anti-establishment party. Interestingly, in spite of a larger number of the Swedish electorate self-identifying as to the right rather than to the left, the strong divide of right-leaning voters between the alliance parties and the Sweden Democrats contributed to a minority left-leaning government led by the Social Democrats being able to take office after the 2014 election. This study has helped identify and confirm regional and demographical differences between parties and has correlated well with previous findings.

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Arling, Heidi Kristina. "Northern-Southern populism in Europe : Political manifestos of the Finns Parly, the Sweden Democrats, the League, and the National Rally, 2011-2018." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-187380.

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For this study, I set out to examine the electoral manifestos of four European populist parties in national elections, in order to analyze the ideological similarities and differences between the Finns Party, the Sweden Democrats, the National Rally, and the League. Political manifestos represent authoritative statements on party policies. I aimed to compare the ideologies expressed in the manifestos and to allocate them on a left-neutral-right scale according to a model developed by Backlund (2013), Benoitand Laver (2007), and Lowe et al. (2011). The theoretical background comes from Spatial theory (Downs 1957, Sartori 1977, Adams 1998) and Saliency theory (Budge & Farlie 1983, Budge et al. 2001, Klingemann et al. 2006). I derived the research data from the Manifesto Research on Political Representation (MARPOR) database; the data are longitudinal, covering 48 variables from two elections during the period of 2011-2018. I investigated how the parties present their political goals through qualitative analyses, as well as an examination of the salience and frequency of issues. Icompared the data to long-term trends from MARPOR data and from the Chapel Hill Expert Surveys. My findings indicate that the parties have common ideological traits such as nationalism, European Union (EU) opposition, and immigration negativity, but they differ in how they advocate for various policy matters. The Finns Party is the least moderate and openly exhibits nationalism and discriminatory features. The Sweden Democrats share attributes with leftist ideologies, except for the EU opposition and a veiled immigration negativity. The National Rally is nationalistic and privileges protectionism, but is more indirectly immigration and EU negative. The League shows an increasing preference for federalism and EU and immigration negativity during the two elections.

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Arling, Heidi Kristina. "Northern-Southern populism in Europe : Political manifestos of the Finns Party, the Sweden Democrats, the League, and the National Rally, 2011-2018." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-187380.

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For this study, I set out to examine the electoral manifestos of four European populist parties in national elections, in order to analyze the ideological similarities and differences between the Finns Party, the Sweden Democrats, the National Rally, and the League. Political manifestos represent authoritative statements on party policies. I aimed to compare the ideologies expressed in the manifestos and to allocate them on a left-neutral-right scale according to a model developed by Backlund (2013), Benoitand Laver (2007), and Lowe et al. (2011). The theoretical background comes from Spatial theory (Downs 1957, Sartori 1977, Adams 1998) and Saliency theory (Budge & Farlie 1983, Budge et al. 2001, Klingemann et al. 2006). I derived the research data from the Manifesto Research on Political Representation (MARPOR) database; the data are longitudinal, covering 48 variables from two elections during the period of 2011-2018. I investigated how the parties present their political goals through qualitative analyses, as well as an examination of the salience and frequency of issues. I compared the data to long-term trends from MARPOR data and from the Chapel Hill Expert Surveys. My findings indicate that the parties have common ideological traits such as nationalism, European Union (EU) opposition, and immigration negativity, but they differ in how they advocate for various policy matters. The Finns Party is the least moderate and openly exhibits nationalism and discriminatory features. The Sweden Democrats share attributes with leftist ideologies, except for the EU opposition and a veiled immigration negativity. The National Rally is nationalistic and privileges protectionism, but is more indirectly immigration and EU negative. The League shows an increasing preference for federalism and EU and immigration negativity during the two elections.

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39

Jaitner, Margarita. "Exercising Power in Social Media : A Study of Hard and Soft Power in the Context of Russian Elections 2011--‐2012." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-2893.

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40

Dankova, Adelina. "Between Challenge and Limitation : Blogging the Bulgarian Elections 2011." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-77676.

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The constant change of the political, economic, cultural and environmental landscapes of global societies predetermined the upgrowth of the media, the journalistic writings and the blogging practices as a new way of “citizen journalism”. Political blogs are a quite new media phenomenon that gained popularity in the past few years in Bulgaria. Hence, there are limited theoretical case studies. The lagging performance of Bulgaria in the last Reporters Without Borders Report 2011 together with the explicit recommendations of the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) after the Presidential and Municipal Elections 2011 in terms of media policy, ownership and news coverage bring the question of limited freedom of speech and the emergence of the blogs as an alternative platform for expression into discussion. Two methods are used in this thesis: structured interviews with two different additional questions and Critical Discourse Analysis. The empirical material was gathered from interviews with 8 of the most influential bloggers in Bulgaria (5 of whom work as journalists) and through an analysis of the texts of their blog entries (2 articles per bloggers or 18 articles in total). The aim is to underline the possible limitations in the practice of freedom of speech in Bulgaria from the bloggers’ perspective and to show only major patterns of the social environment and the current discourse in Bulgaria. Among the main findings of this study are thаt the lack of clarity in the media ownership and the failure of the media to defend the public interest are alarming for the level of democracy. Moreover, the media dependence on power and lobbying circles, as well as the blurred boundary between politics and the media results in the media self-censhorship and thus are threatening for the democratic foundation in Bulgaria and the freedom of speech which is at its basis. This study confirms the thriving of the blogosphere as an alternative media platform. This paper aims to provide insights and policy recommendations for international media experts.

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Jastramskis, Mažvydas, and MAŽVYDAS JASTRAMSKIS. "Electoral volatility in Lithuanian municipal council elections, 1995–2011." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130925_093618-43966.

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The aim of this dissertation is to analyze and explain the variance of electoral volatility between the Lithuanian municipalities. All local elections held since the restoration of Lithuania’s independence are analyzed (a total of six elections from 1995–2011). Dissertation is based on all the principal theoretical explanations of electoral volatility: sociostructural theory, economic voting, party system and institutional-contextual factors. Some theories are modified in order for them to be used in the context of Lithuanian local elections. Dissertation also proposes a four-fold party system classification that allows discerning different long-term coalitional patterns in Lithuanian municipal councils. The empirical investigation relies on quantitative (statistical) methods: descriptive statistics, correlation coefficients, non-parametric tests of population comparison and ordinary least squares regression. Three dependent variables (facets of electoral volatility) are used in the empirical analysis: total electoral volatility, extra-systemic volatility and vote share stability of a municipality’s dominant (mayor’s) party. It is found in the dissertation that these three facets of electoral volatility are influenced by various factors: cultural heterogeneity (increases electoral volatility), supply of parties, the correspondence between local and national party systems, electoral turnout (influence weakens since 2002), party membership density (influence not stable)... [to full text]
Šios disertacijos tikslas yra ištirti ir paaiškinti rinkėjų elgsenos kaitumo skirtumus rinkimuose į savivaldybių tarybas tarp Lietuvos savivaldybių. Tiriami visi nuo Lietuvos nepriklausomybės atkūrimo vykę demokratiniai savivaldos rinkimai (iš viso šeši rinkimai nuo 1995 m. iki 2011 m.). Disertacijoje remiamasi visais svarbiausiais teoriniais rinkėjų elgsenos kaitumo aiškinimais: sociostruktūra, ekonominis balsavimas, partinė sistema ir instituciniai-kontekstiniai veiksniai. Kai kurios teorijos yra modifikuojamos tam, kad jas būtų galima naudoti Lietuvos savivaldos rinkimų kontekste. Disertacijoje siūloma partinių sistemų klasifikacija pagal partijų koalicinio elgesio šablonus ilgajame laikotarpyje, įgalinanti atskirti partines sistemas Lietuvos savivaldybių tarybose. Empirinis tyrimas remiasi kiekybiniais (statistiniais metodais): aprašomoji statistika, ryšio matai, neparametriniai populiacijų skirtingumo matai ir tiesinė regresinė analizė. Empirinėje analizėje naudojami trys priklausomi kintamieji, kurie atitinka tris rinkėjų elgsenos kaitumo aspektus: bendras rinkėjų elgsenos kaitumas, išorinis nestabilumas ir savivaldybėje dominuojančios (mero) partijos balsų pokytis. Disertacijoje atrandama kad šie trys rinkėjų elgsenos kaitumo aspektai yra veikiami įvairių veiksnių: kultūrinio heterogeniškumo (didina rinkėjų elgsenos kaitumą), partijų pasiūlos, atitikimo tarp vietos ir nacionalinės partinių sistemų, rinkiminio aktyvumo (įtaka susilpnėja nuo 2002 m.), partinės narystės... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

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Arcostanzo, F. "CONTESTING EUROPE ON TWITTER. SOCIAL MEDIA AND THE POLITICIZATION OF 'EUROPE' DURING THE SPANISH ELECTIONS, 2015 AND 2016." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/519418.

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Since Maastricht onwards, political conflicts concerning European integration have intensified, mobilizing a wide range of actors in a global process of politicization of the EU. The ‘politicization’ of European integration, which until a decade ago was seen as conspicuously absent, is thus now widely recognized: the EU is increasingly addressed by political parties, is a key concern for voters, and often the lead news item across the region. As current events suggest, the European Union is increasingly subject to regular critiques of its policy choices but also to more principled forms of opposition, which question not only its institutional and constitutional architecture but even its rationale of existence. Understanding the mechanisms behind such a process of politicization, its manifestations and consequences has thus become a crucial research topic for political scientists. How do political actors conceive the basic alternatives? Can debates over European integration, despite their complexity, be reduced to a relatively small number of dimensions? Is there a substantial difference between citizens and political elites? How is contestation over European integration related to the left-right cleavage, which has characterized political life in Western Europe over the past century or more? With our work we contribute to the literature on EU politicization in national arenas by proposing an innovative design to study EU politicization by analysing Twitter big data, presented through an in-depth case study on the 2015 and 2016 Spanish general elections. The aim of our work is accordingly threefold. Firstly, it provides a comprehensive understanding of the type, directionality and intensity of conflicts over European integration in present times in Spain, both at the level of political elite and at that of mass public. Secondly, it empirically verifies the assumptions and findings of the literature on the EU politicization in relation to the case under scrutiny. Thirdly, it introduces an innovative method for the study of issue politicization on Twitter-based communication that combines NLP technology, network analysis and qualitative content analysis. On the one hand, by using a combination of human coding and machine learning, we are able to separately analyze the three main components of EU politicization: salience, conflict, and expansion to the public. On the other hand, hence critical tweets are identified, the analysis of their textual content and networked structure allows us to identify the specific issues around which contestation towards European integration is rooted, thus allowing us to unpack the reasons which have fostered and are still driving the mobilization of a wide range of actors. From a public sphere perspective, EU-politicization and democratization are interlinked in a way that public contestations pose a challenge to executive decision-making, raise democratic standards and trigger processes of public opinion formation. By answering our RQs we will thus be able not only to analyse the content of the electoral debate and its matching with our theoretical expectations, but also to contribute to the study of the European(ized) public sphere.

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Murr, Andreas Erwin. "Citizen forecasting in the 2010 British General Election." Thesis, University of Essex, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.601492.

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Citizen forecasting is the subject that ties this thesis together. Citizens base their vote choice in part on their forecasts who will win the election. We all should care, therefore, about how accurate the forecasts are and how we may help citizens to form better ones. At first the task of forecasting seems Herculean: for instance, citizens need to overcome bias. measurement problems, and ignorance. But other features simplify the task: the British political system is only slowly changing and the public reflects upon itself by publishing opinion polls. Election fo recasting holds challenges, but citizens can manage them without Herculean effort. Indeed, most citizens correctly forecasted who won in theif constituency in the 2010 British General Election. Groups of citizens are even better at forecasting than individuals, showing a wisdom of crowds ·effect. Aggregating the citizen forecasts for each constituency correctly predicted a hung parliament, with the Conservatives as the largest party. Citizens achieved the accuracy without being unbiased Bayesian learners. Although many researchers already claimed that partisanship biases information processing, none controlled for prior belief certainty. All researchers found that partisan groups differ in their posterior belief, but the finding is not enough to show that partisans are biased. Different posterior beliefs can result from partisans proceSSing information in the same way, but starting with different prior beliefs. It turns out, however, that even after controlling for prior certainty, partisan bias persists. Although citizens are biased, they are efficient information processors. They use Ufast and frugal" heuristics that yield by·and-large accurate forecas ts with very little information. Indeed, a simple path to correct forecasting is to forecast the incumbent party to win again in the constituency, and the party leading in a campaign poll to win the most votes nationally. tdost citizens seem to follow this path.

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Eklöf, Oskar. "Voting behaviour in the 2014 European Parliament election." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376257.

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The European Parliament election is one of the most extensive elections in the world and affects more than 500 million people within the European Union. Prior research have mainly been using two different frameworks to explain voting behaviour in the European Parliament elections, namely the second-order election theory and the Europe-matters framework. The second-order theory states that national issues play a major role in the voting behaviour and the Europe-matters frameworks basically imply that European issues play a major role in the citizens’ voting behaviour. Prior research has relied too much on aggregate data, has operationalised the frameworks wrongly and has not given equal weight to the frameworks. In this study, I tried to come to terms with these problems and the research question was to test which of the frameworks that best explains the voting behaviour in the European Parliament election of 2014. The results are mixed and no framework seem to explain the voting behaviour better than the other. Nevertheless, other interesting results are possible to find and two of these results are that people tend to cast protest votes against their government if they disapprove it and that EU disapproval affects abstaining from voting more than government disapproval does, in the European Parliament election of 2014.

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45

Klar, Samara, Christopher R. Weber, and Yanna Krupnikov. "Social Desirability Bias in the 2016 Presidential Election." WALTER DE GRUYTER GMBH, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/623290.

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Partisanship is a stable trait but expressions of partisan preferences can vary according to social context. When particular preferences become socially undesirable, some individuals refrain from expressing them in public, even in relatively anonymous settings such as surveys and polls. In this study, we rely on the psychological trait of self-monitoring to show that Americans who are more likely to adjust their behaviors to comply with social norms (i.e. high self-monitors) were less likely to express support for Donald Trump during the 2016 Presidential Election. In turn, as self-monitoring decreases, we find that the tendency to express support for Trump increases. This study suggests that - at least for some individuals - there may have been a tendency in 2016 to repress expressed support for Donald Trump in order to mask socially undesirable attitudes.

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46

Merge, Steven. "Cable News Coverage of the 2012 Presidential Election." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13449.

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47

Luchesi, Raquel Moretti. "Um estudo das campanhas de Dilma Rousseff em 2010 e 2014 no HGPE da TV." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2016. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/9048.

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The preparation of an election campaign is developed to transmit matters that the mass media want to reach the public discussion. So, it is widely important to the electoral dispute because it is one of the elements responsible for making the approach candidate / voter and hence for the decision of his vote. With high coverage that television currently has in Brazil, it is possible to expose the candidate's message to a large number of voters especially with the Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) that allows all candidates an access to a free time on television to broadcast their campaign. The aim of this research is to make a parallel of Dilma Rousseff campaign, the candidate of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) for the presidency of the republic of Brazil in 2010 and 2014 elections and to analyze the lines of continuity and break between the campaigns in both elections, taken the differences between political moments lived through the candidate in both years. This analysis will be done through the study HGPE broadcast on television.
A elaboração de uma campanha eleitoral é desenvolvida com o intuito de transmitir assuntos que os mass media desejam que cheguem à discussão do público, dado isso, sua elaboração é de suma importância para a disputa eleitoral, pois é um dos elementos responsáveis por fazer a aproximação candidato/eleitor, e consequentemente para a decisão do voto deste. Com a alta abrangência que a televisão tem atualmente no Brasil, é possível expor as mensagens do candidato a um alto número de eleitores principalmente com o Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) que permite que todos os candidatos tenham acesso a um tempo gratuito na televisão para transmitir sua propaganda. O objetivo da desta pesquisa é fazer uma comparação das campanhas de Dilma Rousseff, candidata do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) à presidência da República do Brasil nas eleições de 2010 e 2014 para analisar as linhas de continuidade e ruptura entre as campanhas dos dois pleitos, tomadas as diferenças entre os momentos políticos passados pela candidata nos dois anos. Essa análise será feita por meio do estudo HGPE transmitido na televisão.

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48

Brocker-Knapp, Skyler Lillian. "The 2016 Presidential Election: Demographic Transformation and Racial Backlash." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3827.

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Despite analysts' predictions and assertions prior to the 2016 presidential election, the Hispanic vote did not prove decisive. Donald Trump's victory elucidates a new electoral calculus, one that will be ruled simultaneously by changing demographics and the backlash against such change. While Hispanic voters largely supported Hillary Clinton, structural and individual impediments hinder their access to the voting booth and their turnout on election day. This thesis explores the reasons why the Hispanic electorate did not prove decisive in the 2016 presidential election. It further illuminates the changing Electoral College map, in which the Midwest and the Rustbelt are determined by an older white electorate and the South and Southwest are determined by an influx of minorities and immigrants, namely the Hispanic electorate. The 2016 presidential election illustrates the demographic changes and subsequent backlash that will persist over the next decade. A growing Hispanic population and electorate will eventually alter the political calculus of national and state elections, but turnout among white voters will continue to prove decisive in the near future. White backlash and transactional voting (e.g. economic, religious) clearly clinched Trump's success in crucial swing states, ultimately securing his Electoral College win. A review of polling prior to the 2016 election, as well as case studies of economic transactional and Hispanic Trump voters, demonstrates the breakdown across party and state lines that ensured Trump's Electoral College victory, despite a large and expanding Hispanic electorate. While it will continue to grow exponentially, it is unlikely that the Hispanic electorate will prove decisive as soon as the 2020 presidential election, but it will inevitably determine national and state elections within the next decade.

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49

PAGANO, GIOVANNI. "THE 2019 EP ELECTION CAMPAIGN AS SEEN FROM TWITTER." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2434/956986.

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The end of May 2019 saw European citizens go to the polls to choose a new European Parliament (EP). These elections marked a crucial moment for European democracy, as they took place in a context of significant challenges and upheavals, including the aftermath of the economic and financial crisis that had impacted the EU in the preceding decade, the refugee crisis that had tested the EU's capacity to manage migration and asylum, and the departure of the United Kingdom from the EU. These events had far-reaching implications for the political landscape of the EU, and the election campaign was shaped by the issues and concerns that they raised, as well as the parties and candidates who sought to address them. Against this backdrop, the 2019 EP election campaign was marked by a high degree of contentiousness and uncertainty, with many parties and candidates seeking to position themselves in response to the shifting political and economic landscape Moreover, the 2019 EP election campaign was characterized by the significant role of social media in political communication, a phenomenon that had not been as prominent in previous campaigns. This transformation was due to the widespread dissemination of digital communication technologies, which had granted European citizens unprecedented access to information and new opportunities for political participation. As a result, political parties and politicians have greatly increased the number of available communication channels in order to disseminate information online and mobilize party members and supporters, making the use of social media a critical aspect of election campaign activity. Virtually every political party in Europe had a presence on social media, highlighting the importance of these platforms in modern-day political communication. The literature has recognized the significance of social media in shaping the outcome of election campaigns and has examined its role in creating new opportunities for political participation, promoting transparency and responsiveness between citizens and their representatives. An online election campaign offers a “window of opportunity” where behaviors and interactions between parties, candidates and citizens can be observed in condensed form. In the case of European Parliament elections, the view can embrace 28 different countries simultaneously in the same campaign context and in the same digital arena. Despite its many promises however the online dimension of EP campaigns is still relatively understudied. In this dissertation I present three distinct studies, each addressing a different dimension of the multifaceted and complex phenomenon of the 2019 EP online campaign. In the first chapter I examine the role of candidates and parties in online election campaigns, given the increasing importance of social media platforms. Specifically, the study investigates the prevalence of Twitter usage among candidates for the 2019 European Parliament election, as well as the factors that influence adoption and use of the platform. The study takes a comparative approach, analyzing data from all 28 member states of the European Union, and it aims to contribute to the ongoing “equalization vs. normalization” debate on the impact of social media on election campaigns. In particular, I investigate whether social media can be viewed as a force that equalizes the resource gaps between candidates and parties, or its use is being normalized into the EP campaign. To accomplish this, the study considers both individual-level and party-level factors that may influence Twitter adoption and use during the EP 2019 campaign. Chapter 2 investigates the dynamic nature of online communication between European Parliament (EP) candidates and their audiences during the 2019 EP campaign in the five largest Western European countries: France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom. The study uses online communication data from both candidates and regular users to investigate the question of "who leads whom" in the communication process. Drawing on the literature on competing principals, the study explores who the "principal" is in the online communication between candidates and their audiences. Rather than relying on self-reported policy positions or roll-call votes, the study proposes a text-based measure at the level of individual tweets to determine the distance between the positions of political elites and those of their audience. The measure is then used to assess the extent to which EP candidates and Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) are faced with competing pressures from their audience, their party, and their EP group. The findings of the study contribute to the literature at the intersection of EU studies and legislative studies that focuses on the role of MEPs as agents with multiple principals. Additionally, the study contributes to the debate on the potential of social media to promote responsiveness and transparency between citizens and their representatives. In Chapter 3, the focus shifts towards the audience of the Twitter campaign, analyzing how the public reacts to campaign content by examining the replies to candidates' Twitter messages. A significant concern in recent years has been the rise in animosity and hostility across partisan lines, which has developed in parallel with the changes in media environments. The investigation covers campaign communication originated by the candidates of four EU member states: France, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom. The study addresses how interactions between candidates and the public might fuel reinforcing spirals of polarization dynamics along partisan lines, highlighting patterns of affective polarization in the context of the EP 2019 election campaign. Research on affective polarization has typically relied on survey questionnaires or experimental settings to measure partisan animosity and positive partisanship. However, most existing studies lack a comparative perspective and tend to focus on the mass level, thereby neglecting the crucial aspect of the interaction between citizens and political elites. To address these gaps, the study leverages behavioral data from Twitter to test how citizens react to elite messages in the context of an election campaign. A text-as-data approach is developed to analyze Twitter communication from more than 350,000 Twitter users, collected as they interact with hundreds of political candidates in the four countries. This measure is then used to unpack the mechanisms behind affective polarization and to shed light on its main drivers.

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50

Pilet, Jean-Benoît. "Réformer le système électoral en Belgique: une mise en cause du modèle consociatif ?l'analyse des fondements de trois réformes électorales débattues entre 1990 et 2005." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210759.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Election, 2011'

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