Journal articles: 'Election, 2011'

1

Bader, Max. "Crowdsourcing election monitoring in the 2011–2012 Russian elections." East European Politics 29, no. 4 (December 2013): 521–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2013.818979.

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Wojtasik, Waldemar. "Congruent Representation: Election Cycle in Poland 2009-2011." Polish Political Science Review 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0009.

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Abstract The article presents the results of research on the congruence of the political representation formed in elections held in the years 2009-2011 in Poland. The election cycle included the European Parliamentary elections in 2009, the Polish presidential election, elections to local government in 2010, and the parliamentary elections in 2011. The median citizen, median voter, and their positions on the left-right scale were used as tools for examining congruence. Studies have proven that in Poland, the median citizen and the median voter are positioned on the right side of the left-right scale. The legislature and executive authorities chosen in the elections are located left of the median citizen and the median voter. Studies have not demonstrated the existence of any impact of the electoral system on the positioning of the median citizen and the median voter.

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Monogan, James E. "The 2011 Debt-Ceiling Controversy and the 2012 US House Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 48, no. 03 (June 19, 2015): 420–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096515000177.

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ABSTRACTThis article considers how a key legislative vote—that is, the August 2011 vote to raise the federal debt ceiling—influenced the 2012 elections for the US House of Representatives. Two outcomes are analyzed: (1) the incumbents’ ability to retain their seats through the 2012 general election, and (2) their share of the two-party vote for members who faced a general-election competitor. In developing this study, the research design was registered and released publicly before the votes were counted in 2012. Therefore, this article also illustrates how study preregistration can work in practice for political science. The findings show that seat retention did not vary with the treatment; however, incumbents who voted against raising the debt ceiling earned an additional 2.4 percentage points of the two-party vote.

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Mckay, Joanna. "The Berlin Land Election 2011." German Politics 21, no. 2 (June 2012): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2012.677034.

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Kondro, W. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: pharmacare." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 8 (April 26, 2011): E455—E456. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3870.

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Kondro, W. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: research." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 8 (April 26, 2011): E463—E464. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3877.

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Vogel, L. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: transparency." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 9 (May 2, 2011): E513—E514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3879.

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&NA;. "Neurology Section 2011 Election Results." Journal of Neurologic Physical Therapy 35, no. 3 (September 2011): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/npt.0b013e31822a31fd.

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Chen, Ming-Tong. "Taiwan in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.72.

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Abstract Developments in Taiwan's politics, economy, society, and external relations in 2011 were closely tied to the presidential election contest. In the months leading up to the election, incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou held a slight lead in the polls over DPP Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen. James Soong's late entry into the race had little impact on the outcome, and Ma Ying-jeou was reelected.

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Hansen, Hans V., and Douglas N. Walton. "Argument kinds and argument roles in the Ontario provincial election, 2011." Journal of Argumentation in Context 2, no. 2 (August 5, 2013): 226–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.2.2.03han.

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This paper is a report of a pilot study of how candidates argue when they are running for political office. The election studied was the provincial election in Ontario, Canada, in the fall of 2011. Having collected about 250 arguments given during the election from newspaper media, we sought answers to the following questions, among others: (i) which argumentation schemes have the greatest currency in political elections? (ii) Is a list of the best known argumentation schemes sufficient to classify the arguments given in elections? (iii) What schemes should be added to the familiar list to make it more adequate for studying elections? (iv) Is it useful to classify arguments as being used for positive, policy-critical, person-critical and defensive purposes? (v) Can political parties be usefully characterized by noting their preferred kinds of arguments and their most frequent uses of arguments? (vi) What lessons can be learned from this study to better design future studies of the same kind?

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McKenna, Peter, and Donald Desserud. "The 2011 Provincial Election in Prince Edward Island." Canadian Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (August 12, 2013): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/2013342.

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An election that never seemed in doubt became interesting when the Globe and Mail newspaper revealed allegations that high-ranking officials in the PEI government were involved in fraud and bribery with regards to the provincial nominee (immigration) programme. However, in the end, the Ghiz Liberals fulfilled earlier predictions, returning to office on the strength of a landslide victory over the Crane PCs. The Liberals did see their seat total drop by one (from 23 to 22), while the PCs picked up a seat (for a total of 5). However, the real story was the sudden drop in voting turnout. At 76.5%, this is the lowest since Elections PEI began recording turnout. Three other parties fielded candidates in the 2011 election: the Greens, NDP and the new Island Party. None won seats.

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Igohosa Ugbudian, Lucky. "Social Media, Post-Election Violence and 2011 Elections in Nigeria." African Journal of Democracy and Election Research 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2752-602x/2023/v3n1a7.

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Hababou, Moez, and Nawel Amrouche. "Misconceptions and Realities of the 2011 Tunisian Election." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 04 (September 30, 2013): 741–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001248.

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AbstractIn response to the 2011 Tunisian elections and the uncertainty surrounding Tunisia's future, we offer an empirical explanation of the election's results using socioeconomic and demographic variables. We aggregate many political analyses to describe the main parties and give insights into their strengths and weaknesses. We also examine common misconceptions advanced during the elections. Finally, we include a proposed electoral map that could be used by politicians to plan their future political strategies.

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Phongpaichit, Pasuk, and Chris Baker. "Reviving Democracy at Thailand’s 2011 Election." Asian Survey 53, no. 4 (July 2013): 607–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.4.607.

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This article analyzes the results of Thailand’s 2011 election in the context of the prior six years of political turmoil. It argues that the election was a landmark in restoring the prospects for electoral democracy in Thailand.

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Pryce, Paul. "The 2011 parliamentary election in Latvia." Electoral Studies 31, no. 3 (September 2012): 613–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2012.05.006.

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Kesgin, Barış. "The 2011 parliamentary election in Turkey." Electoral Studies 31, no. 4 (December 2012): 867–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2012.06.001.

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Kondro, W. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: health transfers." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 8 (April 18, 2011): E453—E454. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3865.

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Collier, R. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: food safety." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 9 (May 2, 2011): E511—E512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3878.

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Collier, R. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: public health." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 9 (May 2, 2011): E515—E516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3880.

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Vogel, L. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: patient safety." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 9 (May 2, 2011): E519—E520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3882.

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O'Leary, Eimear. "General Election (Republic of Ireland) 2011." Irish Political Studies 27, no. 2 (June 2012): 326–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2012.675170.

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Matthews, Neil. "The Northern Ireland Assembly Election 2011." Irish Political Studies 27, no. 2 (June 2012): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2012.675172.

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Purnamasari, Dwi, Ashabul Kahfi, and Arief Fatchur Rachman. "PERAN PENYELENGGARA PEMILU DALAM PEMILIHAN LEGISLATIF 2014 DI KABUPATEN SIDOARJO." JKMP (Jurnal Kebijakan dan Manajemen Publik) 3, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21070/jkmp.v3i1.183.

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This study aims to analyze and determine the role of the Election Supervisory Committee and the Commission (general election commission) Implementation of legislative elections in 2014 in Sidoarjo and analyze the factors that cause a lack of understanding of policy formulation election organizers in the respective organizers of the Role of Election Supervisory Committee and the General Election Commission. This research method is using descriptive qualitative approach. The data needed is a secondary data in the form of books, journals, articles, print media (newspapers) and the mass media as well as primary data obtained from informants through. Based on the results of this study concluded that the role of each institution in the administration of elections has not run optimally in accordance with Law Number 15 of 2011 on the Election. In the implementation on the ground found some constraints on each institution in organizing legislative elections in 2014 related to the duties and responsibilities between the Role of the Election Supervisory Committee and the General Election Commission.

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Conroy-Krutz, Jeffrey, and Carolyn Logan. "Museveni and the 2011 Ugandan election: did the money matter?" Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 4 (November 9, 2012): 625–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000377.

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ABSTRACTIn February 2011, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni resoundingly won re-election. In the aftermath of the vote, which many had predicted would be competitive, analysts and opposition supporters ascribed Museveni's victory to massive pre-election spending on public goods, creation of new administrative districts, and vote buying. While the opposition could not compete with Museveni and his National Resistance Movement in access to resources, our analyses of survey data, from two pre-election surveys conducted by Afrobarometer in November/December 2010 and January 2011, and a pre- and post-election panel study, find little evidence that Museveni benefited significantly from public goods outlays, district creation, and vote buying. Additionally, we find little evidence that fear and intimidation were responsible for the results. Instead, the data suggest that Museveni's re-election was driven by an uninspiring opposition slate, widespread satisfaction with macro-economic growth, and an improved security situation, particularly in the Northern Region.

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M., Moniruzzaman. "Local Election Competition for National Party Survival: An Analysis of Merlimau By-Election in Malaysia." Journal of Social Science Studies 3, no. 2 (March 23, 2016): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsss.v3i2.9202.

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<p>Party politics in Malaysia has become tumultuous over the past two decades. As such national and regional level elections as well as by-elections have become equally sensitive for party politics. Of late by-elections have taken a special position as they are considered unseasonal barometer for testing popularity and legitimacy of the incumbent and the opposition competition. The effect of the dramatic 2008 national general elections in Malaysia continued during the subsequent three years through nearly one and a half dozen by-elections throughout the country. Until November 2010, the opposition remained jubilant over its victory in eight out of 11 by-elections maintaining the funfair of the rising opposition unprecedented in Malaysia’s election history. But the tide started to dwindle with the subsequent three wins in Galas, Tenang and Batu Sapi by the ruling coalition turning the trend around. Under this circumstance came the Merlimau by-election in March 2011. Reflecting the reality on the ground, therefore, this by-election became a battleground for party political survival for both the ruling and opposition coalitions. This article discusses the campaign strategies of the competing coalitions, the results of the election, and its implications. The importance of this by-election is that it reflected the intensity of national level electoral sensitivity since the ruling party’s political survival was dependent upon wining this election against a series of by-elections won by the opposition.</p>

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Saravana Rajasena, K., and A. Thanikodi. "Election Manifesto is the Key Determinant of Voting Behaviour in Tamil Nadu Electoral Politics." Asian Review of Social Sciences 5, no. 2 (November 5, 2016): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/arss-2016.5.2.1317.

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This research aims to examine how Election manifesto is the key and important determinant of voting behaviour in tamilnadu state assembly elections. Various determinants of voting behaviours are discussed along with their relation with Election manifesto. Election manifesto’s of important political parties for 2011 and 2016 state assembly elections were taken as base for this study. It also aims to prove that although there are various factors involved in the voting behaviour, the main impact of the voting behaviour and election result would be based on the election manifesto. The paper rounds off with conclusions and an agenda for future research in this area.

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Osuala, A. E., U. A. Onoh, and G. U. Nwansi. "Presidential Election Results and Stock Market Performance: Evidence From Nigeria." Applied Economics and Finance 5, no. 2 (February 9, 2018): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/aef.v5i2.3016.

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The study investigates the effect of Presidential election results on the performance of an emerging stock market using the case of the 2011 and 2015 Presidential elections in Nigeria. Adopting Event Study methodology to analyse the secondary data obtained from the Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE) and some national dailies, the results of the study suggest that the 2011 presidential election result had negative significant impact on the performance of the stock market. On the other hand, the 2015 Presidential election result had positive but insignificant impact on the stock market as evidenced by the average and cumulative abnormal returns on the event date and one day post-event date- an indication that the result of the 2015 Presidential election was a welcomed development as leadership changed from PDP to All Progressives Congress (APC).

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Ogundeji, R. K., and J. N. Onyeka-Ubaka. "A Bayesian Approach for Validation of Election Results." Nigerian Journal of Basic and Applied Sciences 27, no. 2 (May 27, 2020): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/njbas.v27i2.4.

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Election process and results in many countries have resulted in both political and economic instability of that country. Fair and credible election process and results must be evidence-based and statistical proven. This study employed a Bayesian procedure for the validation of election results. Based on Nigerian 2011 and 2015 presidential election results, Bayesian credible intervals were obtained to assess the credibility of Nigeria presidential election results. The study explores Bayesian methods using a Bayesian model called beta-binomial conjugate model to compute posterior probability of electoral votes cast and confirm if these votes are within Bayesian credible intervals. The results obtained showed that election outcomes for the two major political parties in Nigeria 2011 presidential election are not within Bayesian credible bounds while 2015 presidential election results are within computed Bayesian credible bounds. Also, in contrast to frequentist approach, applied Bayesian methodology exhibited smaller variance which is an indication that Bayesian approach is more efficient. Thus, for election to be fair, credible and acceptable by the electorates, Bayesian approach can be used to validate electoral process and results. Keywords: Bayesian Methods, Bayesian Credible Intervals, Beta-Binomial Model, Empirical Bayes, Nigeria Presidential Elections.

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Nwankwo, Cletus Famous. "Religion and Voter Choice Homogeneity in the Nigerian Presidential Elections of the Fourth Republic." Statistics, Politics and Policy 10, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2018-0010.

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Abstract This article examines the influence of religion on voter choice homogeneity (VCH) in the Nigerian presidential elections of the fourth republic (1999–2015). The result indicates that in the first two elections, religion did not have a significant impact on VCH but had increasing influence from 2011. Thus, compared with the 1999 and 2003 elections, the effect of faith in 2011 and 2015 elections was positive, but the impact of religion was highest in 2015, having a significant and robust effect on VCH. Thus, the paper demonstrates that impact of faith in the presidential elections in the fourth republic has strengthened over time. This finding is, however, put in the context of each election regarding the role of candidates’ popularity, party-identification, ethnicity, candidates’ performance, the number of candidates contesting the election and the position of prominent leaders of the different regions of the country. The paper demonstrates that placing the influence of religion on vote choice in the context of each election and place-specific manifestation of VCH is pertinent in understanding better how religion shapes voting behaviour in Nigeria.

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Perrottet, Alex. "Noted: The twitter revolution." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 17, no. 2 (October 31, 2011): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v17i2.364.

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Reviewed book edited by Philip Behnke Publication date: October, 2011 This book provides an informative snapshot of where contries in and around Asia are with thier technology and how governments are responding. Behnke binds together reports from Pakistan to the Pacific, some of which include analyses of election such as the 2010 'Twitter election' in Australia, and more conflicting chapters of politics such as the Thai 'Red Shirts' political crisis during 2010, as well as the 2010 Philippne election.

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Castillejo, Bruno, and Dimitrina J. Semova. "Elecciones Generales y redes sociales en el caso de España, 2011 General Elections and social networks in the case of Spain, 2011." International Review of Information Ethics 18 (December 1, 2012): 144–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/irie312.

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General Elections of November 20, 2011 marked a turning point in the use of social networks in Spain for political purposes: on the one hand, was the first time the major parties decided to use social networks in their election campaigns, and on the other, all studies show that small parties won on this field. Given that “the smalls” reached unexpected good election results, therefore we must examine the question of a possible relationship between votes won and presence in social networks. It is also important that the vast majority of messages against politicians came from users participants in the 15-M Movement (“The Outraged”). From their personal accounts they proposed different hashtags attacking the two major political parties: the Popular Party (PP) and the Socialist Party (PSOE).

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Munene, Hyden, Rosemary Chilufya, and John Bwalya. "An Assessment of Election Administration in Zambia, 1991-2011." Journal of African Elections 21, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 100–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2022/v21i2a5.

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The purpose of this study was to establish whether there had been an improvement in the governance of electoral processes in Zambia, in tandem with democratic principles, between 1991 and 2011. The study used interview material and secondary data on election administration activities gathered from Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) documents on electoral laws and regulations, as well as election monitors and observers’ reports. The investigation was centred on five core election administration activities, namely voter registration, monitoring funding of political parties, collaborating with the media, validating election results, and electoral conflict prevention and management. The article utilised the democratic governance theory and principles embedded in the principles for election management, monitoring and observation (PEMMO) to examine the performance of the ECZ in these five core election administration activities during the period under consideration. Based on the democratic gauge, the study found that the performance of the ECZ in election administration was worse between 1991 and 2006 but significant improvements were attained from 2006 to 2011. Subsequently, in 2016, the Constitution of Zambia was amended and the electoral laws were repealed and replaced.

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Jednaka, Wiesława. "Nowo powstałe partie małe w Polsce a wybory 2010–2011. Progi rozwoju partii." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 25 (October 31, 2018): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.25.6.

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New-created small parties in Poland and participation in the elections 2010–2011. Party thresholdsTh is article analyzes the participation of small parties in the municipal 2010, presidential 2010 and parliamentary 2011 elections. The genesis and programs and ideology of the party have been characterized. The concept of M. Pedersen was used, which describes the party’s life cycles. Four party thresholds are included: 1 the declaration threshold — the party declares participation in the elections, 2 the authorization threshold — the party meets the formal and legal requirements contained in the Act on political parties from 1997, 3 the representation threshold — the party wins elections, i.e. receives mandates for representative structures, 4 relevance threshold — G. Sartori’s concept is used. On the basis of a comprehensive analysis of party thresholds, small parties have a problem to exceed the threshold of representation. If they do not overcome it, then the fourth threshold, the threshold of relevance, does not apply. Three reasons can be pointed out: the party’s program, which is uninteresting to voters, the lack of field structures and the lack of electoral facilities, the lack of financial resources for the election campaign.

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Case, William. "Brunei in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 233–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.233.

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Abstract Brunei Darussalam remained untroubled throughout 2011. The government experimented with greater political openness and social reforms. It organized an election for at least part of its Legislative Council. It continued to make advances on women's and environmental issues. Meanwhile, the oil-based economy mostly remained steady. Foreign relations were benign.

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O'Shannassy, Michael. "Malaysia in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.165.

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Abstract Ethno-religious controversies, noisy demands for political change, and growing concerns over the slow pace of crucial economic reforms all served to highlight Malaysia's constantly shifting sociopolitical terrain in 2011. With the prospect of an early general election, it remains to be seen whether the ruling coalition can regain the middle ground.

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Patterson, Steven Thomas. "Cross-Level Partisanship in Concurrent Federal-Provincial Elections:." Federalism-E 20, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.12828.

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The purpose of this project is to explore the following research question: do same day (i.e. concurrent) provincial-federal elections exhibit a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections? This paper proposes that concurrent elections lead to a convergence in voters evaluations of federal-provincial co-partisans, and that this results in a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than in non-concurrent elections. Using 2011 Canada Election Studies (CES) data on federal party vote choice and provincial party preference, this paper will project the results of concurrent federal-provincial elections for three Canadian provinces. The results of these projected concurrent elections will be compared to actual party vote shares received in the first provincial election held following the 2011 Canadian federal election. The comparison of these data will be used to test the hypothesis that concurrent elections have a higher degree of cross-level partisanship than non-concurrent elections. This paper consists of five sections. First, I introduce the aims of this research and discuss its theoretical and substantive significance by referencing relevant literature. Second, a comprehensive theoretical framework is developed to explain why cross-level partisanship is expected to be higher in a concurrent election. Third, I outline the research design and methodology used to test this causal hypothesis. Fourth, I report and interpret my findings which show that overall cross-level partisanship was slightly higher in projected concurrent elections. I conclude by discussing the implications and limits of this study.

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Hutcheson, Derek S. "THE 2011 ELECTION TO THE DANISH FOLKETING." Representation 48, no. 3 (September 2012): 335–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2012.706991.

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Courtney, Michael, and Michael Gallagher. "The parliamentary election in Ireland, February 2011." Electoral Studies 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 231–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2011.10.010.

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LeDuc, Lawrence. "The federal election in Canada, May 2011." Electoral Studies 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 239–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2011.12.002.

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Nurmi, Hannu, and Lasse Nurmi. "The parliamentary election in Finland, April 2011." Electoral Studies 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 234–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2011.12.004.

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Stubager, Rune. "The parliamentary election in Denmark, September 2011." Electoral Studies 31, no. 4 (December 2012): 861–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2012.06.009.

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Chari, Raj. "The parliamentary election in Spain, November 2011." Electoral Studies 32, no. 2 (June 2013): 377–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.01.002.

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Kondro, W. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: health human resources." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 8 (April 26, 2011): E457—E458. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3875.

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Kondro, W. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: home/palliative care." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 8 (April 26, 2011): E459—E461. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3876.

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Kondro, W. "CMAJ 2011 election survey: electronic health records." Canadian Medical Association Journal 183, no. 9 (May 2, 2011): E517—E518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.109-3881.

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Carlson, Elizabeth. "The perils of pre-election polling: Election cycles and the exacerbation of measurement error in illiberal regimes." Research & Politics 5, no. 2 (April 2018): 205316801877472. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018774728.

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Pre-election polls are increasingly being used to forecast and study elections in new and weak democracies yet the tension that surrounds elections in less liberal regimes may make data from such surveys particularly prone to measurement error. Polls conducted before and after the 2011 Ugandan election and data gathered at various points of the election cycles in 34 African countries are compared to show that, before elections, survey respondents become increasingly wary of the interview and its purpose, especially in less liberal regimes. Those who are wary report more support for the incumbent, the incumbent’s policies and the state and effect of wariness on attitudes is significantly higher on surveys that take place immediately before elections. Misreporting increases the estimated level of support for the incumbent, and may also significantly change the apparent correlates of regime support across the election cycle. Ironically, it was found that pre-election polls may be particularly poorly suited to forecasting elections or capturing the effects of campaigns on political attitudes.

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Octavia, Vanessa vanessa. "Analisis Terhadap PenegakAnalisis Penegakan Hukum Pemilu Dalam Perspektif UU No 7 Tahun 2017." Jurnal Mitra Prima 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.34012/mitra_prima.v1i1.448.

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Abstract The title of this is article is "Analysis of Election Law Enforcement in the Perspective of Law No. 7 of 2017" The main problem we raised is how the KPU faces changes to Law No. 15 of 2011 concerning election administrators and Law Number 8 of 2012 concerning the election of DPR, DPD and DPRD Members into Law Number 7 of 2017 and what are the challenges faced by KPU in the Implementation of Laws Number 7 of 2017. In this paper the method we used is quantitative analysis that gives an overview of an object through certain analytical techniques. The ways that can be done by the KPU in dealing with changes to Law Number 15 Year 2011 concerning election administrators and Law Number 8 of 2012 concerning the election of DPR, DPD and DPRD Members become Law Number 7 Year 2017. Something that can be made are involving electoral institutions, which in this case is the Bawaslu (Election Supervisory Body) and its ranks. Therefore, Bawaslu must increase strict supervision in the administration of elections. Keywords: how to deal with changing laws, challenges faced by the KPU, Law Number 7 of 2017

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Glinka, Kamil. "The Gmina referendum in the local political conflict. The case of Wałbrzych." Journal of Education Culture and Society 5, no. 2 (January 6, 2020): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20142.209.222.

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The Gmina referendum is one of the main institutions of direct democracy in Poland. Its procedure laid down in the act of 15th September 2000. The referendum is an expression of inhabitants’ commitment and their concern about the functioning of a local community, as well as serving its basic needs and interests. The analysis of the political conflict in Wałbrzych during 2010-2011 shows, however, that the voting may play a different role. The main aim of the article is to present the correlation between the gmina referendum from 2011 and the conflict in question. The intention of the author is to establish whether the referendum exerted a real impact on the course and the results of the conflict in Wałbrzych, and if so, to what extent. The time frame of the article lies between, on the one hand, the local government elections of 2010 preceded by the election campaign, and, on the other hand, the repeated elections for the President of Town and for the Town Council of 2011.

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Lawal, Olanrewaju. "Geographical pattern and structure of the 2011 and 2015 Nigeria presidential election." African Geographical Review 38, no. 1 (March 10, 2017): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19376812.2017.1284007.

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Angerbrandt, Henrik. "Deadly elections: post-election violence in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 1 (March 2018): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000490.

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AbstractTwo decades after the ‘third wave of democratization’, extensive violence continues to follow elections in sub-Saharan Africa. Whereas national processes connected to pre-election violence have received increased scholarly attention, little is known of local dynamics of violence after elections. This article examines the 2011 Nigerian post-election violence with regard to the ways in which national electoral processes interweave with local social and political disputes. The most affected state, Kaduna State, has a history of violent local relations connected to which group should control politics and the state. It is argued that electoral polarisation aggravated national ethno-religious divisions that corresponded to the dividing line of the conflict in Kaduna. A rapid escalation of violence was facilitated by local social networks nurtured by ethno-religious grievances.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Election, 2011'

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