Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Election Commission of India'

Master of Arts
Department of Speech, Theatre, and Dance
Charles J. Griffin
The primary purpose of the Supreme Court is to interpret the constitution. The Court determines whether acts in society are Constitutional. Because of this responsibility, the Court itself is an institution that influences and is influenced by ideology and rhetoric. Because society’s ideology changes due to humans conversing with one another, so does the law. Given this context, America’s First Amendment provides an abundant body of artifacts where the law and rhetorical ideology overlap. One particular right granted in the First Amendment is the freedom to speak. This right granted by the Constitution is titled the free speech clause. This clause has been a subject of debate throughout American history. Furthermore, this right has been defined, re-defined, and shaped to fit certain particular interests in society. The Supreme Court last year made a recent landmark decision that concerns freedom of speech and campaign finance. This study will examine Citizens United v. Federal Elections Commission in order to investigate the rhetorical strategies and ideological influences embedded within the decision. The methodological tool of McGee’s proposed ideograph will be used in order to answer the following research question: What role does ideology, concerning free speech, play in the Citizens United v. FEC? From the given analysis, two ideographs emerged, and . These two ideographs provided the basis to articulate an ideological framework by which scholars can understand the Supreme Court and answer the following research question. Furthermore, the analysis of this decision assisted this study to explain possible implications and conclusions from the ruling in Citizens United.

This thesis examines the recently decided Supreme Court case Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. The case regards campaign finance reform, and has raised significant controversy recently. This thesis will evaluate the arguments from both the dissent and the majority opinions, contextualize these arguments with respect to the history of campaign finance reform and the history of the legislation with regard to corporations, and will ultimately pass judgment on whether the Court was correct in its decision. Implications for the post-Citizens world will also be considered.

In the 2010 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, the Court held that political speech of corporations is entitled to the same rights as political speech by individuals. They ruled that restrictions on independent expenditures by corporations and labor unions are unconstitutional on Frist Amendment grounds. In this thesis I test two hypotheses. First that outside spending in the 2012 Presidential election was abnormally high because of Citizens United and second, that the increase in outside spending benefited the Republican Party in the 2012 Ohio House elections. I find that Citizens United is the reason for the increase in spending by outside groups, and that this benefited the Republican Part in the 2012 Ohio House elections.

This research on Political Communications in the general elections and its effectiveness is one of the first of its kind on India, the literature having concentrated on voting behaviour in relation to socio-economic characteristics. The importance of communication during elections has been inadequately researched because of the diversity of the country. Through a content analysis of the coverage of election information in the media and case studies of party campaigns, the study evaluates the campaign practices in the mass media and conventional interpersonal forms. It highlights the electronic and outdoor forms like posters, wall writings, symbol displays and cutouts that were important during the 1991 elections. The thesis then examines the impact of these campaigns through a panel survey on a sample of 1155 electors from the three constituencies of Hyderabad, Secunderabad and Nagarkurnool in Andhra Pradesh. The voting patterns have been evaluated in relation to access to and the impact of different forms of political' communications. Research revealed that Indian political communication campaigns were well organised and professional advertising agencies were hired to promote the parties. Campaigns have been systematically planned through the development of creative and media strategies. Apart from the mass media channels, interpersonal forms continued to be important to reach the diverse electorate. There was a high level of exposure to newspapers, radio and television which were sought as important sources for election related information. Interpersonal forms were found to be persuasive. Education, urbanization, gender, caste and religion are important factors influencing the voters' perceptions and receptivity to electoral communications. But, while increased level of information does heighten the level of political awareness, it does not determine the final outcome. An important aspect was that families largely tended to vote as single units with men generally deciding who to vote for. Women showed relatively little interest in politics (though comprising an important 45% of voters) and their under representation in the study necessitated the need for weighting. The assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in the middle of the elections adds an important dimension to the research, from those who voted in a normal election and those in the 'sympathy wave'. This study, though conducted under unusual circumstances does provide a much needed insight into the political changes in the country and the increasing use of US inspired media driven campaign practices of political marketing combining comfortably with conventional practices of political marketing in India. A final yet important aspect of this research is the exploration of the problems of survey research in a country of cultural plurality such as India.

This thesis examines the Checkpoint research project and verification initiative that was introduced to address misinformation in private messaging applications during the 2019 Indian general election. Over two months, throughout the seven phases of the election, a team of analysts verified election related misinformation spread on the closed messaging network WhatsApp. Building on new automated technology, the project introduced a WhatsApp tipline which allowed users of the application to submit content to a team of analysts that verified user-generated content in an unprecedented way. The thesis presents a detailed ethnographic account of the implementation of the verification project. Ethnographic fieldwork has been combined with a series of semi-structured interviews in which analysts are underlining the challenges they faced throughout the project. Among the challenges, this study found that India’s legal framework limited the scope of the project so that the organisers had to change approach from an editorial project to one that was research based. Another problem touched the methodology of verification. Analysts perceived the use of online verification tools as a limiting factor when verifying content, as they experienced a need for more traditional journalistic verification methods. Technology was also a limiting factor. The tipline was quickly flooded with verification requests, the majority of which were unverifiable, and the team had to sort the queries manually. Existing technology such as image match check could be further implemented to deal more efficiently with multiple queries in future projects.

この論文は、ケニアの選挙後の暴力の年表に焦点を当てています。それがどのように始まり、頂点に達し、減少、そして再発を探ります。ケニアで2008年に創設された真実、正義、和解委員会は、独立後35年間の過去の人権不正と不正行為を文書化に行なった。複数の要因が組み合わされ、複数政党の大統領選挙で暴力を引き起こします。政府が問題の一部であるため、委員会による良心的な最終報告書と勧告は保留中です。
This thesis focuses on the chronology of post-election violence in Kenya. It explores how it started, peaked, faded, and returned. The Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission created in 2008 in Kenya documents 35 years of past human rights injustices and malpractices from independence in 1963. Multiple factors combine and trigger violence in multiparty presidential elections. The conscientious final reports and recommendations by the Commission remain in limbo as the government is part of the problem. Unequally shared land resources and a grave presidential contest cause post-election violence. Empowering the Supreme Court is a necessity for fair justice.
博士(グローバル社会研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University

Das primäre Ziel der Studie ist die Herstellung von Nachrichten durch vermittelte buzzwords zu verstehen. Vermittelte buzzwords werden von Medienhäusern und verbreitet durch Zeitungen oder Nachrichtenkanäle geprägt. Hier liegt der Schwerpunkt insbesondere ist zu untersuchen, wie vermittelte buzzwords hergestellt werden durch Zeitungen vor einer Wahl und wie diese buzzwords auf die Wähler, den Einfluss von Nachrichten konditionieren. In diesem Zusammenhang ist das größere Ziel Medien-Politik-Gesellschaft Wechselbeziehung in einer der größten Demokratien in der Welt und einer der bedeutendsten südasiatischen Ländern heißt Indien zu erkunden. Die Studie nimmt eine Gesellschaft zentrierten Ansatz, der Medien als soziale Institution betrachtet und zielt darauf ab, die verschiedenen Funktionen und Wirkungen in den Beziehungen zu anderen sozialen Einrichtungen nämlich Politik und Wähler zu analysieren. In diesem Licht setzt diese Studie, dass die Medien die Rolle vis-a-vis der Politik (Staat) und die Wähler (Gesellschaft) im Umfang liegt, auf die sie beeinflusst und wirkt sich auf die letztere.
The primary aim of the study is to understand manufacture of news through mediated buzzwords. Mediated buzzwords are coined by media houses and disseminated through newspapers or news channels. Here the focus in particular is to explore how mediated buzzwords are manufactured by newspapers before an election and how these buzzwords condition the influence of news on the electorate. Within this context, the larger goal is to explore media-politics-society interrelationship in one of the biggest democracies in the world and one of the most significant South Asian countries i.e. India. The study adopts a society centric approach that views media as a social institution and aims at analyzing its various features and effects in its relations with other social institutions namely politics and electorate. In that light, this study posits that media’s role vis-a-vis politics (state) and the electorate (society) lies in the extent to which it influences and impacts the latter. This study will explore media’s influence on General Election 2014 in India with the help of mediated buzzwords identified through primary and secondary sources, analyze the relationship between buzzwords and newspapers (represented by the media houses) disseminating them and explore the impact and influence of these mediated buzzwords on the electorate cutting across different social locations. This study has three primary foci – to identify mediated buzzwords and issues during General Elections of 2014 in India, to analyze how the mediated buzzwords were used by the media houses to manufacture news during General Elections of 2014 in India, and to assess the effects of these mediated buzzwords on the formation of political opinion of the electorate during General Elections of 2014 in India.

Kenya&rsquo
s December 2007 Presidential elections sparked a wave of violent clashes over allegations of election rigging. The protests broke out along ethnic lines, causing greater civil unrest. There have been allegations that during these outbreaks of violence crimes against humanity were committed. This violence attracted world-wide concern and was universally condemned. Kenya is loathe to prosecute the perpetrators or those who bear the highest responsibility for the alleged commission of crimes against humanity. It has instead established a national investigatory mechanism, the Kenyan Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter TJRC). This approach adopted by Kenya has been criticized for the fact that it fosters a culture of impunity. However, the Prosecutor of International Criminal Court (hereafter ICC) has used his proprio motu powers to initiate an investigation of alleged commission of crimes that fall within the jurisdiction of the Court. This research paper has analysed the reasons for the proprio motu intervention of the ICC in Kenyan situation. It also examined whether Kenya was unwilling or genuinely unable to prosecute the perpetrators of the post-election violence of 2007. Furthermore, the paper 
evaluated the provisions of the Kenyan TJRC, the major shortcomings of the Commission and the challenges it is facing in fulfilling its mandate. In conclusion the paper analysed the relationship between TJRC and ICC and re-evaluate any role that the two bodies could play in dispensing justice in Kenya. But before that, the paper laid down the factual 
background that led to the proprio motu interevention of the ICC in Kenya where a truth commission had alreday been established.

 

На сучасному етапі розвитку Української держави і суспільства проблема забезпечення прав і свобод особи набуває особливого значення. Суть цієї проблеми полягає у недостатньому їх забезпеченні, що виявляється як у певних складнощах в практичній реалізації деяких прав і свобод, закріплених в Конституції України, так і в незадовільному стані їх захищеності. Існуючий розрив між проголошеними в Конституції правами і свободами особи, а також закріпленими в ній гарантіями цих прав і свобод, та повсякденною практикою їх реалізації і захисту можна пояснити тим, що головні передумови ефективного забезпечення прав і свобод особи, якими є вільне громадянське суспільство і демократична правова соціальна держава, ще не склалися.

The diploma thesis deals with the problem of finding weak points and risk analysis of a part of the information system at the municipal office of the Brno-Líšeň district, which deals with the issue of the organization of elections, namely the administrative provision and the constitution of the district electoral commissions. The thesis is based on the theoretical apparatus in the field of information systems, database systems and risk engineering. The thesis used the analysis of the Czech legal norms for the organization and conduct of elections and the specific conditions of the chosen type of municipal office.

This thesis examines the evaluation of the economic, environmental and social effects of dams, and lessons learned from previous dams. It then focuses on cost benefit analysis as a decision-making tool pre-project for evaluating the potential gains and losses of building a dam; and as a framework for evaluating dams in operation. It reviews the basic assumptions required for a legitimate cost benefit analysis, and the inherent limitations of this method. It uses the Sardar Sarovar dam as a case study for the use and abuse of cost benefit analysis in decision-making, interstate politics, propaganda and activism. It also illustrates the difficulties in dividing costs and benefits in an equitable manner at national, state, and grassroots levels.

碩士
國立臺灣海洋大學
海洋法律研究所
103
Independent agencies are a new type of administrative organizations developed in the country in recent years. Its birthplace is the United States, and the origin is the independent regulatory commission (or independent administrative committee) in the United States. Given the context of the government system in our country, independent agencies have created a lot of controversies regardless of the way their members are selected, the exercise of their authorities, and the separation of their authorities from other administrative agencies’. However, under a national system which emphasizes the separation of powers and checks and balances, independent agencies indeed belong to a special system. With the constitutional interpretations proposed by the Executive Yuan on the Organization Act of the National Communications Commission (the country's first independent administrative agency), the grand justice declared in the interpretation ref. Shi-613 that Article 4 of the National Communication Committee’s Organization Act concerning the selection of its members is unconstitutional. Therefore, we have to re-examine what the basis of constitutionality of an independent administrative agency is, and how its independence can meet the constitutional requirements of a modern democracy. The Central Election Commission is established as an independent agency in the legal system, and to our country it has a far-reaching implication of democracy. Because election decisions and related matters involve the enactment, execution and arbitration of the of rules of the political game, in order to ensure fairness of the rules of election and voting, a re-examination of the legal positioning, role and function of the Central Election Commission is an important issue which must be faced with at this stage for further deepening of the government organization reform. This study suggests that since the system of independent administrative agencies needs to be discussed, literature concerning the organization act of each independent agency needs to be collected and analyzed, including the basis of establishment, the purpose of establishment, the organization structure, the manner the members are selected, the exercise of powers and the separation of its authority from other administrative agencies’, etc.. Independent agency related theories are collated and analyzed through literature review, including the source of independent agencies, the principle of independent agencies’ establishment, and independent agencies’ supervision responsibilities, etc. in order to quickly understand the implication of the issue and explore research topics. Major controversies over the years are also studied in depth so as to ponder from different perspectives the future direction of our country’s development. Furthermore, "A Study of the independence of the Central Election Commission" is selected as the theme to explore the practical operation of our country’s Central Election Commission. We expect to offer the conclusions and recommendations of this study as a direction for the design of the independence of the Central Election Commission, and even have them escalated to other independent agencies to serve as a reference for the relevant laws and practical operation of our country’s independent administrative agencies. Keywords: independent agencies, the Central Election Commission, the National Communications Commission, the Fair Trade Commission, the Central Bank, the Financial Supervisory Commission.

There has been a rise in the use of data analytics in the election campaigning process, the potential of which can be seen with the 2012 US presidential election. This dissertation aims to do an examination into the effective and ethical use of data analytical models for the purpose of election engineering in an Indian context. It appraises the current analytical models used in India through the collection of primary data such as semi-structured interviews which were conducted with people working with the different political organizations in India. In total, 6 semi-structured interviews were carried out among representatives from 3 political parties, at both the state level and the national level. The study revealed the usage of data analysis by the national level parties with different strategic approaches towards it, whereas, the state party focused more on traditional strategic methods of data analytics. The recommendation for improving the effectiveness of current data analytical models in India, is through providing a structured method to be followed which could be tailored for specific political party requirements. The ethical recommendation involves monitoring and controlling data analytics from breaching the data privacy of individuals through the use of governmental institutions and regulatory bodies.
Houve um aumento no uso de análise de dados no processo de campanha eleitoral, cujo potencial pode ser visto nas eleições presidenciais de 2012 nos EUA. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo fazer um exame sobre o uso efetivo e ético de modelos analíticos de dados para fins de engenharia eleitoral em um contexto indiano. Ele avalia os modelos analíticos atuais usados na Índia através da coleta de dados primários, como entrevistas semi-estruturadas que foram realizadas com pessoas que trabalham com as diferentes organizações políticas na Índia. No total, foram realizadas 6 entrevistas semi-estruturadas entre representantes de 3 partidos políticos, em nível estadual e nacional. O estudo revelou o uso da análise de dados pelas partes de nível nacional com diferentes abordagens estratégicas, enquanto o partido do estado se concentrou mais em métodos estratégicos tradicionais de análise de dados. A recomendação para melhorar a eficácia dos atuais modelos analíticos de dados na Índia é através do fornecimento de um método estruturado a ser seguido, que pode ser adaptado para requisitos específicos de partidos políticos. A recomendação ética envolve monitorar e controlar a análise de dados por violar a privacidade de dados de indivíduos através do uso de instituições governamentais e órgãos reguladores.

Елісов І. М. Виборчий процес в Україні: конституційні засади організації та проведення : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 081 "Право" / наук. керівник Н. В.Верлос. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2020. 93 с.
UA : Кваліфікаційна робота складається зі 93-х сторінок основного тексту, містить 82 джерела використаної інформації. Актуальність обраної теми дослідження обумовлюється тим, що демократичні трансформації та розвиток суспільства потребують всебічного аналізу особливостей функціонування та ролі виборчого права в процесі становлення сучасної держави. Додатково проблема вдосконалення виборчого процесу підсилюється в контексті прийняття вперше за всю історію української державності Виборчого кодексу України у 2019 р., який набув чинності у 2020 р. і вже отримав практичне застосування на місцевих виборах 25 жовтня 2020 р. Проблема необхідності кодифікації вітчизняного виборчого законодавства вже давно стоїть на порядку денному в сучасному процесі державотворення. На цьому наголошує і Венеціанська комісія, місія якої в Україні полягає у сприянні модернізації національного законодавства та адаптації його до європейських стандартів. Комісія, свого часу неодноразово наголошувала на тому, що виборче законодавство України є суперечливим, зауваживши, що різні закони регулюють одні й ті ж самі питання і часто дублюють один одного. У зв’язку з цим вона неодноразово наголошувала та рекомендувала прийняти Виборчий кодекс з метою уніфікації норм, пов’язаних з виборами. Проте не дивлячись на наявність кодифікованого виборчого законодавства існує проблема ефективності його застосування про що свідчить його реалізація під час місцевих виборів 2020 р. і внесення ряду радикальних змін у щойно прийнятий нормативно-правовий акт. Об'єктом дослідження є суспільні відносини, що виникають реалізації громадянами України права на участь управлінні публічними справами за допомогою основних форм народовладдя.
EN : Master's qualification work consists 93 pages of the main text, contains 82 sources of information used. The relevance of the chosen research topic is due to the fact that democratic transformations and development of society require a comprehensive analysis of the functioning and role of suffrage in the formation of the modern state. Additionally, the problem of improving the electoral process is exacerbated in the context of the adoption for the first time in the history of Ukrainian statehood of the Electoral Code of Ukraine in 2019, which entered into force in 2020 and has already been applied in local elections on October 25, 2020. The problem of the need to codify domestic election legislation has long been on the agenda in the modern process of state formation. This is emphasized by the Venice Commission, whose mission in Ukraine is to promote the modernization of national legislation and its adaptation to European standards. The Commission has repeatedly stressed that Ukraine's election legislation is contradictory, noting that different laws regulate the same issues and often overlap. In this regard, she has repeatedly stressed and recommended the adoption of the Electoral Code in order to unify the rules related to the election. However, despite the existence of codified election legislation, there is a problem with the effectiveness of its application, as evidenced by its implementation during the 2020 local elections and the introduction of a number of radical changes in the newly adopted legal act. The object of the study is public relations arising from the exercise by citizens of Ukraine of the right to participate in the management of public affairs through the basic forms of democracy.

This study investigated the perceptions of election stakeholders with regard to the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The involvement of civil society organizations, electoral experts and academia, including party agents as domestic observers and stakeholders in Congolese electoral processes, is crucial as they help electoral and participatory democracy to take root in the DRC. This study was underpinned by political trust, political support and neopatrimonial theories. Furthermore, a mixed methods research design was used in order to understand the perceptions of stakeholders on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC. The findings of the study showed that stakeholders‟ perceptions on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC were driven by both internal and external factors pertaining to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) that have the potential to affect the electoral processes as well as the level of trust in the INEC and other institutions involved in the electoral processes.
Political Sciences
M.A. (Politics)

The basic problem in this study is to determine whether the electoral management body (EMB) in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is sufficiently independent and whether it complies with most of the criteria of an ideal independent EMB in order to conduct free and fair elections in the promotion of democracy in the DRC. However, an ideal type of an independent EMB is not easily realizable but Ghana’s electoral commission (EC) is widely regarded as a model of an independent EMB in Africa. Therefore, this study uses the EC as a workable ideal type of independent EMB that informs this study in assessing the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI)’s level of independence. The study discovered that while the formal legal framework guarantee the independence of the CENI, it lacks practical independence due to certain factors which include the mode of appointment and composition of the body, the unstable security of tenure of its members, the negative influence of the judiciary, executive and the parliament over the functioning of the CENI, and the lack of adequate funding. The study argues that the composition of the CENI has to be depoliticized; its members should enjoy a strong security of tenure and the issue of political parties funding should be effective and handled by the CENI in order to enhance political competitiveness in the electoral process. An adequate funding should be timely realized so that the CENI carries out its work with autonomy. The judiciary, the parliament and the executive should support the growth of democracy in the DRC by allowing the CENI to work without the interference of any quarter.
African Centre for Arts, Culture and Heritage Studies
M.A. (African Politics)

Text in English with summaries in English, Northern and Southern Sotho
Bibliography: leaves 196-215
This study explored the communicative strategies which were used by participants who were called in as witnesses before the Leon Commission and the Phumaphi Commission of Enquiry in Lesotho in 1998 and 2015 respectively. The study specifically looked into the types of communicative strategies employed, their linguistic realisations and their conversational effectiveness in providing required information to the commissions. It further compared the use of strategies by participants in both commissions. Data for this study was obtained from twenty-six audio recordings of twenty-six witnesses. The study established that participants used twelve types of communicative strategies which are classified under the following groups based on their functional characteristics: conversational category which includes strategies such as code-switching, fillers, vague language and circumlocution; a grammatical category that comprises personal pronouns, direct speech, passive voice and questioning; a sociocultural category that covers strategies such as figurative language, indirect communication, direct refusal and indirect criticism. The study established that communicative strategies such as code-switching, fillers, personal pronouns, and direct quoting were conversationally effective as participants strategically employed them to succinctly express themselves. However, strategies with concealing attributes such as those found under a sociocultural category and those under the grammatical category (passive voice and questioning) were considered conversationally ineffective as they withheld required information from the commissioners. The study further established that participants of the latter commission were even more unwilling to reveal information than those of the former, which suggests a growing unwillingness to share information to commissions of enquiry.
Phuputso ena e hlahlobile maano a puisano a neng a sebediswa ke dipaki ka pela Komishene ya Leon le Komishene ya Phumaphi ya dipatlisiso naheng ya Lesotho ka 1998 le 2015. Phuputso e nyebekollotse ka kotloloho mefuta ya maano a puisano a sebedisitsweng, tshebediso ya ona kahara puo le katleho kapa tshetiso ya ona ho fana ka tlhaiso-leseding e neng e hlokwa ke di Komishene. E boetse e bapisitse hore na dipaki dikomisheneng ka bobeli di sebedisitse maano ana jwang. Ditaba tsa boithuto bona di fumanwe ho tswa direkotong tse mashome a mabedi a metso e tsheletseng (26) tsa dipaki. Phuputso e netefaditse hore dipaki di sebedisitse mefuta e leshome le metso e mmedi (12) ya maano a puisano a arotsweng tlasa dihlopha tse latelang ho ipapisitswe le ditshobotsi tsa ona: sehlopha sa puisano se kenyelletsang maano a joalo ka tshebediso ya dipuo tse fetang bonngwe, ho kgitlela, puo e sa hlakang, le ho potoloha. Sehlopha se seng ke sa tlhophiso ya puo mme sona se na le maano a kang seemedi, puo e qotsitsweng, sehlwai-potoloho. Sehlopha sa setso sona se kenyeletsa maano a joalo ka mekgabo-puo, puo e potetseng, ho hana ka kotloloho, le nyefolo e kubutileng hlooho. Phuputso e netefaditse hore maano a puisano a joalo ka tshebediso ya dipuo tse fetang bonngwe, ho kgitlela, seemedi, le puo e qotsitsweng, di sebedisitswe hantle ka ha di atlehile ho thusa dipaki ho itlhalosa ka nepo le ho fana ka lesedi le hlakileng ditabeng tsa bona. Leha ho le joalo, maano a sa bueng puo-phara a kang a fumanwang tlasa sehlopha sa setso le a mang a sehlopha sa tlhophiso ya puo (a kang sehlwai-potoloho le dipotso), boithuto bona bo sibollotse hore a sebedisitswe ho sitisa tlhahiso-leseding e hlokwang ke bakomishenara. Phuputso e boetse e netefaditse hore dipaki tsa komishene ya morao-rao di ne di sa ikemisetsa ho fana ka tlhahiso leseding papisong le dipaki tsa komishene ya pele. Boithuto bona bo utullotse hore maikemisetso a ho fana ka tlhaiso-leseding ho dikomishene tsa dipatlisiso a qepha.
Esi sifundo sijonge ubuchule beendlela zonxebelelwano ezohlukileyo phakathi kwabantu ababemenyiwe ukuba bathathe inxaxheba njengamangqina kwiKhomishoni yoPhando KaLeon eyenzeka ngo1998 kunye neKhomishoni kaPhumaphi eyenzeka ngonyaka ka2015. Olu phando luye lwaqalasela ezindlela zokuqhakamishelana ezisetyenziswe apha, ukusetyenziswa kolwimi kunye nobuchule bokuthetha kula mangqina ngethuba enikeza ubungqina kwezi khomishoni. Olu phando luphinde lwathelekisa indlela amangqina asebenzise ngazo ezindlela zoqhakamishelwano kwezi khomishoni zombini. Ingqokelela-lwazi yolu phando ithathwe kumangqina angamashumi amabini anesithandathu apho kushicilelwe izimvo zawo kwezi khomishoni. Olu phando lufumanise ukuba la mangqina asebenzise ubuchule beendlela zonxebelelwano ezingamashumi amabini. Obu buchule beendlela zonxebebelwano ziqukwa ngokokusebenza kwazo ekuthetheni ngolu hlobo lulandelayo: ukuncokola okuquka ukuthetha iilwimi ezohlukeneyo ngexesha elinye, amazwi amafutshane angenantsingiselo asetyenziswa kwizimo ezinje ngokukhuza, ulwimi olungacacanga kunye nokusetyenziswa kolwimi ngendlela yokuba umntu athethe into inde apho ngeyethethe ngamagama ambalwa ukucacisa into afuna ukuyicacisa ngendlela engcono. Eyesibini yimo yokusetyensizwa kolwimi ngokuthetha nqo, ngokungathethi nqo kunye nokubanemibuzo. Eyesithathu kukujonga ulwimi nenkcubeko ngokuba kubukwe indlela abantu abasebenzisa ulwimi ngokweenkcubeko zabo apho bathetha besebenzisa iinkcazelo ezisuka kwiinckubeko zabo, ukungathethi nqo ngenxa yemo yabo yentlalo nokuthetha, ukungafuni ukuthetha ngenxa yezizimo zentlalo nenkcubeko kunye nokugxeka ngendlea ekwekwayo ngenxa yezizimo zentlalo nenkcubeko. Olu phando lubonise ukuba obu buchule beendlela zokuthetha lusetyenziswe ngamangqina ezi khomishoni luquke imo apho amangqina ebethetha iilwimi ezohlukeneyo ngexesha elinye, amangqina ayakwasebenzise amagama amafutshane angenantsingiselo asetyenziswa kwimo ezifana nokukhuza, aphinda acaphula. Ngowekenza ngolu hlobo, amanqina abanokalisile ukuba ezi ndlela zobuchule bokuthetha zincedisene nomsebenzi wezi khomishoni ngoba amangqina akwazile ukubangamaciko ekuchazeni izimvo zawo. Nangona kunjalo, ezinye iindlela zobuchule zoqhakamishelwano ezifana nezo zichaphazela inkcubeko nentlalo yabantu kunye nezokungathethi nqo, ziwachapahezele kakubi amangqina kuba zenze ukuba amangqina angakhululeki ekunikezeleni ubungqina apho kubonakale ukuba abakwazanga ukunikeza iinkcukaca ezibalulekileyo kwezi khomishoni ngenxa yoku. Olu phando luphinde lwabonakalisa ukuba amangqina weKhomishoni loPhando kaPhumaphi aye awodlula amangiqna weKhomishoni kaLeon ngokungafuni ukunikeza ngobungqina obuthile. Le nto ibirhanelisa ukuba bekukho umoya apha kwamangqina wokungafuni ncam ukunikeza ngobungqina kwezi khomishoni.
Linguistics and Modern Languages
D. Phil. (Languages, Linguistics and Literature)

in english language: The diploma thesis is focused on expert capacities of selected political parties in the Czech republic in the field of the migration policy in context of election programs for the House of Commons election in the Czech republic in 2017. Migration policy has never been so discussed theme. But it was changed with coming of "migration crisis" and today is the access to the migration policy and the migration crisis in election programs monitored by media and electores very much. I want to focus on the expert background of the selected czech political parties, especially on partie's comissions and sections a their expert capacities. They are specializing in migration policy and migration crisis and provided opinions and backgrounds for the parties for election program. The research is focused on these parties: SPD, KSČM, Strana zelených. I am going to compare analytical capacities of these parties. I want to find out the functioning of the commissions and the type of experts. The way how the members of the commissions have become members is researched too. Next important thing for my research is the transmisson between expert commissions and election program for elections in 2017, and especially in the parts of program devoted to migration policy and migration crisis. I will not...

This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961.
History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)