Relevant bibliographies by topics / Election Conflicts

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Election Conflicts'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 5 June 2025
Last updated: 15 July 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Election Conflicts"

1

Anggraini, Sri, Afrizal Afrizal, and Indradin Indradin. "Regulasi Konflik Pemilu (Studi Kasus Resolusi Konflik Pilkada 2015 dan Persiapan Pemilu 2019 di Kabupaten Sijunjung)." Jurnal Antropologi: Isu-Isu Sosial Budaya 21, no. 2 (2019): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jantro.v21.n2.p177-184.2019.

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In the election, the conflict will always exist. Whether it is a conflict between the election participants, between the participants and the election organizers or among the election organizers itself. The purpose of this research is to analyze the contribution of the Election Conflict Regulation on handling the election conflict in Sijunjung Regency and to analyze the response of the conflicting parties to the usage of the Election Conflict Regulation in Sijunjung District. This research used a qualitative approach with a case study plan. To see this problem, the researcher used Ralf Dahrendorf's Conflict Theory of Regulation which explains that conflict regulation can affect the high and low escalation of conflicts that occurred. The results showed that in the resolution of conflicts that had occurred both in the 2015 Regional Heads Election conflict or the conflict during the preparation of the 2019 General Election, researcher found that the General Election Conflict Regulation played a role / contributed in resolving the conflicts, where the conflicts could be controlled and resolved properly without any increase in violence. This was proven by the conflicting parties that accepted the decision given by the authorities in its settlement plus there were no other conflicting actors involved in the conflict.
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Bekele, Yitagesu. "National Dialogue or Election Matters in Ethiopia: Critical Analysis Of The Current Political Situation And The 6th National Election." JOELS: Journal of Election and Leadership 3, no. 1 (2022): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/joels.v3i1.7838.

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In Ethiopia, elections had conducted at different times. The first general election was held for the first time in 1992. Since then, the country has made five consecutive elections; however, almost all elections were accompanied by complaints of opposition parties, pre, and post-election conflicts. Nowadays Ethiopia has on the verge of disintegration due to ethnic conflict and political uncertainties that happen as the result of the absence of the elite’s consensus on varieties of national concerns, national and political questions raised by different ethnic groups that still unanswered. Surrounded by all the aforementioned problems the government held the sixth national election. Even if the election was said orderly, peaceful, and credible by some observatories accredited by the national election board of Ethiopia the election was not conducted in many parts of the country due to ethnic conflict. In line with this, the USA and EU said that the election was not democratic and credible because the current political atmosphere of the country not conducive to conduct elections due to major opposition parties boycotted them from the election, influential politicians have imprisoned and ethnic conflicts in many parts of the country. Therefore, to sustain the country as a unified state, to make the democratic political transition, to respond to the national and political questions of the citizens, to stop ethnic conflict, and to reach into consensus on national issues the government has better to initiating national dialogue process and made a viable peace agreement with all conflicting parties rather than holding an election nowadays.
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Alaydrus, Anwar, Mohammad Jafar Loilatu, Zuly Qodir, Amera Mahfin, and Paisal Akbar. "Cultural Approach to Election Conflict Resolution in South Buru District, Province of Maluku." Jurnal Antropologi: Isu-Isu Sosial Budaya 24, no. 1 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jantro.v24.n1.p1-9.2022.

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This paper aims to analyze conflict resolution in South Buru during the regional election through a cultural approach. The conflict in the South Buru Regency was caused by dissatisfaction with the election results. This study uses qualitative tool analysis by choosing Nvivo as a computer assistant program to answer the question; the data in this study were sourced from direct observation and interviews during the conflict resolution process, and informants were selected based on the representation of each group. This analysis shows that the conflict in regional elections is caused by two dominant factors, namely the traditional doctrine of indigenous peoples. Meanwhile, the approach used in resolving regional election conflicts is an accommodation approach and a local wisdom approach. This study classifies that traditional communities in resolving conflicts tend to use a traditional approach, even though the category of conflict is not a cultural conflict. Exploring this conflict approach, Nvivo proves this by showing a correlation between the conflict approach and the conflict caused.
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Mahrudin, Mahrudin. "RESOLUSI KONFLIK PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DI KECAMATAN TALAGA RAYA KABUPATEN BUTON TENGAH." ASKETIK 3, no. 2 (2019): 197–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/ask.v3i2.1563.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine and identify the problems that are the source of conflict over local elections in Talaga Raya District. This research focuses on conflicts that occur before and after local elections. By using a descriptive method and a case study approach, the results of the study showed that the conflict over the regional head election in Talaga Raya District originated from the Difference in Choice, Misunderstanding, Some Parties were disadvantaged and feeling sensitive. In addition, the conflict of local election which took place before and after the election had implications for the conflict over the control of fresh water sources which resulted in horizontal and vertical conflicts. Besides this conflict has also brought its own wisdom with the increase in the source of clean water which had only been one to three sources. Based on these results it can be said that besides bringing down the negative impacts of the conflict it can also bring down positive impacts in the Talaga Raya sub-district community. Therefore, in terms of conflict resolution, the government should be able to minimize the conflict as early as possible so it does not drag on so that it does not lead to physical conflict.
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Wance, Marno, and Ibrahim Abdulhalil Hi. "FAKTOR PENYEBAB KONFLIK PEMILIHAN KEPALA DESA SERENTAK DI KABUPATEN HALMAHERA SELATAN." Journal of Governance and Local Politics (JGLP) 1, no. 2 (2020): 157–74. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4332118.

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Simultaneous village head elections in 2016 held in South Halmahera Regency ended up with conflicts. There were 249 villages spread across 32 sub-districts participating in the village head elections. The simultaneous village head elections were divided into two phases in which the first one was held on 20 November 2018 taken by 189 villages. While 60 villages were held in the second phase. The first election left 16 cases of conflicts. The fact in the field revealed that the conflicts occured because there were some complaints coming from the losing candidates that the election organizers had taken side on one of the candidates and their supporting team which had closeness to the regional leader. Besides, there were some actors intervening in the election that caused conflicts among candidates. Considering the facts, this research was conducted in two villages with the aim of comparing the conflicts in the villages and the resolution models. The research method used was descriptive qualitative by conducting in-depth interviews with parties involved in the election conflicts.
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Wance, Marno, and Abdulhalil Ibrahim. "Faktor Penyebab Konflik Pemilihan Kepala Desa Serentak Di Kabupaten Halmahera Selatan." Journal of Governance and Local Politics (JGLP) 1, no. 2 (2019): 157–74. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5065616.

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Simultaneous village head elections in 2016 held in South Halmahera Regency ended up with conflicts. There were 249 villages spread across 32 sub-districts participating in the village head elections. The simultaneous village head elections were divided into two phases in which the first one was held on 20 November 2018 taken by 189 villages. While 60 villages were held in the second phase. The first election left 16 cases of conflicts. The fact in the field revealed that the conflicts occured because there were some complaints coming from the losing candidates that the election organizers had taken side on one of the candidates and their supporting team which had closeness to the regional leader. Besides, there were some actors intervening in the election that caused conflicts among candidates. Considering the facts, this research was conducted in two villages with the aim of comparing the conflicts in the villages and the resolution models. The research method used was descriptive qualitative by conducting in-depth interviews with parties involved in the election conflicts.
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7

Daun Rara, Desi Indriyani. "Building Inclusive Political Citizenship in the Aftermath of Village Head Election through Amos Yong's Hospitality Concept." KINAA: Jurnal Kepemimpinan Kristen dan Pemberdayaan Jemaat 5, no. 1 (2024): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.34307/kinaa.v5i1.159.

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Abstract: Indonesia as a pluralist country holds the principle of equal citizenship, which considers that every individual and community group has the same rights and obligations and adheres to a democratic system of government. One of the main platforms to determine the leader who will represent the will of the people is the village head election. However, after the village head election, conflicts or disputes often occur in various regions including Mamasa, West Sulawesi. This conflict can threaten community unity and integrity. Therefore, the author links the phenomenon of post-village head election conflicts with citizenship politics and Amos Yong's Hospitality theory. The author presents the concept of hospitality as a new approach to overcome post-village head election conflicts and encourage inclusion in society. The method used is a qualitative approach by observing the phenomenon or case study under study, and using literature review to support the analysis. The purpose of this paper is to enrich the understanding of civic politics, apply Hospitality theory, and encourage new thinking in overcoming post-village head election conflicts. Keywords: Citizenship Politics, Conflict, Difference, Hospitality, Village Head Election.
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Gunawan, Indra, and Yohanes Bahari. "Potential Political Conflict in the 2024 Presidential Election (Conflict Theory Study)." Jurnal Pendidikan Sosiologi dan Humaniora 15, no. 1 (2024): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/j-psh.v15i1.76603.

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This research discusses the potential for political conflict in the 2024 presidential election from the perspective of conflict theory. The conflict perspective used is according to the views of Karl Marx and Ralf Dahrendorf. The approach used in this research is qualitative research with a literature study method which discusses potential conflicts that will occur. Conflicts that will occur, quoted from Kompas (Firda Cynthia Anggrainy, 2023). one pair of presidential candidates who they consider to be unconstitutional. The results of this research show that there is potential for political conflict in the 2024 presidential election. There is potential for political conflict in the 2024 presidential election. According to Karl Max, conflict occurs based on the class gap factor. In this political phenomenon, classes are divided into two, the ruling class and the ordinary people. According to Ralf Dahrendorf, conflict occurs based on differences in interests of groups with interests. In the potential political conflict in the 2024 presidential election, it will be very easy for conflicts of interest to arise based on each presidential candidate and vice presidential candidate. Conflict is seen as the result of social inequality and differences in interests between individuals or groups. Such conflicts can play an important role in changing political agendas, resolving social problems, and creating long-term changes in society. However, conflict can also threaten social stability and worsen social integration.
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Wance, Marno, and Abd Halil Hi Ibrahim. "Faktor Penyebab Konflik Pemilihan Kepala Desa Serentak Di Kabupaten Halmahera Selatan." Journal of Governance and Local Politics 1, no. 2 (2019): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47650/jglp.v1i2.20.

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ABSTRACT 
 Pemilihan kepala desa serentak tahun 2016 yang dilaksanakan di Kabupaten Halmahera Selatan menyisahkan konflik pilkades. Adapun desa yang mengikuti kontetasi pemilihan kepala desa (pilkades) serentak berjumlah 249 desa yang tersebar di 32 kecamatan. Pilkades serentak terbagi menjadi dua tahap yaitu tahap pertama yang dilaksanakan pada tanggal 20 November 2018 yang diikuti oleh 189 desa. Sedangkan 60 desa akan dilaksanakan pada tahap kedua. Pelaksanaaan pilkades tahap pertama mengalami konflik pilkades di 16 desa. Penyebabnya karena penyelenggara di tingkat desa berpihak kepala salah satu kandidat, tim tim sukses kandidat, dan kedekatan dengan penguasa daerah. Selainitu,konflik pilkades terjadi karenaaktor-aktor daerah melakukan intervensi pada proses pemilihan sehingga mengakibatkan konflik antara kandidat. Penelitian konflik pilkades di Halmahera selatan di lakukan pada dua desa dengan tujuan untuk membandingkan penyebab konflik dan model penyelesain kondlik pilkades. Metode penelitian yang digunakan yaitu deskriptif kualitatif dengan cara melakukan wawancara secara mendalam dengan pihak-pihak yang terlibat pada konflik pilkades di Halmahera Selatan. Manfaat dari hasil penelitian untuk menambah khasanah keilmuan tentang konflik pikades di tingkat desa. 
 
 Keywords: Pilkades, konflik pemilihan, kandidat
 ABSTRACT 
 Simultaneous village head elections in 2016 held in South Halmahera Regencyended up with conflicts. There were 249villagesspread across 32 sub-districts participating in the village head elections. The simultaneous village headelections were divided into two phases in which the first one was held on 20 November 2018 taken by 189 villages. While 60 villages were held in the second phase. The first electionleft 16 casesof conflicts. The fact in the field revealed that the conclicts occured because there were some complaints coming from the losing candidatesthat the election organizers had taken side on one of the candidatesand their supporting teamwhichhad closeness to the regional leader. Besides,there were some actors intervening in the election that caused conflicts among candidates. Consideringthefacts, thisresearchwas conducted in two villages with the aim of comparing the conflicts in the villages andthe resolution models. The research method used was descriptive qualitative by conducting in-depth interviews with parties involved in the election conflicts. The benefits ofthe research is to increase the repertoire of knowledge about election conflict at the village level. 
 Keywords:head village election, election conflict, candidates
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Ruth Owino and Boniface Kirema Karani. "Conflict Sensitive Journalism and Elections." Kabarak Journal of Research & Innovation 11, no. 3 (2022): 299–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.58216/kjri.v11i3.74.

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In any electoral process, the media plays a crucial role in informing the public and acting as a watchdog in ensuring a credible and fair election. Media influences the election dynamics and perceptions, how and what the media reports, builds, or breaks the credibility of an election. Media influences people by way of reporting, offering peaceful resolution, or even ending up in conflicts. Media is therefore instrumental in conflict resolutions and peace-building. In Kenya, the media is faulted for poor reporting and amplifying hate speech that inflames tension and leads to retaliatory attacks. The media has previously reported unconfirmed reports, inciting messages from politicians, or perpetuated viewpoint that has created political discourses that fun violent conflict. The media ought to report freely, fairly, and be neutral during elections without fueling violence. This paper sought to examine the role played by media in the electoral processes, analyses media coverage of the 2017 elections, establish the extent to which the media escalated and/or de-escalated election violence in Kenya. In collecting data, the researchers applied the qualitative approach through content analysis of newspaper articles, journals, and websites. These materials provided the intended information on the issue that was to be addressed, that is conflict-sensitive journalism. The study established that media has a role in framing conflicts and/or escalating conflict. It is also responsible for providing balanced reporting through good investigative journalism especially during conflict situations to promote peace and tranquility.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Election Conflicts"

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Nambiema, Ibrahim Mahama. "'Counting Votes and Bodies,'Election-Related Conflicts in Africa: A Comparative Study of Ghana and Kenya." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1341879131.

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Mchomvu, Frank John. "Prevalence of conflicts over the legitimacy of election results in Africa : can the regional economic communities (RECs) provide a panacea? A case study of ECOWAS and SADC." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18627.

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Civil and political strive in Africa is in the main, this is due to an increase in disputes over who won elections. The disputed elections in Kenya, Zanzibar, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Ethiopia and more recently Ivory Coast to mention but a few, indicate how disputes over election results in Africa have been escalating. ‘Over the last couple of decades, many elections in Africa have been marred by ‘extreme controversy’. Elections ‘rigging and brigandage’, violence and elections invalidation are common phenomena in Africa. The report prepared by the British-Angola Forum (BAF) following a conference on the challenges for free and fair elections in Angola, reveals that many elections in Africa are ‘subject to human error and manipulation’ and this is mainly because those who are in power want to cling onto it especially ‘in countries where there is a perception that politics means money’. Adejumobi argues that in Africa most elections in their current form appear to be ‘a fading shadow of democracy’ jeopardising the frail democratic project itself. According to the African Union Panel of Wise (AUPW), while in some countries elections have built ‘democratic governance and prosperity of citizens’, in others they have led to disputed results and violence among the political actors.<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/<br>nf2012<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM
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Natolooka, Kepha. "The efficacy of multi-track diplomacy in resolving intrastate and internationalised conflicts in Africa: the case of the 2007/2008 post-election violence in Kenya." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63546.

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Рева, Р. Р. "Роль Конституційного Суду України в реалізації виборчих прав громадян". Thesis, Українська академія банківської справи Національного банку України, 2006. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/60259.

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Згідно з Конституцією України людина, її права і свободи є най- вищою соціальною цінністю. Але при всій важливості закріплення прав і свобод людини, вони фактично нічого не варті без забезпечення реальної можливості їх реалізації та дієвих гарантій захисту.
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Harris, David John. "Post-conflict elections or post-elections conflict in Sierra Leone and Liberia." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.502439.

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In the post-Cold War world, a multi-party election is now almost always seen as the crucial culmination of a peace process after a protracted but inconclusive civil war. The inputs and outcomes of post-conflict elections in Africa, however, are far from homogenous. The breadth and relative strengths of candidates and the range of results that have emerged from four national polls in Sierra Leone and Liberia after similar highly destructive civil conflicts are testament to this conclusion. The varying degrees of stability and instability that have ensued are further evidence which has had enormous impacts on the countries concerned. Although in essence a domestic procedure to select a new political dispensation, outside forces also hold considerable influence. While the political capacity of nascent parties, often transformed from former military rebel groups, varies considerably and has huge repercussions on the elections, the shift to a more liberal international discourse has also had its effects, particularly in the criminalisation of former combatants and the arbitrary application of post-conflict 'justice'. Both factors intertwine to shape the candidates, results and outcomes of the polls. The post-conflict election serves to select a new government and leader, but its other important role must be to avoid a return to conflict. There is then an underlying need for political solutions and inclusivity in the peace process. Equally, the election has an important role in reconciliation, whether by starting the process of addressing grievances pent up over decades which played a considerable part in the outbreak of conflict, or conversely by frustrating any potential for positive political change that has emerged from the violence.
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Students, National Union of South African. "October elections: a recipe for conflict?" Student Representative Council, University of the Witwatersrand, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773.

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On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
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Muhindi, Solomon Peter Kavai. "Conflict management in Kenyan electoral conflict: 2002-2012." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12286.

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In the recent years, majority of African countries have been faced by conflicts during election periods. Some of the electoral related conflicts escalated into violence, and they have been transformed or managed. While other electoral related conflicts have just been prevented during the election periods but remain latent conflicts that would escalate triggered by future elections. This study focuses specifically on electoral conflicts in Kenya and its conflict management perspective from 2002-2013. To transform and manage the conflict, peacebuilding initiatives have been integrated in the study. The prime actors in Kenya electoral conflict includes the; the ruling party coalition, the leading opposition coalition and ethnic groupings affiliated to the ruling party and opposition. Other peripheral actors include: the Independent, Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the judiciary. Triangulation (the combination of two or more methods of collecting and analysing data) has been adopted both in data collection and analysis. Focus group interviews, selected individual interviews, and literature reviews were used to collect data, while research findings were analysed systematically using the constructivist grounded theory. Moreover, the liberal peace theory, Institutionalisation before Liberalisation (IBL) and findings from other researchers like (Elder, Stigant and Claes 2014:1-20), and the Afrobarometer research findings (Kivuva 2015) have been used to authenticate the research findings. Research findings indicates that claims of election rigging, numerous institutional failures, negative ethnicity and economic disparity, among other factors heighten the fear and anxiety that escalates during elections. Towards achieving peacebuilding and sustainable peace, the following reforms were undertaken: constitutional changes and reviews, electoral body reform, judicial reform, pursuit of transitional justice, extensive range of local initiatives reforms and police reforms. However, findings in the study also reveal that despite the latter reforms, peacebuilding measures have been short-term, temporal, and not fully successful, leaving behind a latent conflict that could be triggered again with future electoral conflicts. Besides that, negotiation, dialogue and mediation played a role in restoring trust and confidence in the democratic structures after escalated elections. We also recommend that multi-ethnic composition for electoral coalitions should also be adopted as a means to mitigate ethnic triggered conflicts.
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Ngarlem, Tolde Evariste Beelndoum. "La francophonie et la résolution des conflits : réflexion sur la notion de tiers." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30100/document.

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L’Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie, dans l’accomplissement de ses fonctions de tiers, joue un rôle de facilitateur neutre et impartial. Elle accomplit différents rôles dans le processus de résolution des conflits en Afrique francophone. Elle utilise plusieurs moyens officiels et/ou officieux par lesquels elle contribue au règlement pacifique des différends dans ses pays membres. Depuis la Déclaration de Bamako, elle s’est fixé comme priorité politique de garantir la paix et stabilité en son sein, donc d’y allier Francophonie et démocratie et sa méthode peut se résumer en trois mots : médiation, accompagnement des transitions et appui aux opérations de maintien de la paix. La Francophonie ne privilégie pas, en effet, dans la résolution des conflits en Afrique, des relations concurrentielles entre les différents niveaux d’intervention possibles, mais plutôt la coopération en vue d’une solution rapide, efficace et efficiente du conflit. La Francophonie a su se montrer efficace sur le terrain, mieux, souvent bien que d’autres organisations, comme un tiers véritablement indépendant, neutre et impartial<br>The International Organization of Francophonie, in the performance of its functions to third parties, acts as a neutral and impartial facilitator. It performs different roles in the process of conflict resolution en Africa. It uses several means official and/or unofficial by which it contributes to the peaceful settlement of disputes among its member countries. Since the Bamako declaration, it is a priority policy to ensure peace and stability within it, therefore to combine democracy and Francophonie and the method can be summarized in three words: mediation, coaching and support transitions and operations peacemaking. It is not, indeed, of the Francophonie, preference in the resolution of conflicts in Africa, the competitive relationship between the levels of intervention possible, but rather to cooperate in a timely, effective and efficient conflict. The International organization of Francophonie has shown itself effective in the field, more often, although other organizations, as a third party is truly independent, neutral and impartial
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Odallo, Beatrice N. "Analysis of the post 2007 general election conflict mediation process in Kenya." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16765.

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In December 2007, Kenya held what by all accounts were historic presidential, parliamentary and local elections which pitted the then President Mwai Kibaki and his Party of National Unity (PNU) against Mr. Raila Odinga, the leader of the Orange Democratic Party (ODM), Mr. Kalonzo Musyoka, head of ODM-Kenya, and six other candidates. There was however, even before the elections were in progress, several indicators of conflict such as pervasive use of inflammatory campaign rhetoric. Within minutes of the Electoral Commission of Kenya’s declaration of President Kibaki's victory, tribe-based rioting and violence broke out across the country. The results announced showed both a rapid disintegration of Odinga’s previously large lead during the tallying of votes, and a 2.5% margin between the two leading candidates. As a result, suspicions of tampering were high, not least because the opposition had won 99 seats to PNU’s 43 at the parliamentary level.<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.<br>A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Paulo Comoane of the Faculty of Law, University of Eduardo Mondlane, Maputo, Mozambique. 2010.<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM
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Letsie, Tlohang Willie. "What causes election-related conflict within democracies :a case study of Lesotho." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2009. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5685_1297834576.

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<p>This research sought to understand the nature of election-related conflict and what needs to be done to arrest the eruption of such conflict in Lesotho. It sought the opinions of selectively respondents who have been involved in the conflicts in different ways. The interviews and documented literature revealed that what constitutes a background to election-related conflict involves issues that are many and varied. Among others such issues include the following: weak political institutions, use of vulgar language by political leadership, and the weak economy that intensifies neo-patrimonial tendencies. The research concluded that all the factors associated with the eruption of illegitimate conflicts during and after general elections in Lesotho are a result of the politicians&rsquo<br>desire to retain or capture national resources to satisfy their selfish interests and those of their cronies. The conflicts could be minimised if the country&rsquo<br>s economy could be transformed to provide the politicians with alternatives of economic survival outside the structures of government. Furthermore, to minimise the conflict, the country should consider establishing electoral courts. These have the potential of speeding up the resolution of electoral grievances, in the process preventing them from graduating into serious conflicts.</p>
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Books on the topic "Election Conflicts"

1

Agbakoba, Olisa. Managing election conflicts in Nigeria. HURILAWS, 2003.

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Forum, SADC Parliamentary. Parliamentary handbook on election related conflicts. Southern Africa Development Community Parliamentary Forum, 2004.

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Montes, Fausto Díaz. Elecciones municipales, conflicto y negociación--Oaxaca 1986: Los conflictos municipales en Oaxaca. Instituto de Investigaciones Sociológicas, Universidad Autónoma "Benito Juárez" de Oaxaca, 1989.

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Manitoba, Elections. Electoral, campaign finance, lobbying, and ethics/conflict of interest legislation and litigation in Canadian federal, provincial and territorial jurisdictions. Elections Manitoba, 1990.

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Kalaile, James B. Managing election related conflict in SADC countries. s.n., 2002.

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1960-, Sisk Timothy D., Reynolds Andrew 1967-, and United States Institute of Peace Press., eds. Elections and conflict management in Africa. United States Institute of Peace Press, 1998.

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1960-, Sisk Timothy D., Reynolds Andrew 1967-, and United States Institute of Peace Press., eds. Elections and conflict management in Africa. United States Institute of Peace Press, 1998.

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L, Luis García-Blásquez. La justicia electoral y el conflicto constitucional. OSBAC Editora y Distribuidora, 2000.

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Benoit, William L. Candidates in conflict: Persuasive attack and defense in the 1992 presidential debates. University of Alabama Press, 1996.

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Derrick, Marco, and Institute for Democracy in South Africa., eds. Conflict tracking dossiers. IDASA, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Election Conflicts"

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Dzavo, Joseph. "Pre and Post Election Conflicts in Zimbabwe: The Way Forward." In Electoral Politics in Zimbabwe, Volume I. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-27140-3_2.

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Doolotkeldieva, Asel. "The 2020 Violent Change in Government in Kyrgyzstan Amid the Covid-19 Pandemic: Three Distinct Stories in One." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_8.

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AbstractThe day after the election night, on October 5th of 2020, several thousand Kyrgyz citizens poured in the direction of the main square of the capital Bishkek to denounce fraudulent elections. An estimated 1,250 people were injured, and one young person died. This third violent change of government in Kyrgyzstan’s short history of independence can be best understood as a combination of three distinct stories coming together under an unprecedented external shock produced by the coronavirus. First, a genuine citizen mobilization was triggered by the pandemic-related economic decline and rigged elections. Second, the initial peaceful protest was hijacked, to the surprise of the many, by a populist leader capitalizing on long-existing societal polarization. Third, the spectacular unfolding of the intra-opposition struggle downplays an important process of oligarchization, underlying the shaky grounds of patronal presidentialism in pluralist systems.
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Reilly, Benjamin. "Post-conflict Elections." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11795-5_73-1.

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Reilly, Benjamin. "Post-Conflict Elections." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77954-2_73.

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Gil, Joseph, and Yossi Matias. "Leaders election without conflict resolution rule." In LATIN '92. Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bfb0023830.

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Conroy, Meredith. "Gender Conflict Framing in Election Coverage." In Masculinity, Media, and the American Presidency. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-45645-8_6.

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Aramini, Donatello. "Pope John Paul II Is Elected. 16 October 1978. The New Global Sacred." In Security, Conflict and Cooperation in the Contemporary World. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-82146-2_18.

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Abstract The chapter examines the Italian reactions to the election of John Paul II to the papacy. Within the profound global transformations that characterized the 1970s, the author highlights how for many observers Wojtyla's election put an end to the Church’s age-old Italo-centrism and presented the image of a strong, universal brand of Catholicism, a guide and response to contemporary anxieties as society became increasingly fragmented and unsure of its identity.
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Evans, Jocelyn, and Gilles Ivaldi. "Party Cooperation and Conflict: Actors’ Competitive Positioning." In The 2012 French Presidential Elections. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137011640_3.

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"Multiparty Conflicts and Election Systems." In The Structure of Conflict. Psychology Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203771167-18.

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Kyendo, Muli wa. "Interethnic Conflicts." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-3032-9.ch025.

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The argument in this Chapter is that the key to bringing about lasting ethnic peace and harmony in Kenya – and in the rest of Africa – lies in understanding the attitudes and values found in community folktales. Folktales reflect a community's attempt to give form and shape to its hopes and fears and answers to its important questions. They touch on the very core of who they are, both personally and corporately. When it comes under threat, a community will return to its traditional stories to look for direction and to regain a sense of what made it great in the past and what will nurture it into the future. The Chapter uses examples from Kenya where a disastrous post-election ethnic violence in 2008 landed several prominent Kenyans at International Criminal Court in The Hague charged with crimes against humanity.
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Conference papers on the topic "Election Conflicts"

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Jedidi, Hela, Issam Nouaouri, Hajer Ben-Romdhane, and Saoussen Krichen. "Min-Conflict Heuristic Approach for Elective Patient Bed Assignment Problem." In 2024 10th International Conference on Control, Decision and Information Technologies (CoDIT). IEEE, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/codit62066.2024.10708386.

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Lu, Yu-Cheng, Meng-Lin Wu, and Vita Pi-Ho Hu. "Conflict-Free and Area-Efficient 4N4P CFET 8T SRAM with Double-Sided Signal Routing for Multibit Compute-in-Memory in AI Edge Devices." In 2024 IEEE International Electron Devices Meeting (IEDM). IEEE, 2024. https://doi.org/10.1109/iedm50854.2024.10873483.

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Firmanto, Taufik, M. Fadli, Muchamad Ali Safaat, and I. Istislam. "The Dynamics of Organizing Institutions for the Resolution of Election Conflicts in Indonesia During 2005-2020 Period." In 2nd Annual Conference on Education and Social Science (ACCESS 2020). Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210525.103.

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Ćorić, Dragana. "PREDSEDNIŠTVO SFRJ KAO KOLEGIJALNI ŠEF DRŽAVE PREMA USTAVU SFRJ IZ 1974. GODINE." In International scientific conference „The constitution of the SFRY of 1974 - 50 years later. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of law, 2025. https://doi.org/10.46793/ustav74.423c.

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The Presidency of the SFRY performed the function of a collegial head of state, based on the constitutional amendments to the Constitution from 1963, which were adopted in 1971. From then until the disintegration of SFRY as a federal state in 1992, all the power of the socialist, social and political system was concentrated in this specific body. Initially understood as a mechanism for equalizing the power of the socialist republics and autonomous provinces - members of the federation, over time it became the place of their greatest conflicts, stratification and the starting point of the defeat of the Yugoslav idea. The paper briefly presents and analyzes the position of the Presidency of the SFRY, the election of its members, the powers it had, as well as the complex relationship with the President of the Republic, who was the President of the Presidency by function. After the death of Josip Broz Tito in 1980 (proclaimed president of the SFRY for life, by the same Constitution from 1974), the importance of becoming the President of the Presidency became a matter of prestige and numerous internal political struggles.
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Zivotic, Ilija, and Darko Obradovic. "SPREAD OF THE RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA ON WESTERN BALKANS – CASE STUDY IN SERBIA." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.7.22.p15.

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Russian aggression on Ukraine increased spread of disinformation worldwide. Western Balkans and Serbia are also a long-term subject for Russian active measures. Those active measures have several priorities which are only intensifying in crises periods. Russian strategic task for Western Balkan is to prevent full western integrations. So far, Russia has succeeded to blockade Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro very successfully through their proxies on the field. Like during corona crisis, same patterns are deployed before and after beginning of the aggression on Ukraine. This work aims to identify, explain and counter main anti-western narratives in context of the Russian aggression. No doubts Russia is losing its international capacity but capacity for cover activities is still untouched on Western Balkans. In this scientific work authors will make a brief case study on Serbia and try to provide better understanding why Russian disinformation is so successful in Serbia. What are the main triggers? What can be done to prevent such subversive activities? Also, authors will trace and analyze the main advisories’ narratives from their deployment to their effects. Russian active measures have the potential to trigger inner and international conflicts in the Western Balkan region. They have already successfully divided the society. Meanwhile Serbia had a parliamentary election with results which are in direct connection with the war in Ukraine. Right wing parties achieved their record success in the last 10 years. Our article will try to find what can be done in a way to prevent Russian active measures. What is the role of media, state institutions and civil societies? This challenge will unfortunately be a security challenge in the future years, full western integration will not be a “silver bullet” for Russian activities. Russia is a global challenger that will exploit every possibility to endanger West. Non-integrated territories will be more vulnerable to became anti-western launch pad in the region. Keywords: active measures, security, politics, economy, disinformation, international relations, strategy
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Villata, Francesca C., and Lenka Válková. "PROPERTY RIGHTS OVER CRYPTOCURRENCIES : A CONFLICT-OF-LAWS PERSPECTIVE." In International Scientific Conference on International, EU and Comparative Law Issues “Law in the Age of Modern Technologies”. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/28258.

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The paper tackles the conflicts of laws on property rights over cryptocurrencies, starting from characterization issues. Building upon the distinctive nature of cryptocurrencies as “pure” de facto assets, that do not give a claim against an issuer, and the relevance of control over said assets as a suitable alternative to the traditional possession, the paper supports the characterization in terms of “assets”, over which property rights may, subject to the relevant lex causae, be constituted and enjoyed. By examining the available options for a conflict-of-law regime and considering the first legislative efforts conducted in this area of law both at the supranational and national level, the elective situs approach is identified as the most appropriate, possibly backed by some regulatory requirement, whilst different approaches are envisaged for the fall-back rule applicable to cryptocurrencies originated in, respectively, permissioned and permissionless DLT systems.
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Kannapan, Srikanth M., and Dean L. Taylor. "Conflict Resolution in Concurrent Engineering Processes." In ASME 1994 Design Technical Conferences collocated with the ASME 1994 International Computers in Engineering Conference and Exhibition and the ASME 1994 8th Annual Database Symposium. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc1994-0015.

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Abstract Naive interpretations of concurrent engineering may expect extreme parallelization of tasks and simultaneous accommodation of multiple perspectives. In fact, from our efforts at modeling tasks in a MEMS (Micro-Electro-Mechanical Systems) pressure sensor design project, it appears that data dependencies due to the structure of tasks and the product itself result in scenarios of decision and action that must be carefully coordinated. This paper refines a previously described information model for defining evolving contexts of product model aspects and team member perspectives, with software agents acting on behalf of team members to execute tasks. The pressure sensor design project is analyzed in the framework of the information model. A scenario of decision and action for design of the pressure sensor is modeled as a design process plan. Conflict on a shared parameter occurs as a consequence of introducing some parallelism between the capacitance and deflection agents in the process. We present a technique for negotiating such conflicts by definition and propagation of utility functions on decision parameters and axiomatic negotiation.
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Sa, Ning, Ankita Bhaumik, and Tomek Strzalkowski. "Convo-Based Attitude Analysis of Twitter Big Data: A Case Study on Ukraine-Russia War Dataset." In 16th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2025). AHFE International, 2025. https://doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1006033.

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Social media has become a popular platform for studying public perceptions and opinions on important global events like elections, pandemics and international conflicts. Previous studies utilized text mining algorithms to analyze individual messages for references to relevant topics and associated sentiment. Such methods overlook the broader context in which these messages appear and as a result fail to capture often intricate relationships between topics, messages, and their authors. More specifically, these methods do not account for social dynamics among the participants in an online discourse, which typically occurs within a convo (Katsios et al., 2019), a loosely structured cluster of posters interested in a common topic. In this paper, we present a convo-based analysis of a public social media dataset collected over a period of 3 months following the onset of the Ukraine-Russia conflict. In this dataset, we identify the most populous convos, the most influential participants within each, and the topics they discuss. We then demonstrate how the general attitude across these convos shifts over time from a largely pro-Ukraine to an increasingly pro-Russia stance, which we speculate is a result of ongoing influence operations. Our findings provide novel insights into the structure of social media traffic and evolution of attitudes in online populations. This work is a first step towards a more comprehensive framework for social media analysis.
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Khumsupa, Dr Malinee. "Political Consumption, Ethical Commodification and Conflict in Thai Politics." In 7th World Conference on Arts, Humanities, Social Sciences and Education. Eurasia Conferences, 2024. https://doi.org/10.62422/978-81-974314-5-6-004.

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Political consumption in Thai politics has emerged in two ways. On the one hand, there has been a significant emergence of Thai Rak Thai Party public policy marketing since the 2000s during the global Neoliberal known as Thaksin Regime (Hewison, 2010). This led to the shape and transcendence of political party branding and marketing (Pandit, 2023) including the fandom strategic campaign of the Move Forward Party later in the 2023 election. Consequently, it shifted political participation and the contemporary hyper-partisan political scene (Colombier, 2024). That means this phenomenon is termed the emergence of politics of emotion and consumption. On the other hand, the political and economic crisis in Thailand caused the political reform rooted in the 1997 constitution to create moral politics establishment in non-elected watchdog agencies to investigate the moralistic behavior of politicians termed as “unethical conduct”. Thongchai termed it as the politics of a virtuous person which was believed in morals above the people's power (Thongchai, 2007). Later on, the 2006 coup was also the turning to establish the conception of moralistic politics for the righteous people which deployed the judiciary to monitor righteous persons in public offices. They are known as independent accountability agencies such as Constitutional Court, Anti-Corruption Commission, or Election Commission. Based on the constitutions, they have very influential roles in the political arena. That means a moral high ground to undermine the political landscape that traced the root of the current conflict for a goodman should win over a popular man (Khemthong, 2022). This paper examines when Thai political consumption emerged to empower the political party's strength by creating the politics of desire in a good health democracy. However, moralistic politics turned to establish the contrary as an ethical commodification which led to conflict in the Thai political landscape for decades.
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Delemazure, Théo, Łukasz Janeczko, Andrzej Kaczmarczyk, and Stanisław Szufa. "Selecting the Most Conflicting Pair of Candidates." In Thirty-Third International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-24}. International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2024/306.

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We study committee elections from a perspective of finding the most conflicting candidates, that is, candidates that imply the largest amount of conflict, as per voter preferences. By proposing basic axioms to capture this objective, we show that none of the prominent multiwinner voting rules meet them. Consequently, we design committee voting rules compliant with our desiderata, introducing conflictual voting rules. A subsequent deepened analysis sheds more light on how they operate. Our investigation identifies various aspects of conflict, for which we come up with relevant axioms and quantitative measures, which may be of independent interest. We support our theoretical study with experiments on both real-life and synthetic data.
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Reports on the topic "Election Conflicts"

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Idris, Iffat. Conditions for Elections to Succeed in Reducing Conflict and Instability. Institute of Development Studies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.124.

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Post-conflict elections can pave the way for democratisation and peacebuilding, but can also lead to renewed conflict. Minimum conditions for ensuring that elections promote the former and reduce conflict and instability include: peace and demilitarisation; international involvement; not holding post-conflict elections too early; holding national and local elections separately – ideally, local before national; election systems (notably proportional representation) that distribute rather than concentrate power; independent, permanent and well-resourced election management bodies; and media that promote voter education, messaging by parties and candidates, and election transparency. However, it is important to stress that specific criteria needed for successful post-conflict elections will be context-dependent.Post-conflict elections have the potential to establish legitimate government and can pave the way for democratisation and sustained peace. However, because they determine the distribution of power, they can also trigger renewed conflict. The risk of this is exacerbated by the difficult circumstances in which post-conflict elections are typically held (e.g. damaged infrastructure, weak institutions). The challenge is how to achieve the potential benefits while avoiding the risks. What are the conditions or criteria needed to ensure that post-conflict elections do not lead to conflict and instability?This review looks at the conditions needed to ensure that post-conflict election reduce conflict and instability. It draws on a mixture of academic and grey literature. While there was substantial literature on the various criteria, notably international involvement and election administration, it was largely gender-blind, as well as disability-blind.
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Meret, Susi. Denmark’s Populism at the Crossroads: Insights into the 2024 European Parliament Election Results. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0067.

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The populist moment that defined Danish politics from 2001 to 2019 has recently transitioned into what can be described as mainstream populism. Two concurrent developments drive this shift: first, the Social Democrats’ strategy to reclaim (white) working-class support by adopting populist right-wing stances on immigration and integration, and second, the existential crisis confronting the Liberals (Venstre, V) and the Conservative party (Det Konservative Folkeparti, KF), whose electoral support reached historic lows. The 2024 European Parliament elections differed significantly from those of 2019, marked by the emergence of new political entities and pressing global issues such as the Russia–Ukraine and Israel–Hamas conflicts, along with the existential threat of climate change and the lingering effects of the post-pandemic time. Traditional populists are exploiting these issues to regain support, advocating for greater national sovereignty and cohesion in the face of perceived global threats. This paper examines the evolving dynamics of Danish politics, focusing on how the intersection of domestic and international changes is reshaping EU-related positions and the role of populism. Keywords: populism, European Parliament elections, Danish People’s Party, Denmark Democrats, Socialist People’s Party
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Idris, Iffat. Impact of Election Support Interventions to Prevent Violent Political Instability, Conflict or Atrocities. Institute of Development Studies, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4dd.2024.020.

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This review examines the impact of electoral support interventions in preventing election-related violent political instability, conflict, and atrocities. Key findings indicate that security sector engagement and strengthening election management bodies are the most effective in reducing violence. There is some evidence supporting voter education and election monitoring, while peace messaging and youth programming show limited impact. The review highlights the essential role of the state in ensuring peaceful elections, supported by civil society and international organisations. However, rigorous assessments are limited, and further research is needed on long-term effects and the specific pathways by which these interventions reduce violence.
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Brodeur, Abel. Reproduction of 'Not All Elections Are Created Equal: Election Quality and Civil Conflict'. Social Science Reproduction Platform, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.48152/ssrp-e70v-h937.

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Barrick, Timothy E. Military Support to Post-Conflict Elections: Applying the Lessons of the 2004 Afghan Presidential Election. Defense Technical Information Center, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada463245.

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BUHARI, Lateef Oluwafemi. Understanding the Causes of Electoral and Political Violence in Ekiti State, Nigeria: 2007-2010. Intellectual Archive, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32370/ia_2021_03_17.

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All over the world, elections are the litmus test of democracies. They also serve to consolidate political stability in a given polity just as they have the propensity to engender conflict and violence. Though there is usually competition over the control of the machineries of power, the turning point of that competition into violence becomes imperative in discerning the causes, both remote and immediate of such violence. In the light of the above, this paper notes the volatile nature of elections in Nigeria at large and Ekiti State in particular between 2007 and 2010. It examines plethora of factors leading to electoral fraud and political violence in the state. It further analyses the role of various stakeholders in political violence in the state.
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Kan, Paul R. Assessing Free and Fair Elections in Countries of Conflict. ACSC Quick-Look 05-10. Defense Technical Information Center, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada430902.

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Avis, William. Armed Group Transition from Rebel to Government. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.125.

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Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.
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Erdoğan, Emre. A foreign policy litmus test: How the war in Ukraine has fuelled populist rhetoric in Erdoğan’s Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0033.

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The war in Ukraine is a defining historical moment that demonstrates the limitations of contemporary politics. Even the most pessimistic scholars did not conceive of a direct military conflict in the heart of the Eurasian landmass. Moreover, this conflict has exposed the limitations of populism in foreign policy. Despite rare instances of rhetorical cooperation with Russia, the populist politicians of Europe remained committed to Atlanticist foreign policies. Turkey, a textbook example of populist governance, offers a superb illustration of how the international zeitgeist constrains populist politicians’ goals. The “balanced” approach of Turkey’s foreign policy, which is dictated by its asymmetrical interdependence with Russia, aims to strengthen Turkey’s role as a regional force through mediation. In the meantime, the pressure of upcoming presidential elections and the country’s economic position are additional obstacles. An examination of Erdoğan’s speeches over the past year reveals that he has replicated this balanced approach in his discourse as the leader of Turkey. Keywords: Turkey; Ukraine–Russia war; foreign policy; populism.
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Eng, Netra, Len Ang, Hengvotey So, Gech Hong Hav, and Theavy Chhom. Cambodia’s Young and Older Generation: Views on Generational Relations and Key Social and Political Issues. Cambodia Development Resource Institute, 2019. https://doi.org/10.64202/wp.116.201908.

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Youth make up one-third of the Cambodian population. This generation was born after the Khmer Rouge years and has grown up with the idea of regular competitive elections in a multi-party system. The youth cohort forms an increasingly significant proportion of the national electorate. This report analyses the results from a nationally representative survey of Cambodian citizens’ family and community relations, political attitudes, priorities and future expectations. It aims to examine Cambodia’s emerging young generation and its implications for future development, society and politics. The findings reveal that the youth generation is different from older generations in many important ways: they are better educated, more likely to migrate and take up paid employment, and have greater access to smartphones and the internet. These differences do not necessarily imply intergenerational conflict.
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