Academic literature on the topic 'Election distric'

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Journal articles on the topic "Election distric"

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Ma'mun, Syukron. "ANALISA PENGARUH FAKTOR PENDIDIKAN TERHADAP PARTISIPASI POLITIK PEREMPUAN PADA PEMILIHAN KEPALA DESA (PILWU) TAHUN 2017 DI KECAMATAN WIDASARI." Tarbawiyah Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan 2, no. 02 (December 26, 2018): 302. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/tarbawiyah.v2i02.1400.

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Background of this reaserch is the low of women participation in various agenda of general election in level national, province, or local. This reaserch amin to know the influence of level of education to woman political participation in election of Village head 2017 in Widasari District. The research approch in this reaserch is qualitatif approach with case study methode. Subyect in this reserah is woman candidats from three villages in Widasari District which perform the election of village head. From four villages which perform village head election, there is three villages with woman candidat of village head which is Kongsijaya Village, ujung jaya Village, and Leuwigede Village. The reaserch instrumen use in this reaserch is observation sheet and interview sheet to woman candidat of village head. The result of this reaserch is proof that education is not main determinant of women participation to nominate as village head. There is other factor that influence women participation in village head election in Widasari distric 2017 which is husband support and experience un social organization.
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Setiawan, Topan. "Implementation of Simple Additive Weighting (SAW) Method To Determine Exemplary PKH Social Worker (Case Study: PPKH Garut Regency)." Buana Information Technology and Computer Sciences (BIT and CS) 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.36805/bit-cs.v2i1.1236.

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One measure of the success of an employee in carrying out his job is his election as an exemplary employee in the agency where he works. The selection must of course be based on standard measurement and objective assessment, the goal is that the predetermined results can be justified. A decision support system using the Simple Additive Weighting (SAW) method can help PPKH Garut regency in determining exemplary PKH socialworker in each sub-district PPKH unit, this method will look for weight values for each predetermined criterion consisting of quantity, integrity, dedication, reliability, initiative, diligence, attitude, motivation and presence. The data sample taken in this research was PPKH X Sub-distric, where the results of the research are in the form of a ranking that can support the decision to choose an exemplary PKH social worker in PPKH Garut Regency
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Kurnianto, Anang Wahyu, and Ridwanto Ardi Kusumo. "Recall on Village Heads Election: An Election Law Reform." Journal of Law and Legal Reform 1, no. 2 (January 13, 2020): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v1i2.35406.

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This study aims to analyze the model of holding village head elections between times with a case study in Reban Village, Reban District, Batang Regency. This study uses a qualitative method with a sociological juridical approach(Dawkins et al., 2019). The results of this study indicate that: 1). Inter-village head election procedures in Reban Village, Reban District, Batang Regency are in accordance with the mandate of Article 47 of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. However, referring to Article 45 of Government Regulation No. 43 of 2014 there are stages of selection that are not yet in accordance with technical rules: a). The holding of the election exceeds the specified time limit. Limitations of technical guidelines become the main obstacle b). Funding for the election is still fully burdened to the candidates for village heads. 2). The mechanism for electing village heads over time through a voting model with a representative system. Voters who have the right to vote are every family head who lives in Reban Village, proven by a Family Card. Elections are democratic with a turnout of 94.9%.
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Syafitri, Ririn, Indra Muda, and Armansyah Matondang. "Sistem Penerimaan Badan Ad Hoc Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah pada Komisi Pemilihan Umum Kota Medan." PERSPEKTIF 8, no. 2 (July 4, 2019): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v8i2.2596.

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<h1>Election is a way to choose a leader or people representative's and the only mechanism of power change in Indonesia. In it's relation with the election for district head and vice district head, the commitee's existence is included in the constitution of Indonesia number 7 2017 about the Election's Commitee. Therefore, it can be said that the Commitees determines the good and the bad in an election. Ad hoc acceptance system is one of the process in the General Election Commision in Medan for filtering the candidate for the Election's Commitee. According to the General Election Commision Criteria to be the Election's commitee. Usually, the ad hoc acceptance system begin with announcement, registration, test and acceptance. Because of that, the General Election Commision need help from the public to participate in the Election. The purpose of this Observation is to know the ad hoc acceptance system to elect the district head and vice district head.</h1><h1> </h1>
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GERRING, JOHN, MAXWELL PALMER, JAN TEORELL, and DOMINIC ZARECKI. "Demography and Democracy: A Global, District-level Analysis of Electoral Contestation." American Political Science Review 109, no. 3 (August 2015): 574–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055415000234.

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According to the classical perspective, polity size and democracy are inversely related. In this article, we argue that there is an important exception that manifests itself at the district level in settings where multiparty competition is allowed. Specifically, we find that larger districts encourage greater contestation. This results from a little-noticed mechanical effect as well as from several features of constituencies that are affected by size and have direct repercussions for contestation. To demonstrate this thesis we assembled a unique dataset, the Multi-level Election Archive (MLEA), which unites electoral contests across a variety of districts (national, regional, and local) and elective offices from the eighteenth century to the present, including a total of 88 countries, 2,344 elections, 79,658 districts, and more than 400,000 contests. With this evidence we were able to conduct a broad array of statistical tests, some global and others focused on particular countries or election types, all of which support our general argument.
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Gunawan, Beni Teguh. "Pengaruh Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Terhadap Pasar Tenaga Kerja: Analisis Sektor Formal Dan Informal Level Kabupaten/Kota Di Pulau Jawa." Kajian Ekonomi dan Keuangan 2, no. 2 (August 31, 2018): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31685/kek.v2i2.263.

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Local election (pilkada) become a political phenomenon impact to various other sectors, not least the economic sector. Local elections in Indonesia are conducted at district and provincial levels. The incumbent candidate will use their power to control the fiscal sector in the region to improve their electability. One of the effort is to improve performance of the regional economy that will impact on the new job creation as the trade-off concept in the Phillips curve. Empirical results indicate that district/municipal election significantly influences the absorption of informal sector workers. A year before the district-level elections, an increase of informal sector workers by 3.39%, in the other hand, it reduces formal sector employment by 5.54%. Different results are shown in the provincial elections, where one year before the pilkada has no impact on the formal sector. When district/municipal and provincial elections are held in the same year, the absorption of informal sector workers decreased by 4.77% while the formal sector increased by 8.28%. When the incumbent candidate participate the next election, the informal workers increase 6.58% while formal employment does not affected.
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Lam, Jermain T. M. "Hong Kong District Council elections 2015." Asian Education and Development Studies 6, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 354–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-11-2015-0066.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the results of Hong Kong’s 2015 District Council elections in order to test the repercussions of the Occupy Central Movement. The paper attempts to identify the political implications of the Movement as reflected by the 2015 election results. Design/methodology/approach The methodology used for the paper was to collect election data and conduct data analysis to generalize the political implications of the Occupy Central Movement. Findings The paper found that, first, Hong Kong is still polarized, as most voters were divided into those who supported the Occupy Central Movement and those who opposed it. Second, there is no consensus regarding political reforms, as most voters were split into two antagonistic positions. Third, the activists of the Occupy Central Movement have formed a new political force that attracts voters who demand change. Fourth, the Occupy Central Movement has become a breeding ground that nurtures localism. Research limitations/implications The 2015 District Council elections were a continuation of the Occupy Central Movement. The Movement affected the political balance between the pro-establishment and pan-democratic camps in the 2015 elections and it has shaped the democratization process in Hong Kong. Originality/value The paper was the product of an original research project that examined the results of the 2015 District Council elections to reflect on the implications of the Occupy Central Movement. The paper concluded that the 2015 elections sent important political messages to key political players in Hong Kong.
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Asano, Masahiko, and Dennis P. Patterson. "Smiles, turnout, candidates, and the winning of district seats." Politics and the Life Sciences 37, no. 1 (2018): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2017.12.

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Research has shown that a candidate’s appearance affects the support he or she receives in elections. We extend this research in this article in three ways. First, we examine this relationship further in a non-Western context using 2015 local elections in Japan. Next, we show that this positive relationship is more complicated depending on the characteristics of the election under consideration. Specifically, we distinguished election contests by levels of turnout and found that despite a positive relationship between turnout and the extent to which smiling increases a candidate’s support levels, the marginal increase in support declined as turnout increased and, in fact, became negative when some high-turnout threshold was crossed. Finally, we show that the number of candidates competing in an election is negatively related to the impact of a candidate smiling, confirming research conducted by the Dartmouth Group.
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Alidu, Seidu Mahama, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants of voter participation in Ghana’s 2012 election: Implications for the 2020 national elections." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 145–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i1.6.

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In this paper we analyze the ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants influencing voter participation in Ghana based on aggregate district-level data. The paper focuses on the determinants that influenced citizens’ political participation in the 2012 Presidential elections of the Fourth Republic of Ghana and their implications for the December 2020 national elections. The unique approach of this paper is that district-level aggregate data on economic characteristics compiled by the Ghana Statistical Service are synchronised with district-level national presidential election results compiled by the Electoral Commission of Ghana to ascertain the determinants of participation. The analysis is based on the concept of the “Average District Voter” which is analyzed using district-level census data combined with national election results. Statistical analysis was used to complementarily assess the determinants of voter participation in the Ghanaian 2012 presidential elections. The results of the analysis thus established two major points; that ethnic identification with regard to the two major ethnic groups in Ghana (i.e., the Asantes and the Ewes) has clearly influenced voter turnout, and second, that worsening socio-economic conditions played a role in voter turnout in the 2012 presidential elections and these issues will ultimately determine the winner of the 2020 national elections.
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Alidu, Seidu Mahama, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants of voter participation in Ghana’s 2012 election: Implications for the 2020 national elections." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 145–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i1.6.

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In this paper we analyze the ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants influencing voter participation in Ghana based on aggregate district-level data. The paper focuses on the determinants that influenced citizens’ political participation in the 2012 Presidential elections of the Fourth Republic of Ghana and their implications for the December 2020 national elections. The unique approach of this paper is that district-level aggregate data on economic characteristics compiled by the Ghana Statistical Service are synchronised with district-level national presidential election results compiled by the Electoral Commission of Ghana to ascertain the determinants of participation. The analysis is based on the concept of the “Average District Voter” which is analyzed using district-level census data combined with national election results. Statistical analysis was used to complementarily assess the determinants of voter participation in the Ghanaian 2012 presidential elections. The results of the analysis thus established two major points; that ethnic identification with regard to the two major ethnic groups in Ghana (i.e., the Asantes and the Ewes) has clearly influenced voter turnout, and second, that worsening socio-economic conditions played a role in voter turnout in the 2012 presidential elections and these issues will ultimately determine the winner of the 2020 national elections.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Election distric"

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Travis, Rosemary Fechner. "Differences in School Districts' Decision-Making Processes Before and After Tax Limitation Elections: A Case Study." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331870/.

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Using a case study approach, this investigation focused on the decision-making processes involved in developing budgets in two Texas school districts following a tax limitation, or rollback, election. Factors influencing the decision-making processes included the rollback election's outcome in each district, the participants, the perceptions participants held of themselves, the perceptions participants held of others in the district and community, the decisions made, and the factors influencing participants' decisions. Two Texas school districts were selected as subjects of this study which used qualitative data collection methods. In one school district, the rollback election passed. In the other, it failed. Data collection included observations of school board meetings and budget workshops. Structured interviews of school board members and administrators, pro- and antirollback proponents, and newspaper editors were conducted. Questions focused on the budgetary decision-making processes before and after the rollback elections. They also solicited information fromsubjects regarding rollback elections, the factors precipitating the rollback elections and the impact of the rollback election campaign upon each school district. Document analyses were triangulated with the observations and interviews to identify the factors influencing the budgetary decision-making process. Following the rollback elections, school officials in both districts adopted a conservative approach to budgetary decision-making. In both districts, school board members and administrators listened more carefully to citizens' concerns. Citizen finance committees were formed in both districts following the rollback elections to receive community input into the 1989-90 budgets. The decision-making processes in both districts were influenced by school board members' and administrators' personal philosophies, the presence or absence of long-range district goals, and pressures to finance unfunded and underfunded state mandates. The budget documents produced in both districts following the rollback elections reflected a commitment to funding curricular rather than extracurricular programs. School officials protected teachers' and support staffers' salaries, recognizing the importance of maintaining employee morale.
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Brennan, Brian Patrick. "Democracy without elections : understanding the cancellation phenomenon in California's Special District elections." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522857.

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Benham, Liza Abram. "Voting minorities, electoral structure and policy responsiveness." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

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Webster, Daniel Charles. "The taking of the Fifth : the contested 1960 election in the Indiana Fifth Congressional District." Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/467700.

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Elections are seldom covered in detail below the level of the national contests. Regional, district, and local elections often appear to be too provincial to be worth the time and effort to research and analyze in any detail."Taking the Fifth" is about a contested congressional race that was in dispute between various local and forces longer than any other House race on record.The Fifth District of Indiana leaned Republican, but it swung to the Democrats about once a decade. The 1960 election broke that historic pattern.Since 1960 was a pivotal election year for both political parties, and since the U. S. Congress was divided by various regional and philosophical factions, it is the contention of the dissertation that the Indiana Fifth District took on more importance than it would have under normal circumstances.Pursuit of power by local and national figures became inextricably involved with the struggle of the candidates in the Fifth District of Indiana. Intraparty grudges between district and state Democratic leaders, scars from Republican battles for congressional leadership posts, Dixiecrat versus urban Democrats maneuvering for dominance on key congressional committees, and an energetic young President and his allies -- bent on making a lasting mark on history -- all influenced the outcome of the race.As the gap widens between election day in Indiana and final settlement of the contest, the two candidates fade into secondary roles, and eventually appear to be little more than pawns for the congressional and national figures who had pre-empted the contest for their own political purposes.
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Mobley, Leigh Barrett. "An anatomy of an unsuccessful school bond election in a rural school district." Diss., Mississippi State : Mississippi State University, 2007. http://library.msstate.edu/etd/show.asp?etd=etd-11012007-163605.

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Witmer, Richard Clarence. "Partisan turnover in congressional elections, 1972-1996: A district level approach." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284021.

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Prior research on congressional elections is decidedly candidate centered. While candidates are important to the electoral process, the individual is but one of a number of factors in congressional elections. In this research I expand the debate on congressional elections to include how political parties survive across time in congressional districts. To do this I model party turnover from 1972 to 1996 using a number of district level attributes. This includes whether an incumbent candidate is seeking reelection, competitiveness of the district in the previous election, length of time a district has supported the incumbent party, district context (and district context change) and region of the country. The probability of a quality challenger emerging in a congressional district is also estimated given the aforementioned district level attributes. Presence of a quality challenger is then added to the district level model and the probability of party turnover is estimated. To estimate the effects of district level attributes on party turnover, an event history analysis with a logit specification is used. This allows for the inclusion of duration dependence given a binomial dependent variable. The implications for this research are numerous, including the effects of party turnover on representation and redistributive benefits for a congressional district. A second implication focuses on how political context affects the survival of political parties in congressional districts given the redistricting process. Finally, the possible effects of district level attributes and party turnover on party mobilization and voter turnout are discussed.
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Drain, Nathaniel Scott. "From blue to red electoral change in West Virginia's third congressional district, 1968-1984 /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10450/10820.

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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2009.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 72 p. : col. maps. Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 49-52).
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Chandler, Jo Ann Arrowsmith. "A comparison of the predictability rates of the Lutz dissatisfaction and school bond election models of local school district politics in selected Oklahoma school districts, 1971-1989 /." Access abstract and link to full text, 1989. http://0-wwwlib.umi.com.library.utulsa.edu/dissertations/fullcit/9016104.

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Kwok, Ngai-kuen, and 郭毅權. "Strategies and tactics of a district board election campaign and implications for community/neighbourhood development." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1988. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31248135.

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MacColl, Megan Gwynne. "Candidates, Campaigns, and Political Tides: Electoral Success in Colorado's 4th District." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/450.

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The race between Republican Cory Gardner and Democratic incumbent Betsy Markey for Colorado's 4th Congressional District was a partisan fight for political momentum. In the 2010 campaign cycle, Republicans looked to retake the historically Republican 4th District as part of a national strategy to win back the U.S. House, while Democrats tried desperately to hold on to both. Cory Gardner was only one of fifty-four Republican challengers to defeat a Democratic incumbent in 2010, but the Gardner-Markey race is particularly interesting as a case study of voter motivation and the mediating forces, both regional and national, that influence electoral success. Political commentators and staffers from both campaigns describe Markey's defeat as inevitable, but the same sources explain the election results from three different theoretical perspectives: (1) Betsy Markey was a poor fit for the district and never represented constituent interests, (2) Cory Gardner was the perfect candidate, and (3) Markey’s defeat was a result of the national political mood and a referendum on Democrats in Washington. This thesis analyzes and evaluates each of these theories, and concludes that a combination of the arguments and their evidence provides the most complete answer. While no single theory is the definitive reason that voters in the 4th District elected Cory Gardner, each contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the inevitability of Rep. Betsy Markey's defeat in 2010.
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Books on the topic "Election distric"

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Astana aĭmaghy: Esīl-Nūra--Qarqaraly--Shyn︠g︡ghystau, Kȯkshe--Omby, Zhetīsu zhelīsī. Almaty: Daĭk-Press, 2008.

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Report on rural district council elections, urban council by-elections, Hurungwe by-election, Kadoma mayoral election and Insiza by-election, 2002. Harare]: Zimbabwe Election Support Network, 2002.

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Ponceyri, Robert. Le découpage électoral. Paris: Economica, 1988.

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Prince Edward Island. Chief Electoral Officer. Prince Edward Island polling division description. Rev.: Elections Prince Edward Island, Chief Electoral Officer, 1992.

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La France électorale. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1986.

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Canada, Canada Elections. Ontario federal electoral districts: Representation order of 1996. Ottawa: Elections Canada, 1996.

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Commission de la représentation électorale du Québec. Élections municipales: La division du territoire municipal en districts électoraux : méthodologie et procédures. Québec, Québec: Commission de la représentation électorale du Québec, 2008.

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Commission de la représentation électorale du Québec. Élections municipales: La Division du territoire municipal en districts électoraux : méthodologie et procédures. Québec: Commission de la représentation électorale du Québec, 2008.

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Drouilly, Pierre. Atlas des élections au Québec, 1867-1985. Québec: Bibliothèque de l'Assemblée nationale, 1989.

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Salmon, Frédéric. Atlas électoral de la France 1848-2001. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Election distric"

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Bickerstaff, Steve. "Mixed Election Systems Combining Electoral Districts with Proportional Representation Elections." In Studies in Choice and Welfare, 115–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30837-7_10.

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Christensen, Ray. "Drawing the boundaries of election districts." In Japanese Democracy and Lessons for the United States, 44–71. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003008620-4.

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Wilson, Walter Clark. "Texas District 23: Play It Again: A Nationalized Election in Texas’s Swingin’est District." In The Roads to Congress 2016, 179–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58094-4_12.

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Lo, Sonny Shiu-Hing, Steven Chung-Fun Hung, and Jeff Hai-Chi Loo. "Two Final Battles, District Elections, United States and Taiwan." In The Dynamics of Peaceful and Violent Protests in Hong Kong, 263–310. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6712-4_7.

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Morrison, Peter A., and Thomas M. Bryan. "“False Positive” Majority-Minority Election Districts in a Statewide Plan." In Redistricting: A Manual for Analysts, Practitioners, and Citizens, 99–106. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-15827-9_12.

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Dow, Jay K. "A spatial analysis of candidate competition in dual member districts: The 1989 Chilean senatorial elections." In Empirical Studies in Comparative Politics, 233–56. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4757-5127-7_10.

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Lynch, John Roy. "1874: Diminishing Republican Power." In Reminiscences of an Active Life, edited by John Hope Franklin, 155–62. University Press of Mississippi, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781604731149.003.0019.

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This chapter examines the diminishing Republican power. The Mississippi Constitution, having been ratified in 1869, an odd year of the calendar, caused the regular elections for state, district, and county officers to occur on the odd years of the calendar, while the national election occurred on the even years of the calendar, thus necessitating the holding of an election in the state every year. No election was to be held in 1874, therefore, except to choose members of Congress and to fill a few vacancies. The regular election for county officers and members of the legislature would be held in 1875. From a Republican point of view, Mississippi, as was true of the other reconstructed states, up to 1875 was all that could be expected and desired and no doubt would have remained so for many years but for the unexpected results of the state and congressional elections of 1874.
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Shaw, Daron R., and John R. Petrocik. "Turnout and Partisan Vote Choice." In The Turnout Myth, 75–94. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190089450.003.0005.

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This chapter explores the link between turnout and the vote across an extended series of elections within states and electoral districts. The strength of this design is that it conforms exactly to the ordinary language that analysts and commentators use to assert a connection between turnout and vote outcome. The proponents of a turnout bias argue that increased turnout in a forthcoming election should increase the Democrat’s share of the vote compared to the previous election, while a turnout drop will erode that share. We use straightforward data for an analysis of changes through time for presidential elections from 1948 through 2016, for each Senate seat from 1966 through 2016, for each state’s gubernatorial contests from 1966 through 2016, and for all 435 congressional districts from 1972 through 2010. The analysis does not find support for the bias thesis but observes a virtually random relationship, with turnout in many states and districts helping the Republicans as often as it assists the Democrats.
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Foley, Edward B. "The First Four Elections." In Presidential Elections and Majority Rule, 16–26. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190060152.003.0002.

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By the time the Jeffersonians redesigned the Electoral College in 1803, they had the experience of four elections, the equivalent of experiencing the elections of 2004 through 2016. During these four elections, the states experimented with different methods for appointing electors. Most common was direct legislative appointment of electors. Some states used district-based systems in which the voters in a district chose an elector. Only a few states held statewide elections to choose all of a state’s electors. By 1796 two-party competition had developed between Federalists and Jeffersonians, and states used methods of appointing electors that would favor the majority party in each state. Massachusetts and New Hampshire explicitly required that an elector receive a majority of votes to be appointed; otherwise, a runoff was necessary for appointment. New Hampshire experimented with both popular and legislative runoffs, while Massachusetts only used legislative runoffs.
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Seabrook, Nicholas R. "Winning the Future? Redistricting and Partisan Bias." In Drawing the Lines. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705311.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the extent to which partisan redistricting creates long-term distortions in congressional elections compared to other types of redistricting. The Supreme Court's failure so far to agree on a coherent and definitive test with which to adjudicate the issue of partisan gerrymandering has been predicated in large part on the absence of evidence of pervasive and long-lasting effects sufficient to meet the Davis v. Bandemer standard. It is thus necessary to determine exactly how effective partisan gerrymandering has been in terms of its long-term benefits to the gerrymandering party. This chapter considers the effects of control of redistricting on aggregate electoral disproportionality and partisan bias, as well as on the outcomes of elections in individual congressional districts. In particular, it discusses the probability that the Democratic Party candidate will win the election in a House district in a given year. The results suggest that partisan gerrymandering can produce a small but sometimes persistent bias in favor of the party that implemented the redistricting plan.
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Conference papers on the topic "Election distric"

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Krogmann, Alfred, Magdaléna Němčíková, Ján Veselovský, and Andrej Svorad. "Geographical approach to the analysis of elections on the example of parliamentary elections in Slovakia in 2016." In 27th edition of the Central European Conference with subtitle (Teaching) of regional geography. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9694-2020-8.

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With regard to surprising results of Parliamentary elections in Slovakia their geographic dimension is also important. The aim of this article is to analyze the milieu of elections and the subsequent spatial differentiation of the results of the 8 parties which were successful to enter the Parliament. Election data were processed via the diversification of election preferences, the identification of areas of election support and correlation analysis by means of which the mutual cohesion of individual parties election results was studied. We found out that within the diversification of election preferences the one party dominance – the winning SMER – SD (40 out of Slovakia’s 79 districts) – prevails. Further we have dealt with the identification of areas of political parties support, with emphasis to their core regions.
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Анна, Зуйкина. "LOCAL ELITES INTERRELATIONS IN TRANSFORMED MUNICIPALITIES: DOES THE ENLARGEMENT OF TERRITORIES LEAD TO ELITE CONSOLIDATION? (ON THE EXAMPLE OF MUNICIPALITIES IN PERM REGION)." In MODERN CITY: POWER, GOVERNANCE, ECONOMICS. Publishing House of Perm National Research Polytechnic University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/65.049-66/2020.28.

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The article attempts to assess the impact of the transformation of municipal districts of the Perm region into urban / municipal districts on the elites interaction. The quantitative methods of electoral statistics analyzing and the qualitative methods of processes of the local legislatures chairmen electing and of district heads analyzing are used in order to study inter-elite consolidation.
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Suyanto, AMA, and Suwignyo Widagdo. "Political Marketing Model for District Leader Election." In 2nd Global Conference on Business, Management, and Entrepreneurship. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007118202600262.

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Fitzsimmons, Zack, and Omer Lev. "Selecting Voting Locations for Fun and Profit." In Twenty-Ninth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Seventeenth Pacific Rim International Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-PRICAI-20}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2020/32.

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While manipulative attacks on elections have been well-studied, only recently has attention turned to attacks that account for geographic information, which are extremely common in the real world. The most well known in the media is gerrymandering, in which district border-lines are changed to increase a party's chance to win, but a different geographical manipulation involves influencing the election by selecting the location of polling places, as many people are not willing to go to any distance to vote. In this paper we initiate the study of this manipulation. We find that while it is easy to manipulate the selection of polling places on the line, it becomes difficult already on the plane or in the case of more than two candidates. Moreover, we show that for more than two candidates the problem is inapproximable. However, we find a few restricted cases on the plane where some algorithms perform well. Finally, we discuss how existing results for standard control actions hold in the geographic setting, consider additional control actions in the geographic setting, and suggest directions for future study.
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Amintabar, A., A. Kostin, and L. Ilushechkina. "Simulation of a novel leader election protocol with the use of Petri nets." In DS-RT 2005 Proceedings. Ninth IEEE International Symposium on Distributed Simulation and Real-Time Applications. IEEE, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/distra.2005.38.

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Elkind, Edith, Jiarui Gan, Svetlana Obraztsova, Zinovi Rabinovich, and Alexandros A. Voudouris. "Protecting Elections by Recounting Ballots." In Twenty-Eighth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-19}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2019/37.

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Complexity of voting manipulation is a prominent topic in computational social choice. In this work, we consider a two-stage voting manipulation scenario. First, a malicious party (an attacker) attempts to manipulate the election outcome in favor of a preferred candidate by changing the vote counts in some of the voting districts. Afterwards, another party (a defender), which cares about the voters' wishes, demands a recount in a subset of the manipulated districts, restoring their vote counts to their original values. We investigate the resulting Stackelberg game for the case where votes are aggregated using two variants of the Plurality rule, and obtain an almost complete picture of the complexity landscape, both from the attacker's and from the defender's perspective.
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Herawati, Nunik, and Fitriyah Fitriyah. "Evaluation of Implementation of Election Villages Election Choice through the e-Voting System in Pemalang District 2018." In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Indonesian Social and Political Enquiries, ICISPE 2019, 21-22 October 2019, Semarang, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.21-10-2019.2294414.

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Yu, Cuibo, ChunHong Zhang, XueRong Gou, and Yang Ji. "Study on Supernode Election Algorithm in P2P Network Based upon District Partitioning." In 2009 International Conference on Communication Software and Networks. IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iccsn.2009.150.

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Wang, Gang, Cuibo Yu, Yuyan Zhang, Chunhong Zhang, Lichun Li, and Tao Ma. "Supernode Election Algorithm in DHT Based upon Network Coordinate and District Partition." In 2009 International Conference on Communication Software and Networks. IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iccsn.2009.31.

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Rahman, Bobby, Muhammad Bin Abubakar, Teuku Muzaffarsyah, Zulhilmi, Juni Ahyar, and Eko Oktavian Ariga. "Political Culture Orientation of the Gayo Tribe in the Election of a District Head in 2017 in Lot Kala Village Kebayakan Sub District, Central Aceh District." In International Conference on Social Science, Political Science, and Humanities (ICoSPOLHUM 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210125.006.

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Reports on the topic "Election distric"

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McGee, Steven, Ronald I. Greenberg, Lucia Dettori, Andrew M. Rasmussen, Randi Mcgee-Tekula, Jennifer Duck, and Erica Wheeler. An Examination of Factors Correlating with Course Failure in a High School Computer Science Course. The Learning Partnership, August 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.51420/report.2018.1.

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Across the United States, enrollment in high school computer science (CS) courses is increasing. These increases, however, are not spread evenly across race and gender. CS remains largely an elective class, and fewer than three-fourths of the states allow it to count towards graduation. The Chicago Public Schools has sought to ensure access for all students by recently enacting computer science as a high school graduation requirement. The primary class that fulfills the graduation requirement is Exploring Computer Science (ECS), a high school introductory course and professional development program designed to foster deep engagement through equitable inquiry around CS concepts. The number of students taking CS in the district increased significantly and these increases are distributed equitably across demographic characteristics. With ECS serving as a core class, it becomes critical to ensure success for all students independent of demographic characteristics, as success in the course directly affects a student’s ability to graduate from high school. In this paper, we examine the factors that correlate with student failure in the course. At the student level, attendance and prior general academic performance correlate with passing the class. After controlling for student characteristics, whether or not teachers participated in the professional development program associated with ECS correlates with student success in passing the course. These results provide evidence for the importance of engaging teachers in professional development, in conjunction with requiring a course specifically designed to provide an equitable computer science experience, in order to broaden participation in computing.
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