Relevant bibliographies by topics / Election districts – Ontario – Toronto

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Academic literature on the topic 'Election districts – Ontario – Toronto'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Election districts – Ontario – Toronto"

1

Johnson*, (Alyn) James. "The Toronto Municipal Election: Judicial Failure to Protect the Structure of the Canadian Constitution." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 29, no. 3 (June 2, 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/cf29404.

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In Toronto (City) v Ontario (AG),1 a recent decision on the legality of legislative interference in the Toronto 2018 municipal election, the Ontario Court of Appeal makes an alarming attempt to rewrite the Canadian Constitution. The subject of this revision is the legitimate role of unwritten principles in constitutional interpretation. Robin Elliot maintains, in a leading scholarly treatment of the subject, that unwritten principles can inform constitutional interpretation in two main ways: first, they can provide an independent basis on which to overrule impugned legislation; second, they can assist in interpreting constitutional text.2 Elliot qualifies the former usage by limiting it to those principles that “can fairly be said to arise by necessary implication from provisions of the text of the Constitution … since they have the same legal status as the text.”3 The Court of Appeal, however, states that unwritten principles cannot be used as a stand-alone basis on which to overrule legislation.4 In this article, I draw on numerous Supreme Court of Canada decisions to argue that the Ontario Court of Appeal’s view of the Constitution is, with respect, fundamentally flawed. Unwritten principles inform the structure of a democratic constitution and thereby provide legislation with its claim to legitimacy. Legislation that violates foundational unwritten principles is, of necessity, subject to judicial challenge. I also argue that the Court of Appeal’s doctrinally unsustainable approach to unwritten principles led to a flawed ruling on the legality of Ontario’s interference in the 2018 Toronto election. In Reference re Senate Reform, the Supreme Court of Canada unanimously states that “constitutional interpretation must be informed by the foundational principles of the Constitution.”5 The Court of Appeal failed to provide any detailed consideration of the democratic principle, and thereby failed to recognize the constitutional imperative that protects the integrity of the electoral process. *PhD in Constitutional and Administrative Law, Queen’s University. Principal of Public Law Solutions, a research firm in Toronto.[1] 2019 ONCA 732 [Toronto v Ontario (CA 2019)].[2] “References, Structural Argumentation and the Organizing Principles of Canada’s Constitution” (2001) 80 Can Bar Rev 67 at 83-86, 141-42, and generally 86-98.[3] Ibid at 95. See also 83-84.0[4] Toronto v Ontario (CA 2019), supra note 1 at para 89.[5] 2014 SCC 32 at para 25 [Senate Reference].
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2

Kitchener, Deborah, Janet Murphy, and Robert Lebans. "Developing New Literacies through Blended Learning." International Journal of Virtual and Personal Learning Environments 2, no. 3 (July 2011): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jvple.2011070103.

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This article reports on the implementation and impact of two blended models of teacher professional learning that promote innovative classroom practice and improved literacy and numeracy in six school districts in Ontario, Canada. The Advanced Broadband Enabled Learning Program (ABEL), situated at York University in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, transforms how teachers learn and teach through a strategic blend of face-to-face interaction, technological tools and resources, online interaction and support. Learning Connections (LC), its sister project, uses the same model to improve literacy and numeracy in school districts. Research into the impact of both programs reveals increased student engagement and achievement, enhanced teacher efficacy, and improved results in literacy and numeracy. This report presents the findings from two participant surveys conducted in one large suburban board just north of Toronto, and one large rural board in Northern Ontario, and demonstrates how the working definition of literacy that teachers use in the classroom is being transformed by their use of technology in the classroom.
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MacLellan, Duncan. "FAITH-BASED SCHOOLING AND THE POLITICS OF EDUCATION: A CASE STUDY OF ONTARIO, CANADA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0601037m.

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This paper examines the political intersection of religion and education in Ontario, Canada, from1840 to 2011. Currently, Ontario is Canada’s most ethno culturally diverse province, and Toronto, its capital city, is one of the most multicultural cities in the world. The issue of public funding of religious education in Ontario has emerged at varying times in the province’s history. In particular, selective Ontario provincial election campaigns are discussed in relation to exploring the degree to which public funding of religious education and religious accommodation emerged as political issues. Social mobilization theory provides a rich and varied conceptual lens through which to examine decisions that have led to the current place of state funding of religious education in Ontario.
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4

Principe, Angelo. "The Fascist-Anti-Fascist Struggle in the Order Sons of Italy of Ontario, 1915-1946." Ontario History 106, no. 1 (July 30, 2018): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050719ar.

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This article examines the struggle between fascists and anti-fascists in the Order Sons of Italy of Ontario, a struggle that began with the keynote speech delivered at the order’s founding convention in 1924, and was followed by the election of a fascist as Grand Venerable ten years later, a legal confrontation between the Grand Consul of the Order and the Ontario Lodge of Toronto (that involved the entire membership and, eventually, the Supreme Court of Ontario) and anti-Semitic legislation in the homeland. Italy’s loss in the Second World War finally brought the order’s flirtation with fascism to an end in 1946.
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5

Seburn, David C. "Distribution of the exotic Pond Slider (Trachemys scripta) in Ontario." Canadian Field-Naturalist 129, no. 4 (January 30, 2016): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.22621/cfn.v129i4.1756.

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The Pond Slider (Trachemys scripta) is a turtle native to the eastern United States, but, because of its popularity in the pet trade, it now occurs in many countries around the world as a result of escapes and the release of unwanted pets. The distribution of the Pond Slider in Ontario is reviewed based on 393 records obtained from various sources. Sliders have been reported from 130 spatially distinct sites in 35 districts. The Toronto area accounts for 67% of records, and more than 80% of reports are from urban areas. Pond Slider reports date back to the 1950s, but 63% of records are from 2010 or later. Sliders have been observed in Ontario during all months of the year except December. Sliders have bred in Ontario, but the spatial extent of successful reproduction remains unknown.
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6

GERBER, LINDA M. "The federal election of 1968: social class composition and party support in the electoral districts of Ontario." Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 23, no. 1 (July 14, 2008): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.1986.tb00398.x.

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7

Budd, Brian. "The People’s Champ: Doug Ford and Neoliberal Right-Wing Populism in the 2018 Ontario Provincial Election." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 5, 2020): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2468.

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The 2018 Ontario provincial election marked a decisive shift in the political direction of Canada’s most populous province. The election brought an end to the long reign of the Ontario Liberal Party (2003–2018), whose government devolved into a series of scandals that resulted in a third-place finish. The Liberal’s defeat came at the hands of the Progressive Conservative Party led by former Toronto city councillor, Doug Ford. The Progressive Conservative’s victory was propelled on the back of Ford’s deeply populist campaign where he promised to reassert the interests of ‘the people,’ expel the influence of elites and special interests, and clean up government corruption. This campaign discourse led many political opponents and media pundits to accuse Ford of importing the nativist, xenophobic, and divisive rhetoric of other radical right-wing populist leaders. This article advances the argument that rather than representing the importation of ‘Trumpism’ or other types of radical right-wing populism, Ford’s campaign is better understood within the tradition of Canadian populism defined by an overarching ideological commitment to neoliberalism. In appealing to voters, Ford avoided the nativist and xenophobic rhetoric of populist leaders in the United States and Western Europe, offering a conception of ‘the people’ using an economic and anti-cosmopolitan discourse centred upon middle class taxpayers. This article makes a contribution to both the literatures on Canadian elections and populism, demonstrating the lineage of Ford’s ideological commitment to populism within recent Canadian electoral history, as well as Ford’s place within the international genealogy of right-wing populism.
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8

Bocking, Paul. "Comparisons with the Toronto, Ontario context: a response to ‘money and influence: philanthropies, intermediary organisations, and Atlanta’s 2017 school board election’." Journal of Educational Administration and History 52, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 80–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220620.2020.1724390.

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9

Rotenberg, Martin, Andrew Tuck, Kelly Anderson, and Kwame McKenzie. "S131. NEIGHBOURHOOD-LEVEL SOCIAL CAPITAL, MARGINALIZATION, AND THE INCIDENCE OF PSYCHOTIC DISORDERS IN TORONTO, CANADA: A RETROSPECTIVE POPULATION-BASED COHORT STUDY." Schizophrenia Bulletin 46, Supplement_1 (April 2020): S85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/schbul/sbaa031.197.

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Abstract Background Previous studies have shown mixed results regarding the relationship between social capital and the risk of developing a psychotic disorder, and this has yet to be studied in North America. This study aims to examine the relationship between neighbourhood-level social capital, marginalization, and the incidence of psychotic disorders in Toronto, Canada. Methods A retrospective cohort of people aged 14 to 40 years residing in Toronto, Canada in 1999 (followed to 2008) was constructed from population-based health administrative data. Incident cases of schizophrenia spectrum psychotic disorders were identified using a validated algorithm. Voter participation rates in a municipal election were used as a proxy neighbourhood-level indicator of social capital. Exposure to neighbourhood-level marginalization was obtained from the Ontario Marginalization Index. Poisson regression models adjusting for age and sex were used to calculate incidence rate ratios (IRR) for each social capital quintiles and marginalization quintile. Results In the study cohort (n = 640,000) over the 10-year follow-up period, we identified 4,841 incident cases of schizophrenia spectrum psychotic disorders. We observed elevated rates of psychotic disorders in areas with the highest levels (IRR = 1.13, 95% CI 1.00–1.27) and moderate levels (IRR = 1.23, 95% CI 1.12–1.36) of social capital, when compared to areas with the lowest levels of social capital, after adjusting for neighbourhood-level indicators of marginalization. The risk associated with social capital was not present when analyzed in only the females in the cohort. All neighbourhood marginalization indicators, other than ethnic concentration, were significantly associated with risk. Discussion The risk of developing a psychotic disorder in Toronto, Canada is associated with socioenvironmental exposures. Social capital is associated with risk, however, the impact of social capital on risk differs by sex and social capital quintile. Across the entire cohort, exposure to all neighbourhood-level marginalization indicators, except ethnic concentration, impacts risk. Future research should examine how known individual-level risk factors, including immigration, ethnicity, and family history of a mental disorder may interact with these findings.
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10

Conway, Tenley, Jihan Khatib, Janele Tetreult, and Andrew Almas. "A Private Tree By-Law’s Contribution to Maintaining a Diverse Urban Forest: Exploring Homeowners’ Replanting Compliance and the Role of Construction Activities in Toronto, Canada." Arboriculture & Urban Forestry 48, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.48044/jauf.2022.002.

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Many municipalities are working to protect and grow their urban forest, including adopting private tree regulations. Such regulations typically require property-owners to apply for a permit to remove trees and, if the permit is granted, plant replacement trees. Even with such regulations, many private trees are removed each year, particularly on residential property. Property-level construction activity, including expanding building footprints, replacing an older home with a new one, and increasing hardscaping, is emerging as a key driver of residential tree loss. This study addresses whether homeowners who receive a permit to remove one or more trees comply with the requirement to plant replacement trees to better understand the effect of private tree regulation. We explore this question through a written survey of homeowners who received a tree removal permit and site visits in Toronto (Ontario, Canada). While 70% of all survey participants planted the required replacement trees 2 to 3 years after receiving the permit, only 54% of homeowners whose permit was associated with construction planted. Additionally, most replacement trees were in good health but were dominated by a few genera. We also found significant differences in replacement planting and tree survival across the city’s 4 management districts. This study highlights that if resources supporting private tree regulations are limited, tree permits associated with construction should be prioritized for follow-up. Additionally, guidance about diverse species to plant should be communicated to ensure that private tree regulations are supporting the long-term protection of the urban forest.
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Books on the topic "Election districts – Ontario – Toronto"

1

Toronto (Ont.). Planning and Development Dept. City of Toronto ward profiles. [Toronto]: City Surveyors Dept., 1993.

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2

Officer, Ontario Chief Election. Guide to provincial electoral districts: Metropolitan Toronto =: Guide des circonscriptions électorales provinciales: Région métropolitaine de Toronto. [Toronto]: Office of the Chief Election Officer, 1988.

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3

Ontario. Surveys and Mapping Branch. Provincial electoral districts in northern Ontario, 1986. Toronto, Ont: Ontario Electoral Boundaries Commission, 1986.

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4

Kaye, Philip. The redistribution of electoral districts in Ontario. [Toronto]: Ontario Legislative Library, Legislative Research Service, 1993.

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5

Canada, Canada Elections. Ontario federal electoral districts: Representation order of 1996. Ottawa: Elections Canada, 1996.

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6

Commission, Ontario Electoral Boundaries. Supplementary report upon the redistribution of electoral districts in Ontario. [Toronto]: The Commission, 1986.

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7

Canada, Elections. Ontario, federal electoral districts: Representation order of 2003 = Ontario, circonscriptions fédérales : décret de représentation électorale de 2003. Ottawa: Elections Canada = Élections Canada, 2004.

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8

Service, Ontario Legislative Library Legislative Research. The changing face of representation in Ontario: The new electoral boundaries. Toronto: Legislative Library, 1997.

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9

Pond, David. Comparison of the provincial and federal electoral boundaries in Ontario. Toronto: Ontario Legislative Library, Legislative Research Service, 1996.

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10

(Canada), Federal Electoral Boundaries Commission for Ontario. Report of the Federal Electoral Boundaries Commission for Ontario =: Rapport de la Commission de délimitation des circonscriptions électorales fédérales pour l'Ontario. Ottawa: Elections Canada = [Élections Canada], 2003.

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