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1

Nanavov, A. S., and A. A. Ruban. "INFLUENCE OF DIFFERENT US POPULATION STRATUM ON 2020 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 151 (2022): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2022.151.1.27-37.

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In today's world, fair and free elections are the key to democracy. They play an integral role in the peaceful transfer of power. By casting their votes, the people elect leaders on whom the future of society depends. That is why the elections give great power to ordinary citizens: voting gives the opportunity to influence the policies of the future government, and hence their future destiny. When the founding fathers of the United States drafted and ratified the country's constitution, they did not give any role to political parties. In fact, through various constitutional mechanisms, such as
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2

Lipp, Carola. "Kinship Networks, Local Government, and Elections in a Town in Southwest Germany, 1800-1850." Journal of Family History 30, no. 4 (2005): 347–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199005278726.

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3

Barrie, David G. "‘Epoch-Making’ Beginnings to Lingering Death: The Struggle for Control of the Glasgow Police Commission, 1833–46." Scottish Historical Review 86, no. 2 (2007): 253–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2007.86.2.253.

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Established in 1800, the Glasgow Police Commission is of great importance in the context of municipal history. As a specialist authority responsible for public services, the Commission was among the most advanced in Britain. Its wide-ranging achievements in law and order and public amenity provision helped create a new range of essential services in a rapidly expanding city. Moreover, the method of electing its representatives on a rotational ward basis provided a model for municipal reform later in the century. Yet, by the 1840s the Commission's incorporation into local government was keenly
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4

Silver, Daniel, and Diana Miller. "Cultural Scenes and Voting Patterns in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 3 (2014): 425–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914000778.

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AbstractExtending recent social science work using the concept of “scene” into politics, this paper investigates connections between cultural variation and political variation across Canadian localities. First, we introduce the notion of “scene.” Then, using a national database of local amenities (with some 1800 categories and 1.6 million data points), we show that key dimensions of cultural meaning account for significant differences in voting patterns in recent Canadian elections. In particular, electoral districts with scenes that suggest themes of self-expression are associated with suppor
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Martín-Valdepeñas Yagüe, Elisa. "Los Estatutos de la Real Sociedad Económica Matritense de Amigos del País de 1775 y sus intentos de reforma (1775-1808)." Cuadernos de Estudios del Siglo XVIII, no. 27 (December 22, 2017): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/cesxviii.27.2017.219-250.

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RESUMENLa Real Sociedad Económica Matritense de Amigos del País se rigió durante cuarenta años por los estatutos fundacionales aprobados por el rey Carlos III en 1775. Hasta 1808 hubo diversos intentos de reforma integrales que no prosperaron, como el proyecto de estatutos de 1800. La propia dinámica de funcionamiento de la Sociedad puso en evidencia, con el paso del tiempo, aspectos importantes de su gobierno interior que las normas fundacionales no habían previsto, como las elecciones y el sistema de admisión de socios. La Sociedad pudo resolver algunos problemas de funcionamiento gracias a
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Papaccio, Mara. "Matteo Salvini auf Twitter: eine Analyse ausgewählter sprachlicher, stilistischer und rhetorischer Strategien." Italienisch 44, no. 87 (2022): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24053/ital-2022-0007.

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The present article intends to identify some of Matteo Salvini’s rhetoric strategies on the platform Twitter. The corpus consists of more than 1800 tweets, posted during three key months of his political activity in 2018: the last month of the political campaign for the general elections on March 4th; the first month of Giuseppe Conte’s cabinet with Salvini as Minister of the Interior and Deputy Prime Minister; the sixth month of the cabinet, representing a first evaluation of his work in Parliament. The analysis focuses first on Salvini’s use of Twitter’s typical contextualization tools (hash
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Geruso, Michael, Dean Spears, and Ishaana Talesara. "Inversions in US Presidential Elections: 1836–2016." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 14, no. 1 (2022): 327–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20200210.

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Inversions—in which the popular vote winner loses the election— have occurred in four US presidential races. We show that rather than being statistical flukes, inversions have been ex ante likely since the early 1800s. In elections yielding a popular vote margin within 1 point (one-eighth of presidential elections), about 40 percent will be inversions in expectation. We show this conditional probability is remarkably stable across historical periods—despite differences in which groups voted, which states existed, and which parties participated. Our findings imply that the United States has exp
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8

Kelly, James. "A very independent county: parliamentary elections and politics in County Armagh, 1750–1800. By C. F. McGleenon. Pp xii, 324. Belfast: Ulster Historical Foundation, 2011. £24.99." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 154 (2014): 345–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400019246.

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Kumar, Rohit, and Arun Kumar Singh. "Mapping of red alert assembly constituencies in Uttar Pradesh: A spatial analysis." National Geographical Journal of India 68, no. 3 (2022): 184–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.48008/ngji.1808.

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The present study focuses on spatial patterns of Red Alert Assembly constituencies in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections 2012/2017. Red alert constituencies are referred to as those constituencies in which at least three contestants have mentioned heinous criminal charges against them in their election affidavit. Out of 403 Assembly constituencies in Uttar Pradesh, 121 (30.02 percent) in 2012 and 152 (37.69 percent) in 2017 were identified as red alert constituencies. These constituencies were unevenly distributed in the state. The objective of the present study is to examine the spatial pat
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10

Banner, James M. "The Election of 1801 and James A. Bayard's Disinterested Constitutionalism." Journal of the Early Republic 44, no. 3 (2024): 319–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2024.a937215.

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Abstract: Distinguishing, on the one hand, between the 1800 state-based presidential election contests between Thomas Jefferson and John Adams that resulted in Jefferson's victory and, on the other, the voting in the House of Representatives in early 1801 to resolve the electoral vote tie between Jefferson and his vice-presidential running mate Aaron Burr, this article focuses exclusively on the latter contest, whose result made Jefferson president of the United States. In doing so, it rejects historian's conventional approach to the congressional deadlock as a mere pendant to what is conventi
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Jupp, Peter J., and Stephen A. Royle. "The social geography of Cork City elections, 1801–30." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 113 (1994): 13–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400018757.

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Although it has long been recognised that the politics of the larger Irish borough constituencies before the reform acts of 1832 turned on conflicts of opinion over serious issues, thorough analysis has been hampered by the paucity of one crucial type of evidence — the poll book. This necessary resource for candidates in the days of open voting, in which in their most complete form the names, addresses, qualifications, occupations and votes of the voters at a particular election are recorded, has survived in substantial numbers for English constituencies but rarely for those in Ireland. Cork C
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Segovia, Carolina, and Ricardo Gamboa. "Between knowing and feeling: emotions and the vote in the 2017 Chilean presidential election." Opinião Pública 26, no. 3 (2020): 452–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912020263452.

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How do citizens decide who to vote for in an election? Traditional answers focus on the role of political knowledge, party identification, and evaluations of the past performance of governments as explanatory variables. In this study we evaluate an alternative argument: the role of emotions. Using data from a survey carried out following the Chilean general elections of December 2017, this article investigates the association of emotions with the vote for Sebastián Piñera, and how emotions interact with other relevant factors that correlate with the vote. We conclude that in Chile, together wi
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Egerton, Douglas R. "Gabriel's Conspiracy and the Election of 1800." Journal of Southern History 56, no. 2 (1990): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210231.

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Kršljanin, Nina. "The Serbian elections act of 1870: An assembly's thoughts on parliamentary elections." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 52, no. 3 (2018): 1217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns52-19831.

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15

Sacan, Selvinaz. "How do high school students elect their president of the school?" Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 2 (2017): 1338. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i2.4543.

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This study has been carried out in order to determine the school assembly election attitudes of high school students. This descriptive study has been performed with 1380 students from 9th, 10th and 11th grades who attended center high schools of Aydin in 2014 – 2015 Academic Year. Demographic information form which was generated by researchers and five point likert scale was used in collection of data. PASW 18.0 packet software was used in the analysis of the data obtained from the study. It has been determined that 59 % of students were girls, 41% were boys, 63% were around 15-16 years old, 3
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SHANKMAN, ANDREW. "Adams vs. Jefferson: The Tumultuous Election of 1800." Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 72, no. 3 (2005): 395–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27778690.

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17

Vilarouca, Marcio Grijó, Américo Oscar Guichard Freire, and Philippe Chaves Guedon. "O jogo das nominatas nas eleições municipais do Rio de Janeiro." Opinião Pública 28, no. 1 (2022): 126–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912022281126.

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O presente artigo investiga os processos informais de recrutamento e seleção de candidatos a vereador na cidade do Rio de Janeiro com base em entrevistas com lideranças partidárias e por meio da análise complementar de dados sobre coligações, votos e financiamento de campanha. A partir do exame prévio dos incentivos do sistema eleitoral e das dinâmicas intrapartidárias locais, exploramos as estratégias utilizadas pelas lideranças para compor e hierarquizar as chapas eleitorais, partindo do pressuposto de que ideologia e presença de diretórios permanentes (ou de comissões provisórias) têm impac
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18

Campbell, Noel, and Marcus Witcher. "Political entrepreneurship: Jefferson, Bayard, and the election of 1800." Journal of Entrepreneurship and Public Policy 4, no. 3 (2015): 298–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jepp-01-2014-0004.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that an implication of Holcombe’s (2002) model is a “revolution trap.” This paper extends Holcombe’s model adding Klein’s concept of entrepreneurship as judgment concerning the use of heterogeneous political capital. The authors use the case of the USA presidential election of 1800 to demonstrate the utility of the extension, and to discuss how political entrepreneurship served to prevent a revolution trap. The political entrepreneurship of 1800 established the precedent of peaceful transition of power in the USA, which opened the door to t
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Viktořík, Michael. "Municipal Elections in Šternberk in years 1850-1914." Historica Olomucensia 49, no. 49 (2015): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5507/ho.2015.031.

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20

Sukor, Noor Amira, and Junaidi Awang Besar. "THE INFLUENCE OF DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS ON POLITICAL CHOICES IN THE AREA OF STATE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF BATANG KALI, HULU SELANGOR, SELANGOR." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 6, no. 25 (2021): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.625004.

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Development is closely related to the politics of elections in an area. Politicians who win elections will be responsible for implementing development programs. The development program implemented will be used as a campaign in the next election as an effort to maintain or increase support from voters for members and political parties. Therefore, it is the purpose of writing this article to analyze the politics of elections and development in the Batang Kali constituency, Hulu Selangor, Selangor. This study uses field data collection methods involving questionnaires, interviews, and field obser
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21

Ryerson, Richard Alan. "Adams vs. Jefferson: The Tumultuous Election of 1800 (review)." Journal of the Early Republic 27, no. 1 (2007): 162–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2007.0014.

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22

Shankman, Andrew. "How Should We Think About the Election of 1800?" Journal of the Early Republic 33, no. 4 (2013): 753–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2013.0075.

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23

Ruiloba-Núñez, Juana María, and María Goenaga Ruiz de Zuazu. "Género, estilos de liderazgo y campañas electorales en Twitter: las elecciones andaluzas de 2018." Opinião Pública 28, no. 2 (2022): 510–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912022282510.

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El presente artículo tiene como objetivo reflexionar, con perspectiva de género, sobre el liderazgo político y el estilo comunicativo en Twitter (1078 tuits) durante la campaña electoral andaluza de 2018. Analizamos, a través de un análisis del contenido cuantitativo, las posibles brechas de género. Los datos recabados demuestran que las mujeres políticas esgrimen un estilo comunicativo particular y son más visibles en la red social, colocando temas femeninos en la agenda y esgrimiendo un estilo de liderazgo fuerte y personalista cercano a las organizaciones partidistas en sus territorios. Cab
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Zolnerkevic, Aleksei, and Fernando Guarnieri. "Eleições municipais de 2016 e 2020 em São Paulo: resultados diferentes, alinhamentos iguais." Opinião Pública 29, no. 1 (2023): 133–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912023291133.

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As eleições municipais de 2016 e 2020 em São Paulo apresentaram resultados desviantes das anteriores tanto nos padrões espaciais como no desempenho dos candidatos. Enquanto em 2016 o PT não obteve vitória em nenhum distrito, com parte dos seus votos “roubados” por Marta Suplicy (PMDB), em 2020 o partido pela primeira vez desde 1985 não ficou entre os primeiros colocados, posto ocupado pelo PSOL. Este artigo, através de mapas e análise fatorial, apresenta evidências desse desvio e busca possíveis explicações analisando, por meio de inferência ecológica, a transferência de votos de uma eleição p
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Pinto, Surama Conde Sá. "Algumas considerações sobre a relação eleições, voto e democracia." Revista Brasileira de História 42, no. 90 (2022): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472022v42n90-03.

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RESUMO Os temas eleições e democracia estão na ordem do dia. A proposta deste artigo é contribuir para esse debate, a partir do olhar do historiador, refletindo sobre a seguinte questão: quando as eleições e o voto desafiam a democracia? Ao analisarmos os instrumentos políticos que levam à representação, tendo por objetivo a construção de um entendimento sobre os desafios da democracia brasileira, sustentamos que as eleições e o voto desafiam a democracia quando o grau de adesão do eleitor ao regime democrático sofre flutuações e os valores de uma cultura política democrática não são observáve
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Байбакова, Л. В., and И. В. Смирнов. "DEVELOPING A POPULIST PARTY IN THE UNITED STATES AGRARIAN-DEMOCRATIC ALTERNATIVE TO THE EMERGING INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY (1890s)." Человеческий капитал 1, no. 11(179) (2023): 40–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25629/hc.2023.11.03.

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Предметом исследования данной статьи является анализ условий формирования и основных направлений деятельности популистской или народной (от лат. populous – народ) партии. Ее создатели полагали, что являются защитниками американского народа. В работе рассматривается процесс объединения аграриев в популистскую партию, призванную обеспечить социальный прогресс и демократизацию общества. Для исправления недостатков представительной демократии, они ратовали за введение прямых выборов президента и сенаторов общефедерального конгресса, предлагали ввести элементы прямого народовластия, предполагавшего
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NEWMAN, SIMON P. "One Nation under God: Making Historical Sense of Evangelical Protestantism in Contemporary American Politics." Journal of American Studies 41, no. 3 (2007): 581–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875807004008.

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Commentators noted the role of the religious right in the re-election of President George W. Bush in 2004. This essay suggests that such assessments are ahistorical and flawed, and illustrates the ways in which evangelical Protestantism has shaped American political life. Examples of the intersection of religion and politics include Jefferson's election in 1800, John Brown's trial and execution, Abraham Lincoln's Civil War leadership and William Jennings Bryan's radical democratic politics. The essay concludes by arguing that if American-studies teaching and research marginalizes religion it f
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Oliveira, Julio Cesar Magalhães de. "Quando as eleições e o voto nos desafiam? Reflexões a partir da República Romana Tardia." Revista Brasileira de História 42, no. 90 (2022): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472022v42n90-05.

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RESUMO O objetivo do autor neste artigo é comparar as críticas antigas e modernas às eleições e ao voto partindo do caso específico da República Romana em seu último século. Após uma breve reflexão sobre as origens do vocabulário moderno a respeito das eleições e do voto, o autor discute as razões das críticas de autores como Cícero e seu irmão Quinto à introdução do voto secreto e os esforços que um candidato a uma eleição romana precisava empreender para se eleger. Conclui observando o quanto essa incursão pela política romana do primeiro século a.C. nos ajuda a refletir sobre as limitações
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Buquet, Daniel, and Ariadna Gallo. "Elección presidencial a tres vueltas: efectos de las primarias abiertas, simultáneas y obligatorias en Argentina y Uruguay." Opinião Pública 28, no. 2 (2022): 292–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912022282292.

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Se analizan las elecciones primarias presidenciales – abiertas, simultáneas y obligatorias para los partidos políticos – en Uruguay y Argentina. A pesar de su similitud, ambos sistemas ofrecen algunas diferencias: i) el voto es obligatorio en Argentina y voluntario en Uruguay; ii) en Argentina compiten fórmulas completas (presidente y vice) y en Uruguay sólo se compite por la candidatura presidencial. Con un enfoque neo-institucionalista y analizando los resultados de las primarias, la investigación muestra que estas diferencias en las reglas generan consecuencias muy diferentes. En Uruguay pr
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Freeman, Joanne B. "The Election of 1800: A Study in the Logic of Political Change." Yale Law Journal 108, no. 8 (1999): 1959. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/797378.

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Palmer, Aaron J. "Establishing Congress: The Removal to Washington, D.C., and the Election of 1800." History: Reviews of New Books 34, no. 2 (2006): 42–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2006.10526780.

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Banner, J. M. "Establishing Congress: The Removal to Washington, D.C., and the Election of 1800." Journal of American History 93, no. 2 (2006): 509–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486265.

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Tulejski, Tomasz. "THOMAS JEFFERSON PRZECIWKO „POLITYKOM W TOGACH”. KILKA UWAG DOTYCZĄCYCH SPORU O KIERUNKI INTERPRETACJI KONSTYTUCJI STANÓW ZJEDNOCZONYCH." Studia Iuridica, no. 95 (June 14, 2023): 527–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2022-95.30.

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Throughout the first decade of the American republic, competing claims between the Federalists and the Anti-Federalist (later Republicans) regarding the proper interpretation of the Constitution and the application of its principles were confined primarily to the executive branch, Congress and states. The year 1801 marked the beginning of a turnabout in the role of the Supreme Court in the national affairs. Thomas Jefferson, having promised to bring about a revolution in the principles guiding the government, took office as the third president of the young nation. Although the legislative and
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McKenzie, K. "'My Voice is sold, & I must be a Slave': Abolition Rhetoric, British Liberty and the Yorkshire Elections of 1806 and 1807." History Workshop Journal 64, no. 1 (2007): 48–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbm045.

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Takács, Lili. "Race for attention: Twitter campaign of Italian party leaders before the 2018 parliamentary elections." Conjuntura internacional 18, no. 2 (2022): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.1809-6182.2021v18n2p26-35.

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The 2018 Italian Parliamentary elections marked the success of populist parties. With the consolidation of hybrid media campaigning Twitter became a growingly important communication channel for party leaders. When analysing the Twitter communication from 1 February 2018 to 4 March 2018 (day of the elections) Matteo Salvini and Matteo Renzi dominated the campaign in the Twittersphere. Other party leaders didn’t used Twitter as skilfully as these two politicians, their engagement indicators are less lower than that of Salvini and Renzi. The internal communicational dynamic between the party lea
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Alves, Vinícius Silva. "Vale quanto pesa? A influência das eleições de governador sobre a composição da Câmara dos Deputados no Brasil (1994-2018)." Opinião Pública 29, no. 3 (2023): 761–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912023293761.

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Por mais de duas décadas, dois partidos protagonizaram a competição presidencial no Brasil, o que levou parte da literatura a considerar que o sistema partidário nacional estaria centrado na corrida presidencial. Estudos recentes, porém, têm destacado a influência do arranjo federativo e de eleições subnacionais para o entendimento do sistema político brasileiro. Este artigo emprega um modelo de regressão binomial negativo para examinar dados eleitorais de 1994 a 2018 e testar a hipótese de que as eleições para governador são mais influentes do que a corrida presidencial na distribuição de ass
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Wylie, Kristin, Pedro dos Santos, and Daniel Marcelino. "Extreme non-viable candidates and quota maneuvering in Brazilian legislative elections." Opinião Pública 25, no. 1 (2019): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-019120192511.

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This article explores the causes and consequences of extreme non-viable candidacies, also known as “ laranja ” (orange) candidacies in the Brazilian political lore. We first define and delineate what makes a candidate a laranja, engaging the comparative literature on sacrificial lambs and using district-level electoral results to operationalize the concept. We then advance a typology of laranjas with four ideal types that vary along dimensions of legality and intentionality. Next, we apply descriptive statistics and a hierarchical logistic regression model to explore the individual, party, and
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Broadwater, Jeff. "Jefferson's Second Revolution: The Election Crisis of 1800 and the Triumph of Republicanism." History: Reviews of New Books 33, no. 2 (2005): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2005.10526485.

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Lewis, J. E. "The Deadlocked Election of 1800: Jefferson, Burr, and the Union in the Balance." Journal of American History 98, no. 2 (2011): 510–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar283.

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Weinzierl, Michael. "The Norwich elections of 1794, 1796 and 1802: Conflict and consensus." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 6, no. 2 (1986): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.1986.9525693.

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Bachini, Natasha, Keila C. G. Rosa, Andressa Liegi Vieira Costa, and Robson Nunes de Farias Silva. "Comunicação política no ambiente digital: uma análise das campanhas eleitorais municipais de 2020 no Facebook." Opinião Pública 28, no. 3 (2022): 750–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912022283750.

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Neste artigo, analisamos as campanhas oficiais dos(as) candidatos(as) às prefeituras de todas as capitais brasileiras, em 2020, no Facebook. A partir de técnicas de estatística descritiva e da análise de enquadramentos, observamos os atores e narrativas com melhor desempenho na rede e suas principais características, como posicionamento no espectro político, enquadramentos, alinhamentos e recursos comunicacionais. Os resultados mostram a reação da esquerda na rede após as eleições de 2018, liderada por páginas de partidos pequenos, que usaram a plataforma principalmente para discutir conjuntur
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Freitas, Ana Paula Ribeiro. "Na ordem do dia, a representação das minorias: a bancada mineira e o debate sobre eleições em tempos de Conciliação." Revista Brasileira de História 43, no. 92 (2023): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472023v43n92-06.

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RESUMO Este artigo discute o perfil e a atuação da bancada mineira na Câmara dos Deputados no debate sobre a reforma eleitoral de 1855. A medida prometia alterar a lógica da competição política com o advento do voto distrital e das inelegibilidades. Como se comportou a maior bancada do Império diante de um projeto que poderia alterar profundamente a sua formação? Apesar da ameaça de enfraquecimento do poder provincial, concluiu-se que o apoio dos mineiros foi decisivo à reforma e ajudou a aprofundar fissuras no domínio conservador.
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Crizostomo, José Henrique Mendes. "Elections, corruption and local instability: the case of Bom Jesus do Itabapoana, RJ." Revista Vértices 14, no. 3 (2012): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5935/1809-2667.20120057.

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44

Murphy, Brian Phillips. ""A Very Convenient Instrument": The Manhattan Company, Aaron Burr, and the Election of 1800." William and Mary Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2008): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25096785.

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45

Leibiger, Stuart Eric. "Establishing Congress: Congress, the Removal to Washington, D.C., and the Election of 1800 (review)." Journal of the Early Republic 26, no. 3 (2006): 478–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2006.0050.

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46

Kirschen, Bryan. "Spanish in the 2016 U.S. presidential election." Spanish in Context 17, no. 1 (2020): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.18006.kir.

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Abstract This study analyzes discourse in and about Spanish by presidential hopefuls and their prospective running mates leading up to the 2016 United States presidential election. I utilize Irvine and Gal’s (2000) framework of semiotic processes to reveal how Democratic and Republican politicians implement iconization, fractal recursivity, and erasure in order to appeal to their respective bases. Further, I demonstrate how discourse in and about Spanish may be considered marked to one party and unmarked to another. Analysis is based on a 70-item corpus consisting of broadcasted and printed me
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Pospíšilová, Jaroslava, and Jaroslava Pospíšilová. "Who is mobilized by the presidential election?" ACTA POLITOLOGICA 15, no. 3 (2023): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/1803-8220/17_2023.

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Guedea, Virginia. "El pueblo de México y la política capitalina, 1808 y 1812." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 10, no. 1 (1994): 27–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051966.

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Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.
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CROOK, MALCOLM, and JOHN DUNNE. "THE FIRST EUROPEAN ELECTIONS? VOTING AND IMPERIAL STATE-BUILDING UNDER NAPOLEON, 1802–1813." Historical Journal 57, no. 3 (2014): 661–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1400020x.

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ABSTRACTThis article establishes the significance of elections held in the annexed departments of the Napoleonic Empire from 1802 to 1813. It thus represents an original, and perhaps surprising, contribution to recent debate on the nature of Napoleonic imperialism, in which attention has shifted from core to periphery, and away from purely military matters. The electoral process under this authoritarian regime has been alternately neglected or derided, especially where the newly created departments of the Low Countries and parts of Germany and Italy are concerned. However, extensive archival r
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Bailey, Jeremy David. "Jefferson's Second Revolution: The Election Crisis of 1800 and the Triumph of Republicanism – Susan Dunn." Presidential Studies Quarterly 36, no. 3 (2006): 554–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2006.02563_3.x.

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