Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections, 1871

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections, 1871'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 14 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections, 1871"

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MÜCKE, ULRICH. "Elections and Political Participation in Nineteenth-Century Peru: The 1871–72 Presidential Campaign." Journal of Latin American Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 311–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006071.

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This article examines the relationship between elections and political participation in nineteenth-century Peru. Focusing on the elections of 1871–72, I argue that for a better understanding of the way elections facilitated political participation, we should consider not only the vote itself but also analyse the extensive electoral campaign. Generally, voting was irregular, as the different political factions attempted to impede the participation of their opponents through violence. To win the violent clashes on election day it was necessary to mobilise the popular classes. Especially in the cities, corruption and patron–client ties alone proved to be insufficient to gain support. To build powerful political factions, candidates had to win public opinion through massive campaigning and they had to respond to the claims of the urban middle and lower classes. All factions engaged in electoral fraud and neither the government nor any other political actor could determine the electoral outcome. Strong political factions were able to counterbalance governmental interference. That is why, in 1872, a government-opposed candidate, Manuel Pardo, was able to win the presidential election.
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ZIBLATT, DANIEL. "Shaping Democratic Practice and the Causes of Electoral Fraud: The Case of Nineteenth-Century Germany." American Political Science Review 103, no. 01 (February 2009): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409090042.

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Why is there so much alleged electoral fraud in new democracies? Most scholarship focuses on the proximate cause of electoral competition. This article proposes a different answer by constructing and analyzing an original data set drawn from the German parliament's own voluminous record of election disputes for every parliamentary election in the life of Imperial Germany (1871–1912) after its adoption of universal male suffrage in 1871. The article analyzes the election of over 5,000 parliamentary seats to identify where and why elections were disputed as a result of “election misconduct.” The empirical analysis demonstrates that electoral fraud's incidence is significantly related to a society's level of inequality in landholding, a major source of wealth, power, and prestige in this period. After weighing the importance of two different causal mechanisms, the article concludes that socioeconomic inequality, by making elections endogenous to preexisting social power, can be a major and underappreciated barrier to the long-term process of democratization evenafterthe “choice” of formally democratic rules.
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Bräunche, Ernst Otto. "Reichstag Elections in the Reichsland 1871–1918." Philosophy and History 21, no. 1 (1988): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198821152.

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Guislin, Jean-Marc. "Les représentants du Pas-de-Calais à l'Assemblée Nationale (1871-1875). Elections et activités parlementaires." Revue du Nord 67, no. 267 (1985): 967–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rnord.1985.4173.

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Schiller, Wendy J., Charles Stewart, and Benjamin Xiong. "U.S. Senate Elections before the 17th Amendment: Political Party Cohesion and Conflict 1871–1913." Journal of Politics 75, no. 3 (July 2013): 835–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381613000479.

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Barreyre, Nicolas. "The Politics of Economic Crises: The Panic of 1873, the End of Reconstruction, and the Realignment of American Politics." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 10, no. 4 (September 28, 2011): 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781411000260.

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On September 18, 1873, the announcement of Jay Cooke and Company's bankruptcy sent Wall Street to a panic, and the country to a long, harsh depression. Americans interpreted this economic crisis in the light of the acrimonious financial debates born of the Civil War—the money question chief among them. The consequences transformed American politics. Ideologically ill-equipped to devise cohesive economic policies, political parties split dangerously along sectional lines (between the Northeast and the Midwest). Particularly divided over President U.S. Grant's veto of the 1874 Inflation Bill, the Republican Party decisively lost the 1874 congressional elections. As a Democratic majority in the House spelled the doom of Reconstruction, the ongoing divisions of both parties on economic issues triggered a political realignment. The dramatic 1876 elections epitomized a new political landscape that would last for twenty years: high instability in power at the national level and what has been described as the “politics of inertia.” Therefore, by closely following the ramifications of the 1873 panic, this article proposes an explanation of how an economic crisis transformed into a pivotal political event.
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Park, James W. "Regionalism as a Factor in Colombia's 1875 Election." Americas 42, no. 4 (April 1986): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007060.

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Colombia's 1875 election was one of the most intensely fought and pivotal political contests in the nation's history. It has attracted well-deserved attention because it delineated factionalism within the Liberal party to the point of no return, and it marked the sudden emergence of Rafael Núñez to national prominence as leader of one of the two contending Liberal factions. The Nuñista Liberals in that election posed the most serious challenge the Radical Liberals had sustained since they established their political ascendancy in 1867. Victory by the Radicals in 1875 ushered in the final, brief phase of their political hegemony. The bitter factionalism within the Liberal party revealed by the election directly contributed to the costly civil war of 1876-1877 by leading Conservatives to the mistaken assumption that the defeated Nuñistas would tacitly support an insurrection against the Radicals. The Nuñistas, however, supported the Radicals during the crisis of that partisan war and thereby gained access to power.
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Barthélémy, Fabrice, Mathieu Martin, and Ashley Piggins. "The 2016 Election: Like 1888 but not 1876 or 2000." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 1 (December 18, 2018): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518001269.

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ABSTRACTDonald J. Trump won the 2016 US presidential election with fewer popular votes than Hillary R. Clinton. This is the fourth time this has happened, the others being 1876, 1888, and 2000. In earlier work, we analyzed these elections (and others) and showed how the electoral winner can often depend on the size of the US House of Representatives. This work was inspired by Neubauer and Zeitlin (2003, 721–5) in their paper, “Outcomes of Presidential Elections and the House Size.” A sufficiently larger House would have given electoral victories to the popular vote winner in both 1876 and 2000. An exception is the election of 1888. We show that Trump’s victory in 2016 is like Harrison’s in 1888 and unlike Hayes’s in 1876 and Bush’s in 2000. This article updates our previous work to include the 2016 election. It also draws attention to some of the anomalous behavior that can arise under the Electoral College.
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Zięba, Agnieszka. "JÓZEFAT ZIELONACKI ZAPOMNIANY POLSKI ROMANISTA XIX W. SZKIC DO BIOGRAFII." Zeszyty Prawnicze 4, no. 1 (May 30, 2017): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2004.4.1.07.

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Józefat Zielonacki - A Forgotten Polish Romanist of XIX C. An Outline of a BiographySummaryJ. Zielonacki was born on 28 November 1818 in a village called Goniczki, situated the Grand Duchy of Poznan, which belonged to his family.He spent his childhood in his family estate. After completing education in schools in Trzemeszno and Poznan he studied in Berlin, where he graduated in 1845 and conferred a doctor degree (dr) in both laws. In 1848 (or 1849) he was qualified as an assistant professor (dr hab) at Wroclaw University, where he subsequently lectured the Roman law.In 1850 Prof. Zielonacki succeeded to be a head of the Roman law department at the Jagiellonian University.At that time Galicia was in the period of absolutist reaction after the People’s Spring, distinguished by the suppression of civil liberties and a regime of terror. The declaration of a state of siege on 10.01.1849 led to handing over a full authority to Austrian generals, subsequent military commanders of the country, to whose authority - legitimately and in practice - (in these circumstances) the Galician governor - Agenor hr. Goluchowski was - submitted. The University was in practice deprived of its autonomy; all important matters were meticulously directed and supervised by the central authorities in Vienna. Appointments to professorships depended exclusively on the Austrian Ministry of Education, which also examined in detail ‘the political conformity’ of each candidate. Prof. Zielonacki was put up as a candidate by the minister Leon hr. Thun, who wrote in the application to the Emperor about a “great talent” but also “unblemished political attitude” of the candidate.J. Zielonacki lectured the Roman law in Cracow for two years and a half - until the end of December 1852. He was popular amongst the students and was respected amongst scholars as an eminent expert of the Roman law.On 1.01.1853 - without giving any justification, Prof. Zielonacki was removed from the University together with the following Professors: A. Malecki, W. Pol, A. Z. Helcel. The reasons for the dismissal have not been fully explained; at present it is considered as a revenge of the authorities for “the national attitude of the university full of dignity and visible efforts to maintain the Polish character” or even “acts of terror”. The direct reason for dismissing the “inconvenient” Professors was a denunciation against Prof. Malecki and Prof. Pol (and possibly Kremer), which drew the attention of the police to the whole academic environment. The head of the police in Cracow - Carol Neusser - who was commissioned to check the grounds of the denunciation, invigilated all university professors. It was claimed in his report (written on 21.03.1852) that some of the lecturers were particularly dangerous for the authorities. Prof. Zielonacki was described to be an impulsive person, having - “apart from Polish revolutionary tendencies, plenty of Prussian prejudices against Austria”, behaving “always unfriendly” towards the government. Thus, the removal of the professors had a clear political context - no particular accusations were however formulated. After the dismissal from the Jagiellonian University, Prof. Zielonacki was moved to Innsbruck, where he was the head of the Roman law department (until 1855), and afterwards he took over the same post at the Karol University in Prague.In 1857 Prof. Zielonacki, at his own request, was moved to the Lwow University, where he taught Roman law until he retired in 1870.In 1861 he tried to go back to Cracow to take over a vacant post in the Roman Law department but the authorities rejected his candidacy.Prof. Zielonacki made major contributions to the polonization of the Lwow University - he was the first and - for a long time - the only professor lecturing in Polish. In intense disputes with German professors he managed to win the right to use the Polish legal terminology during the lectures, subsequently a right for lectures in Polish, and afterwards to use Polish during exams. Fighting for the polonization of the university had an impact on his professorship career - after he was elected to be the dean of the Law Faculty for the first time for the academic year 1861/61 - he was ostentatiously neglected by his colleagues in elections to this post.Prof. Zielonacki, apart from his work with students, was also active in other areas: between 1867 and 1873 he was a member of the Autrian State Tribunal, and above all an active member of the Science Academy (from 1873 - since it was established). After Prof. Kramers death, from 1875 to 1878, he was a director of the Philosophy and History Faculty and played a significant role in establishing the Commission of Law in the Science Academy.Prof. Zielonacki died in his family estate in Goniczki on 28.04.1884.His scientific output is very ample - he wrote numerous articles and dissertations (in Latin, German and Polish) mainly on possession and usucaption. He is also an author of two monographs on servitudes (Wroclaw 1849) and on possession (Poznan 1854). The latter was also issued in Polish. The work of his lifetime was a two pans manual “Pandekta, i.e. a lecture on the Roman private law as it is the basis of the new laws” published in Polish in Cracow (1862/63, issue II 1870/1871), dedicated to “Polish youth devoting to the legal profession”. This work was greatly appreciated at his times.At present Prof. Zielonacki is groundlessly forgotten. He belonged to the most eminent Romanists of his times, he was an expen in Latin and German literature on the Roman law. He also substantially contributed to the polonization of law teaching. His personage - as an eminent scholar and patriot - it worth recalling.
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Lubis, Muhammad Teguh Syuhada. "Existence of Criminal Trials against Electoral Crimes of Regional Heads (Analysis of Pekanbaru High Court Decision Number 40/Pid.Sus/2021/PT.PBR)." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (April 23, 2021): 1871–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v4i2.1869.

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The process of organizing regional head elections is certainly not without constraints and dynamics. There are many violations found in every stage of both administrative violations, violations of the code of conduct and criminal violations. After several changes and changes in the rules on the election of regional heads (Governors, Regents/Mayors), in the end even though Law No. 6 of 2020 describes the special crimes of elections in it, but in its application can not override the provisions of the Criminal Code. One of them is related to the criminal act of probation contained in Article 53 and Article 54 of the Criminal Code. The research conducted is normative juridical research using secondary data by processing data from primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials. Based on the results of the study, it is known that the handling of electoral crimes of regional heads in Indonesia, namely through integrated law enforcement (Gakkumdu) centers consisting of Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu), Police and Prosecutors. Furthermore, criminal liability for perpetrators of Criminal Trials in the General Election of the Regional Head must first meet the criminal elements in Article 187A paragraph (1) Law No. 6 Year 2020 concerning the Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors and Article 53 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Code. Once both elements of the article are fulfilled, against the severity of the prison sentence and the fine should be reduced by one-third of the maximum penalty in Article 187A paragraph (1) that is to a maximum of 4 years in prison. The last legal analysis of the Pekanbaru High Court's Decision No. 40/Pid.Sus/2021/PT.PBR the judge's decision has been appropriate the judge gave a sanction of 3 (three) years in prison to the perpetrator. It is in accordance with the provisions of Article 187A of Law Number 6 of 2020 Jo Article 53 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Code. Because the intention of the act and the nature of harming the interests of others are fulfilled.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections, 1871"

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BARADEL, RONDOT YVETTE. "Belfort de l'ancien regime au siege de 1870-1871. Fonction regionale, impact national, 1780-1870." Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989STR20017.

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Belfort, place de guerre de vauban, chef-lieu administratif et carrefour commercial au sud de l'alsace, se transforma de part et d'autre de la revolution. La fonction militaire de la ville fut renforcee. Dotee d'un camp retranche, la ville devint un des piliers de la defense de la frontiere du rhin et de la suisse a la veille de 1870. Son role militaire entraina le maintien de sa fonction de chef-lieu administratif. A partir de la revolution, la ville s'ouvrit plus largement sur l'interieur de la france. Traversee par des regiments desormais nationaux et recevant plus d'immigres, les uns et les autres apportant les nouvelles de la france entiere, elle vit se developper une vie politique tres active qui s'enracina sur le fond de l'ideal revolutionnaire de liberte. La garnison fut toujours le pivot de la vie economique mais la revolution favorisa l'activite des anciennes forges qui attirerent les capitaux belfortains. Une industrie textile put s'installer dans la banlieue mais avec des capitaux etrangers a la ville. A partir de 1858 le chemin de fer prit le relais de la route dont le trafic avait decline et apporta a la ville un regain d'activite. Belfort, ville bourgeoise dominee par des notables enrichis durant la revolution se democratisa peu a peu. En meme temps se developpa un esprit laic fonde sur la tolerance et favorise a partir de la revolution par l'installation de deux minorites, familles juives puis protestantes a cote des anciennes familles catholiques
Belfort a fortified town designed by vauban, an administrative and commercial centre in the region to the south of alsace, underwent great changes before and after the revolution. Because of its fortified camp, the town became one of the strongholds of french military defence along the rhine and the swiss border. Belfort's military role caused the town to retain its administrative function. After the revolution, belfort looked more towards france. With the regiments going through it, which were now composed of frenchmen, and with a growing immigration trend, the town received news from all over france and became the centre of a very active political life based largely on revolutionary ideals of liberty. The garnison remained the main support of the town's economy but the revolution favoured the activities of the old iron works that attracted local capital. The textile industry established itself in the suburbs but il relied on capital from outside the town. From 1858 on, the railway took over from the roads, where the traffic had been declining and the town enjoyed a revival of business. Belfort, originally a middle class town domined by notabilities who had made a fortune during the revolution, gradually became more democratic. And at the same time there appeared a spirit of religious tolerance, promoted after 1789 by the advent of two religious minorities, i. E. The jewish, and then the protestant communities, working side by side with the old roman catholic families
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André, Patrick. "Les parlementaires bonapartistes de la Troisième République (1871-1940)." Paris 4, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA040135.

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Après 1870 et l'instauration de la Troisième République, les fidèles du second Empire ne s'avouent pas vaincus. Ils mènent la défense de leur cause sur le thème de la révision des institutions républicaines par le recours au plébiscite. Cependant, les quelques deux-cent-soixante-quatre députés et sénateurs partisans de l'appel au peuple élus de 1871 à 1940 rejoignent l'opposition monarchiste et conservatrice. Cette alliance contre-nature désoriente leur électorat et scelle leur échec définitif. Mais leur erreur stratégique est également le reflet de leur profit sociologique éminemment élitiste. Grands notables de type classique, les cadres bonapartistes sacrifient en effet leurs convictions politiques - réduites à une ultime fidélité dynastique - sur l'autel de leurs intérêts particuliers. Un dictionnaire biographique précise, enfin, les parcours individuels de tous les parlementaires plébiscitaires
Those who remained faithful to the second Empire after the installation of the third Republic refused to accept their defeat. To promote their cause, they look up the theme of a revision of the republics institutions by means of the plebiscite. Moreover, the 264 deputies and senators who were elected between 1871 and 1940 (and who supported the idea of the "appel au peuple") identified themselves with the conservative and monarchist opposition. This unnatural alliance confused their electors and led, in the long term, to their collapse. This tactical error was, in itself, a reflection of their social background, which was that of an elite group, these "grands notables" who, at the same time constituted the cadres of bonapartism, sacrificed their political convictions on the altar of personal interest. Ultimately they were left with same a sort of fidelity to the dynasty. The compilation of a biographical dictionary enables on to pin point exactly how the careers of these plebiscitary parliamentarians evolved
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Souza, Alexandre de Oliveira Bazilio de. "Das urnas para as urnas: o papel do juiz de paz nas eleições do fim do Império (1871-1889)." Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2012. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/6337.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:33:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre de Oliveira Bazilio de Souza.pdf: 2038637 bytes, checksum: a4c8b83cd278e11c5fc6702a97b35474 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-18
Em seus últimos anos, o Império brasileiro passou por intenso processo de transformação, resultado da reviravolta político-partidária deflagrada no final da década de 1860. Em termos legislativos, esse fenômeno foi caracterizado pelo surgimento de diversos diplomas legais que procuravam traduzir o novo status quo, a exemplo da Reforma Judiciária de 1871. A tradição imperial de reforma eleitoral também ganhou força no período, quando aprovados projetos que alterariam profundamente o processo eleitoral brasileiro. Entre as autoridades que mais sofreram o impacto das novas mudanças estava o juiz de paz, constantemente acusado de interferência nas eleições. Com efeito, a justiça de paz imperial brasileira era fonte de grandes controvérsias entre seus contemporâneos, principalmente por sua dupla ligação com o sufrágio: seus membros eram juízes eleitos que, desde 1830, atuavam como principais administradores das eleições. No presente trabalho, abordo como os políticos brasileiros pensaram o novo papel do juiz de paz em sede de eleições no período e, por meio de um estudo de caso para o Espírito Santo, mostro quem eram e como atuavam esses magistrados nos pleitos da província
During its last years, the Brazilian Empire went through an intense process of change, as a result of the political turnaround that took place at the end of the 1860 s. In legislative terms, this scenario was characterized by the passing of several statutes that translated the new status quo, such as the Judiciary Reform in 1871. The imperial tradition of changing electoral law also accelerated during this time, when a set of electoral proposals were put forward. Among the authorities that mostly suffered the impact of the reforms were the justices of the peace, who were constantly accused of interfering in the elections. In fact, the Brazilian imperial justices of the peace were a source of great controversy among his contemporaries, chiefly because of his twofold link with suffrage: they were elected magistrates who, since 1830, functioned as the main administrators of the elections. On this dissertation, I discuss how Brazilian politicians debated the new role of the justice of the peace in the elections during this period and, conducting a case study on Espírito Santo, I show who the justices of the peace in this province were and how they performed their electoral duties
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Hastings, Preston B. (Preston Bruce). "Proportional Representation and the Weimar Constitution." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935620/.

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The thesis examines the reasons why the German National Assembly of 1919 chose proportional representation to elect officials to the German Reichstag. Sources include the series Quellen zur Geschichte des Parlamentarismus and die politische Parteien, the "Hajo Holborn Papers", and the Reich Ministry of Interior debates concerning the institutional draft. The thesis traces the arguments for proportional representation, its use throughout Europe before 1914, and voting reform in Germany during World War I. The thesis surveys the German provisional government's adoption of proportional representation, emphasizing the constitutional drafts of Hugo Preuss and the role of the provisional government. Finally, the thesis scrutinizes the National Assembly debates, concluding that most of its members had already decided to follow the provisional government's course and accept proportional representation.
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Pflanz, Kristina. "System Breakdown: The Dispute Elections of 1876 and 2000." Thesis, Boston College, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/392.

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Thesis advisor: Marc Landy
The election of 2000 was the most tumultuous election of the present day - an election that involved numerous lawsuits and was ultimately decided by the votes of Supreme Court Justices. What many Americans do not know or remember is that there was another election in 1876 with largely similar circumstances - disputed electoral votes (in Florida again) and a winner (Rutherford B. Hayes) produced by a Supreme Court Justice. This essay aims to examine these two elections in detail in order to demonstrate the flaws of the U.S. Constitutional system and the different manners in which they were resolved. The second part of the essay aims to determine whether the purported illegitimacy of the two winners (Hayes and Bush) affected their respective presidencies
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2005
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Rock, Emily. "Justice and partisanship party voting behavior in Ohio Supreme Court elections /." Connect to resource, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/32129.

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Scherr, Steven J. "Prelude to 2000 the election controversy in Florida during the election of 1876 /." Connect to online resource - WSU on-site and authorized users, 2005.

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O'Hallahan, Ryan C. ""Our Captain is a Gentleman”: Officer Elections among Virginia Confederates, 1861-1862." VCU Scholars Compass, 2017. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/4869.

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Enlisted soldiers preferred to elect company- and regimental-level officers during the first year of the American Civil War. This thesis explores how early Confederate mobilization, class conflict between elites and non-elites, and Confederate military policies affected officer elections from spring 1861 to spring 1862 among Virginia Confederates. Chapter 1 explores how the chaotic nature of mobilization and common soldiers' initial expectations regarding their military service influenced elections from April 1861 until late July 1861. Chapter 2 details the changing nature of elections as elite officers faced challenges from non-elites and Confederate policies regarding furloughs and conscription forced officers to reconcile their men’s expectations of loose discipline with directives from senior commanders.
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Cornu, Claude. "Elections et vie politique dans l'Eure de 1848 à 1914." Rouen, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986ROUEL016.

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De 1848 a 1914, le département de l’Eure se montre dans l'ensemble prudemment conservateur, se ralliant au régime établi dès lors qu'il ne remet pas en cause les droits acquis et les équilibres traditionnels, se rangeant dans l'opposition lorsque l'ordre social lui paraît menacé. Bonapartiste sous le Second Empire, il élit les candidats que lui désigne l'administration. Après la chûte de l'Empire, nous voyons les électeurs se rallier peu à peu à la République dès lors qu'elle présente un visage modéré et rassurant, mais se détourner de la République radicale à l'heure des luttes anticléricales et du bloc des gauches, mais, conservateur, l'électorat n'est pas clérical; il se détourne de tous les courants extrêmes, de droite comme de gauche. En 1914, les socialistes ne recueillent pas 2% des voix. Même les radicaux suscitent la méfiance, sauf dans l'arrondissement d'Évreux. Car il faut souligner les disparités régionales. Depuis 1848, l'arrondissement d'Évreux s'est toujours montré fermement républicain et volontiers radical. Même sous l'Empire, malgré l'encadrement de l'opinion, l'opposition y obtient un nombre de voix important. Les quatre autres arrondissements, en revanche, votent dans leur ensemble pour les conservateurs. Les arrondissements des Andelys et de Bernay sont des fiefs de la droite, ceux de Louviers et de Pont-Audemer oscillent entre la droite et la gauche en fonction des circonstances. Le département de l’Eure offre aussi l'exemple d'une vie politique intense. Une participation électorale élevée, plus élevée que dans l'ensemble du pays, une presse nombreuse (quelque 40 journaux en 1914), et face aux conservateurs un parti républicain actif et organisé. A deux reprises, à la suite de défaites électorales, radicaux et républicains modérés mettent sur pied dans chaque canton des comités permanents pour préparer les échéances électorales. En 1885, puis au début du siècle. En 1909 cet effort aboutit à la création d'une fédération départementale. L'année suivante, ce sont les courants de la droite qui s'unissent et forment leur fédération départementale, dite des républicains indépendants
From 1848 to 1914, the department of l’Eure as a whole kept a cautious conservative attitude, either joigning the established regime as long as it did not question acquired rights and traditional balance, or siding with opposition when the social order seemed to be threatened. As a Bonapartist department under the Second Empire, il elected candidates appointed by the government. After the fall of the empire, the electors gradually joined the republic as long as it showed a reassuring moderate face ; yet they turned away from the radical republic at the time of anticlerical struggles and the bloc des gauches. Though il was conservative, the electorate was not clerical; il turned away from any extreme tendency either right or left-wing. In 1914, the socialists did not get 2% out of the votes. Even the radical party inspired mistrust, except in the district of Évreux. However, one must underline local disparities. Since 1848, the district of Évreux had always been steadily republican and willingly radical. Even under the Second Empire, the opposition managed to get a great number of votes, in spite of the control of public opinion. On the other hand, the four other districts by and large voted conservative. The districts of les Andelys and Bernay were right wing strongholds, whereas in those of Louviers and Pont-Audemer the pendulum swang between right and left depending of circumstances. The department of l’Eure also gave a good example of intense political life: high electoral participation, higher than in the rest of the country, a numerous press (about 40 newspapers in 1914), an active organised republican party confronted with the conservatives. Twice, after electoral failures, radicals and moderate republicans organized permanent committees in every district to prepare the elections. In 1885 and at the beginning of the century. In 1909 their efforts resulted in the creation of a departmental federation. The year after, right-wing currents gathered together to form their own departmental federation known as that of the independent republicans
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Romero-Valderrama, Ana. "La coalición pedracista : elecciones y rebeliones para una re-definición de la participación política en México (1826-1828)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1905.

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The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.
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Books on the topic "Elections, 1871"

1

Das Februarpatent in der Praxis: Wahlpolitik, Wahlkämpfe und Wahlentscheidungen in den böhmischen Ländern der Habsburgermonarchie 1861-1871. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2001.

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Winkler, Jürgen R. Sozialstruktur, politische Traditionen und Liberalismus: Eine empirische Längsschnittstudie zur Wahlentwicklung in Deutschland, 1871-1933. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1995.

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Sperber, Jonathan. The Kaiser's voters: Electors and elections in Imperial Germany. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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Lesueur, P. Quand le Haut-Rouergue devenait bonapartiste et le Bas-Rouergue républicain et orléaniste: Autour des enjeux électoraux de 1876. Villefranche-de-Rouergue: Société des amis de Villefranche et du Bas-Rouergue, 1989.

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Jozon-Menier, récit d'une campagne électorale: Les élections législatives de 1876 dans l'arrondissement de Meaux. Dammarie-Les-Lys [France]: Editions Amatteis, 1986.

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Reichstagswahlen im Reichsland: Ein Beitrag zur Landesgeschichte von Elsass-Lothringen und zur Wahlgeschichte des Deutschen Reiches, 1871-1918. Düsseldorf: Droste, 1986.

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Weber, Christoph. Eine starke, enggeschlossene Phalanx: Der politische Katholizismus und die erste deutsche Reichstagswahl 1871. Essen: Klartext, 1992.

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Schoon, Steffen. Wählerverhalten und politische Traditionen in Mecklenburg und Vorpommern (1871-2002): Eine Untersuchung zur Stabilität und strukturellen Verankerung des Parteiensystems zwischen Elbe und Ostsee. Düsseldorf: Droste, 2007.

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Palangurski, Milko. Izbiratelnata sistema v Bŭlgarii︠a︡: 1879-1911 g. Veliko Tŭrnovo: UI "Sv. sv Kiril i Metodiǐ", 2007.

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Democracy in the undemocratic state: The German Reichstag elections of 1898 and 1903. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections, 1871"

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Anderson, Margaret Lavinia. "Clerical Election Influence and Communal Solidarity: Catholic Political Culture in the German Empire, 1871–1914." In Elections before Democracy: The History of Elections in Europe and Latin America, 139–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24505-5_7.

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Palen, Marc-William. "Election of 1876/Compromise of 1877." In A Companion to the Reconstruction Presidents 1865-1881, 415–30. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118607879.ch21.

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Price, Roger. "Elections." In Documents on the Second French Empire, 1852–1870, 40–47. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-50734-1_5.

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Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1872." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 64–66. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-19.

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Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1876." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 67–69. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-20.

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Prymak, Andrew. "The 1868 and 1872 Elections." In A Companion to the Reconstruction Presidents 1865-1881, 235–56. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118607879.ch11.

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Baroncini, Enrico. "Charivari and the 1876 Italian Elections." In Protest, Popular Culture and Tradition in Modern and Contemporary Western Europe, 45–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50737-2_3.

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Emery, J. C. Herbert. "4. The General Election in Oxford County, 1851." In Elections in Oxford County, 1837-1875, 62–84. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442699090-007.

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Dardé, Carlos. "Fraud and the Passivity of the Electorate in Spain, 1875–1923." In Elections before Democracy: The History of Elections in Europe and Latin America, 201–21. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24505-5_10.

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Maiguashca, Juan. "The Electoral Reforms of 1861 in Ecuador and the Rise of a New Political Order." In Elections before Democracy: The History of Elections in Europe and Latin America, 87–115. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24505-5_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Elections, 1871"

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Боков, Юрий Александрович. "ASSESSMENT OF THE «CULTURE OF THE VOTER» BY THE OFFICIAL SEAL OF PRUSSIA OF THE XIX CENTURY." In Высокие технологии и инновации в науке: сборник избранных статей Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Январь 2021). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/vt189.2021.70.81.007.

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В Пруссии XIX века не использовался термин "электоральная культура", но акцентировалось внимание на "культурности избирателя". Официальная пресса отмечала, что культурный избиратель консервативен, сдержан, любит свою страну, принадлежит к христианской конфессии и участвует в выборах. Исследование выполнено при финансовой поддержке РФФИ в рамках научного проекта № 20-011-00436. In the Prussia of the XIX century, the term "electoral culture" was not used, but attention was focused on the "culture of the voter". The official press noted that the cultural voter is conservative, reserved, loves his country, belongs to the Christian denomination and participates in elections. Acknowledgments: The reported study was funded by RFBR, project number 20-011-00436 “Electoral legal culture of citizens of Germany (1871-1933).
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