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BARADEL, RONDOT YVETTE. "Belfort de l'ancien regime au siege de 1870-1871. Fonction regionale, impact national, 1780-1870." Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989STR20017.
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Belfort, place de guerre de vauban, chef-lieu administratif et carrefour commercial au sud de l'alsace, se transforma de part et d'autre de la revolution. La fonction militaire de la ville fut renforcee. Dotee d'un camp retranche, la ville devint un des piliers de la defense de la frontiere du rhin et de la suisse a la veille de 1870. Son role militaire entraina le maintien de sa fonction de chef-lieu administratif. A partir de la revolution, la ville s'ouvrit plus largement sur l'interieur de la france. Traversee par des regiments desormais nationaux et recevant plus d'immigres, les uns et les autres apportant les nouvelles de la france entiere, elle vit se developper une vie politique tres active qui s'enracina sur le fond de l'ideal revolutionnaire de liberte. La garnison fut toujours le pivot de la vie economique mais la revolution favorisa l'activite des anciennes forges qui attirerent les capitaux belfortains. Une industrie textile put s'installer dans la banlieue mais avec des capitaux etrangers a la ville. A partir de 1858 le chemin de fer prit le relais de la route dont le trafic avait decline et apporta a la ville un regain d'activite. Belfort, ville bourgeoise dominee par des notables enrichis durant la revolution se democratisa peu a peu. En meme temps se developpa un esprit laic fonde sur la tolerance et favorise a partir de la revolution par l'installation de deux minorites, familles juives puis protestantes a cote des anciennes familles catholiquesBelfort a fortified town designed by vauban, an administrative and commercial centre in the region to the south of alsace, underwent great changes before and after the revolution. Because of its fortified camp, the town became one of the strongholds of french military defence along the rhine and the swiss border. Belfort's military role caused the town to retain its administrative function. After the revolution, belfort looked more towards france. With the regiments going through it, which were now composed of frenchmen, and with a growing immigration trend, the town received news from all over france and became the centre of a very active political life based largely on revolutionary ideals of liberty. The garnison remained the main support of the town's economy but the revolution favoured the activities of the old iron works that attracted local capital. The textile industry established itself in the suburbs but il relied on capital from outside the town. From 1858 on, the railway took over from the roads, where the traffic had been declining and the town enjoyed a revival of business. Belfort, originally a middle class town domined by notabilities who had made a fortune during the revolution, gradually became more democratic. And at the same time there appeared a spirit of religious tolerance, promoted after 1789 by the advent of two religious minorities, i. E. The jewish, and then the protestant communities, working side by side with the old roman catholic families
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André, Patrick. "Les parlementaires bonapartistes de la Troisième République (1871-1940)." Paris 4, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA040135.
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Après 1870 et l'instauration de la Troisième République, les fidèles du second Empire ne s'avouent pas vaincus. Ils mènent la défense de leur cause sur le thème de la révision des institutions républicaines par le recours au plébiscite. Cependant, les quelques deux-cent-soixante-quatre députés et sénateurs partisans de l'appel au peuple élus de 1871 à 1940 rejoignent l'opposition monarchiste et conservatrice. Cette alliance contre-nature désoriente leur électorat et scelle leur échec définitif. Mais leur erreur stratégique est également le reflet de leur profit sociologique éminemment élitiste. Grands notables de type classique, les cadres bonapartistes sacrifient en effet leurs convictions politiques - réduites à une ultime fidélité dynastique - sur l'autel de leurs intérêts particuliers. Un dictionnaire biographique précise, enfin, les parcours individuels de tous les parlementaires plébiscitairesThose who remained faithful to the second Empire after the installation of the third Republic refused to accept their defeat. To promote their cause, they look up the theme of a revision of the republics institutions by means of the plebiscite. Moreover, the 264 deputies and senators who were elected between 1871 and 1940 (and who supported the idea of the "appel au peuple") identified themselves with the conservative and monarchist opposition. This unnatural alliance confused their electors and led, in the long term, to their collapse. This tactical error was, in itself, a reflection of their social background, which was that of an elite group, these "grands notables" who, at the same time constituted the cadres of bonapartism, sacrificed their political convictions on the altar of personal interest. Ultimately they were left with same a sort of fidelity to the dynasty. The compilation of a biographical dictionary enables on to pin point exactly how the careers of these plebiscitary parliamentarians evolved
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Souza, Alexandre de Oliveira Bazilio de. "Das urnas para as urnas: o papel do juiz de paz nas eleições do fim do Império (1871-1889)." Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2012. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/6337.
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Previous issue date: 2012-05-18Em seus últimos anos, o Império brasileiro passou por intenso processo de transformação, resultado da reviravolta político-partidária deflagrada no final da década de 1860. Em termos legislativos, esse fenômeno foi caracterizado pelo surgimento de diversos diplomas legais que procuravam traduzir o novo status quo, a exemplo da Reforma Judiciária de 1871. A tradição imperial de reforma eleitoral também ganhou força no período, quando aprovados projetos que alterariam profundamente o processo eleitoral brasileiro. Entre as autoridades que mais sofreram o impacto das novas mudanças estava o juiz de paz, constantemente acusado de interferência nas eleições. Com efeito, a justiça de paz imperial brasileira era fonte de grandes controvérsias entre seus contemporâneos, principalmente por sua dupla ligação com o sufrágio: seus membros eram juízes eleitos que, desde 1830, atuavam como principais administradores das eleições. No presente trabalho, abordo como os políticos brasileiros pensaram o novo papel do juiz de paz em sede de eleições no período e, por meio de um estudo de caso para o Espírito Santo, mostro quem eram e como atuavam esses magistrados nos pleitos da província
During its last years, the Brazilian Empire went through an intense process of change, as a result of the political turnaround that took place at the end of the 1860 s. In legislative terms, this scenario was characterized by the passing of several statutes that translated the new status quo, such as the Judiciary Reform in 1871. The imperial tradition of changing electoral law also accelerated during this time, when a set of electoral proposals were put forward. Among the authorities that mostly suffered the impact of the reforms were the justices of the peace, who were constantly accused of interfering in the elections. In fact, the Brazilian imperial justices of the peace were a source of great controversy among his contemporaries, chiefly because of his twofold link with suffrage: they were elected magistrates who, since 1830, functioned as the main administrators of the elections. On this dissertation, I discuss how Brazilian politicians debated the new role of the justice of the peace in the elections during this period and, conducting a case study on Espírito Santo, I show who the justices of the peace in this province were and how they performed their electoral duties
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Hastings, Preston B. (Preston Bruce). "Proportional Representation and the Weimar Constitution." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935620/.
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The thesis examines the reasons why the German National Assembly of 1919 chose proportional representation to elect officials to the German Reichstag. Sources include the series Quellen zur Geschichte des Parlamentarismus and die politische Parteien, the "Hajo Holborn Papers", and the Reich Ministry of Interior debates concerning the institutional draft. The thesis traces the arguments for proportional representation, its use throughout Europe before 1914, and voting reform in Germany during World War I. The thesis surveys the German provisional government's adoption of proportional representation, emphasizing the constitutional drafts of Hugo Preuss and the role of the provisional government. Finally, the thesis scrutinizes the National Assembly debates, concluding that most of its members had already decided to follow the provisional government's course and accept proportional representation.
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Pflanz, Kristina. "System Breakdown: The Dispute Elections of 1876 and 2000." Thesis, Boston College, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/392.
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Thesis advisor: Marc LandyThe election of 2000 was the most tumultuous election of the present day - an election that involved numerous lawsuits and was ultimately decided by the votes of Supreme Court Justices. What many Americans do not know or remember is that there was another election in 1876 with largely similar circumstances - disputed electoral votes (in Florida again) and a winner (Rutherford B. Hayes) produced by a Supreme Court Justice. This essay aims to examine these two elections in detail in order to demonstrate the flaws of the U.S. Constitutional system and the different manners in which they were resolved. The second part of the essay aims to determine whether the purported illegitimacy of the two winners (Hayes and Bush) affected their respective presidencies
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2005
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Rock, Emily. "Justice and partisanship party voting behavior in Ohio Supreme Court elections /." Connect to resource, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/32129.
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Scherr, Steven J. "Prelude to 2000 the election controversy in Florida during the election of 1876 /." Connect to online resource - WSU on-site and authorized users, 2005.
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O'Hallahan, Ryan C. ""Our Captain is a Gentleman”: Officer Elections among Virginia Confederates, 1861-1862." VCU Scholars Compass, 2017. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/4869.
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Enlisted soldiers preferred to elect company- and regimental-level officers during the first year of the American Civil War. This thesis explores how early Confederate mobilization, class conflict between elites and non-elites, and Confederate military policies affected officer elections from spring 1861 to spring 1862 among Virginia Confederates. Chapter 1 explores how the chaotic nature of mobilization and common soldiers' initial expectations regarding their military service influenced elections from April 1861 until late July 1861. Chapter 2 details the changing nature of elections as elite officers faced challenges from non-elites and Confederate policies regarding furloughs and conscription forced officers to reconcile their men’s expectations of loose discipline with directives from senior commanders.
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Cornu, Claude. "Elections et vie politique dans l'Eure de 1848 à 1914." Rouen, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986ROUEL016.
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De 1848 a 1914, le département de l’Eure se montre dans l'ensemble prudemment conservateur, se ralliant au régime établi dès lors qu'il ne remet pas en cause les droits acquis et les équilibres traditionnels, se rangeant dans l'opposition lorsque l'ordre social lui paraît menacé. Bonapartiste sous le Second Empire, il élit les candidats que lui désigne l'administration. Après la chûte de l'Empire, nous voyons les électeurs se rallier peu à peu à la République dès lors qu'elle présente un visage modéré et rassurant, mais se détourner de la République radicale à l'heure des luttes anticléricales et du bloc des gauches, mais, conservateur, l'électorat n'est pas clérical; il se détourne de tous les courants extrêmes, de droite comme de gauche. En 1914, les socialistes ne recueillent pas 2% des voix. Même les radicaux suscitent la méfiance, sauf dans l'arrondissement d'Évreux. Car il faut souligner les disparités régionales. Depuis 1848, l'arrondissement d'Évreux s'est toujours montré fermement républicain et volontiers radical. Même sous l'Empire, malgré l'encadrement de l'opinion, l'opposition y obtient un nombre de voix important. Les quatre autres arrondissements, en revanche, votent dans leur ensemble pour les conservateurs. Les arrondissements des Andelys et de Bernay sont des fiefs de la droite, ceux de Louviers et de Pont-Audemer oscillent entre la droite et la gauche en fonction des circonstances. Le département de l’Eure offre aussi l'exemple d'une vie politique intense. Une participation électorale élevée, plus élevée que dans l'ensemble du pays, une presse nombreuse (quelque 40 journaux en 1914), et face aux conservateurs un parti républicain actif et organisé. A deux reprises, à la suite de défaites électorales, radicaux et républicains modérés mettent sur pied dans chaque canton des comités permanents pour préparer les échéances électorales. En 1885, puis au début du siècle. En 1909 cet effort aboutit à la création d'une fédération départementale. L'année suivante, ce sont les courants de la droite qui s'unissent et forment leur fédération départementale, dite des républicains indépendantsFrom 1848 to 1914, the department of l’Eure as a whole kept a cautious conservative attitude, either joigning the established regime as long as it did not question acquired rights and traditional balance, or siding with opposition when the social order seemed to be threatened. As a Bonapartist department under the Second Empire, il elected candidates appointed by the government. After the fall of the empire, the electors gradually joined the republic as long as it showed a reassuring moderate face ; yet they turned away from the radical republic at the time of anticlerical struggles and the bloc des gauches. Though il was conservative, the electorate was not clerical; il turned away from any extreme tendency either right or left-wing. In 1914, the socialists did not get 2% out of the votes. Even the radical party inspired mistrust, except in the district of Évreux. However, one must underline local disparities. Since 1848, the district of Évreux had always been steadily republican and willingly radical. Even under the Second Empire, the opposition managed to get a great number of votes, in spite of the control of public opinion. On the other hand, the four other districts by and large voted conservative. The districts of les Andelys and Bernay were right wing strongholds, whereas in those of Louviers and Pont-Audemer the pendulum swang between right and left depending of circumstances. The department of l’Eure also gave a good example of intense political life: high electoral participation, higher than in the rest of the country, a numerous press (about 40 newspapers in 1914), an active organised republican party confronted with the conservatives. Twice, after electoral failures, radicals and moderate republicans organized permanent committees in every district to prepare the elections. In 1885 and at the beginning of the century. In 1909 their efforts resulted in the creation of a departmental federation. The year after, right-wing currents gathered together to form their own departmental federation known as that of the independent republicans
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Romero-Valderrama, Ana. "La coalición pedracista : elecciones y rebeliones para una re-definición de la participación política en México (1826-1828)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1905.
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The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.
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Faria, Vanessa Silva de. "O processo de qualificação de votantes no Brasil Império: perfil da população votante do distrito sede de Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais (1872-1876)." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2011. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2082.
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Esta dissertação é fruto da curiosidade em compreender melhor os meandros da ação política no Brasil do século XIX – período marcado por constantes embates entre o tradicional e o moderno – e todas as problemáticas inerentes a ele, sobretudo, as eleições e a dinâmica social por trás desses eventos políticos. O nosso objetivo com esse estudo é examinar as dimensões da experiência eleitoral no Brasil Império, a partir da análise das informações contidas nas listas que compõem os livros de qualificação de votantes pertencentes ao município de Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais, entre os anos de 1872 a 1876, e traçar o perfil dos qualificados votantes e eleitores desta municipalidade. Nesse ínterim, serão analisadas as listas referentes ao Distrito Sede do município, composto por vinte quarteirões. Buscamos agregar a utilização de novas fontes documentais a uma proposta metodológica que associa o uso da quantificação na análise qualitativa dos dados, visando entender em que medida as mudanças feitas na legislação eleitoral do Império do Brasil afetaram e moldaram as práticas eleitorais no país, e o que isso significou, em termos práticos, quando do alistamento eleitoral.
This dissertation is the result of curiosity to better understand the intricacies of the political action of Brazil in the 19th century – period marked by frequent collisions between traditional and modern - and all the problems inherent in it, above all, elections and the social dynamics behind these political events. The purpose of this study is to examine the dimensions of electoral experience in Empire of Brazil, from the analysis of the information contained in the lists that compose the books of qualification of voters belonging to the outline the profile of qualified voters and electors of this municipality. Meanwhile, the lists were analyzed lists concerning to the District Headquarters of the municipality, composed of twenty blocks. Assembled the use of new documentary sources to a methodology that combines the use of quantification in the analysis of qualitative data in order to understand how far the changes made in electoral legislation of the Empire of Brazil affected and shaped the election practices in the country, and what that signified in practical terms, when the electoral registration.
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Fisher, Martin. "The politics of race and the right to vote: the elections of 1876 and 2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86921.
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The elections of 1876 and 2000 were two of the most controversial elections in American history. In both cases the politics of race and the right to vote were at the centre of the controversies that erupted around the election of a candidate who had lost the popular vote. Although there are important differences that separated the two elections the 2000 election revealed that the right of Blacks merely to register and vote was still not guaranteed by the federal government much as it was not guaranteed in the nineteenth century. In both elections the issue of Black voting rights were at the centre of the controversies surrounding the election of a minority President.Les elections de 1876 et 2000 ont été deux des plus controversiel elections dans l'histoire Americain. Dans les deux elections "le politique de race" et le droit de vote était aux centre des controverses qui ont passé autour de l'election d'un candidat qui n'avait pas gagné le vote populaire. C'est evident qu'il y a des differences importantes qui se separe ces deux elections, mais l'election de 2000 a montré que le droit des Noirs seulement a s'enregistrer et a voter n'était pas encore guarantie pareil, come dans le dix-neuvième siècle. Dans les deux cas, le droit de vote pour les Noirs était au centre des deux controverses.
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Mairry, Louis. "La vie politique dans le departement du doubs sous la troisieme republique (1870-1940)." Paris 4, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA040075.
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Sous la iiieme republique, de 1970 a 1940, le departement du doubs a eu une evolution politique originale. Il choisit d'abord la republique et la gauche: en 1885, tous les parlementaires sont republicains et les radicaus dominent la vie politique du departement de 1898 a 1914. Mais, en 1936, le doubs est un des rares departements qui se donne uniquement des deputes de droit (cinq( alors que les trois senateurs le sont deja depuis 1921. Quand, comment, pourquoi ce passage de la gauche a la droite? contrairement a l'opinion courante ce renversement politique n'est pas du a la guerre de 1914-1918 qui, dans le domaine de la politique pure, n'a ete qu'une parenthese ("union sacree"). En fait, la reconquete electorale par la droite debute des 1900-1901 en partant des scrutins locaux (cantonaux et municipaux) pour deboucher logiquement sur les succes senatoriaux et legislatifs. Trois raisons: une droite moderee unie et disciplinee autour de fortes personalites (r. De moustier, g. Pernot, g. Japy); le declin des radicaux (divises et sans programme); le refus de l'extremisme politique (de gauche comme de droite)Under the third republic, from 1870 to 1940, the departement of the doubs had a singular political evolution. First, it chose the republic and the left: in 1885 every parlementary is republican and the radicals dominate politival life in the departement from 1898 to 1914. But in 1936 it's of the few departements which provides it self solely with members of parliament form the right (five), when its three senators have been from the right since 1921. When, how, why this change from legt to right? contrary to the popular opinion, this turnaround isn't due to the great war (1914-1918) which in the political world was nerely a parenthesis ("sacred union"). In fact, the electoral reconquest by the right begins as early as 1900-1901, based on local ballots (country and municipal) first, to lead to senatorial and legislative successe. To this, three reasons: a moderate right, united and disciplined around strong personalities (r. De moustier, g. Pernot, g. Japy); the decline of the radicals, divides and with no programme; the refusal of political extrimism, from the left as from the right
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Cruz, João Batista Carvalho da. "Da formação ao desafio das urnas: o PTB e seus adversários nas eleições estaduais de 1947 no Rio Grande do Sul." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2010. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/1879.
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A criação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) marcou profundamente a política no Rio Grande do Sul no período 1945-64. Com uma tradição de bipolaridade, a política gaúcha daquele contexto se caracterizou pela oposição entre um campo mais progressista, representado pelo PTB, e outro conservador, liderado pelo Partido Social Democrático (PSD). Neste estudo buscamos analisar a atuação do PTB nas eleições estaduais de 1947, recorrendo para isso a elementos da teoria do campo político desenvolvida por Pierre Bourdieu. Procuramos compreender a trajetória inicial e o tipo de capital político que o partido então acumulou. As fontes utilizadas são os periódicos da época, artigos, entrevistas e depoimentos de lideranças partidárias, bem como um conjunto de cartas trocadas entre as mesmas. Uma possível contribuição do presente trabalho será evidenciar a importância que aquela disputa eleitoral assumiu no processo de formação do PTB gaúcho, especialmente por se tratar de um momento privilegiado para a criação de símb
The foundation of the Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) – “Brazilian Labor Party” – deeply marked the politics in Rio Grande do Sul from 1945 to 1964. With bipolarity tradition the gaucha politics of those decades was defined by the conflict between a more progressive posture, represented by the PTB, and a more conservative one, leaded by the Partido Social Democrático (PSD) – “Social Democratic Party”. The present study intends to analyze the role PTB played at the gubernatorial elections of 1947, based on aspects from Pierre Bourdieu’s political field theory. This study also seeks understanding the initial trajectory and the political capital the party accumulated at that time. The sources were periodic newspapers, articles, interviews and declarations of leading parties and a set of letters traded between them as well. A possible contribution of this study might be proving the importance of that particular political dispute had in the foundation process of the “gaucho” PTB mainly for being such a propi
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Wehrkamp, Connie. "Newspaper content and its impact on attitudes toward a counter-stereotypical candidate an analysis of the 2006 Ohio Gubernatorial election /." Connect to resource, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/32195.
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Brennan, Paul. "L'etat en irlande. Aspects de son developpement. 1801-1949." Paris 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA030071.
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Entre 1801 et 1949 l'irlande connait deux etats successifs : l'etat britannique et l'etat irlandais. Afin de les etudier cette these se divise en quatre grandes parties. La premiere, intitulee l'irlande dans l'etat britannique, traite de la mise en place de l'union, des trois grands enjeux : la religion, la constitution et l'economie, si importants pour le developpement de l'etat, et des modalites d'organisation nationaliste. La deuxieme partie, intitulee l'etat britannique en irlande, etudie le fonctionnement de l'etat a travers le gouvernement, l'administration, le pouvoir local, le systeme electoral et les elections. A son tour, elle contient une interrogation sur la differenciation de l'eta par rapport a la societe civile et pose le probleme de l'integration de l'irlande dans l'etat. La naissance de l'etat irlandais est le titre de la troisieme partie. On y etudie l'effrondrement de l'ancien ordre dans un contexte de violence; a la violence politique des irlandais repond la violence de l'etat britannique. La quatrieme partie, les developpements de l'etat irlandais, examine les fondements du nouvel etat et cherche a en decrire la nature par une analyse de ses constitutions, des effets de la guerre civile, de son institutionnalisation, de son lien avec la grande-bretagne et de sa quete de reconnaissance internationaleBetween 1801 and 1949 there were two successive states in ireland, the british state and the irish state. In order to study them this thesis is divided into four main parts. The first, entitled ireland in the british state, deals with the setting up of the union, the three major issues : religion, the constitution and the economy, which were of such importance for the development of the state. The second part, entitled the british state in ireland, studies the workings of the state through its government, administration, local government, electoral system and elections. In turn it questions state differentiation from civil society and considers the integration of ireland in the state. The birth of the irish state is the title of the third part. The collapse of the old order in a context of popular and state violence is its object. In the fourth part, the developments of the irish state are investigated. The nature of the new state is studied through an analysis of its constitutions, the effects of the civil war, the creation of its new institutions, its links with great britain and its quest for international recognition
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Galdino, Antonio Carlos. "Campinas, uma cidade republicana : politica e eleições no oeste paulista (1870-1889)." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281045.
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Orientador: Vera Hercilia Faria Pacheco BorgesTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho examina a trajetória do Partido Republicano em Campinas, como corrente de opinião da elite política paulista e como associação eleitoral, do final da década de 1860 até a queda da Monarquia. Com base em fontes diversificadas, principalmente a imprensa, bem como publicações da época e posteriores, reconstitui o ambiente de luta eleitoral naquele município em que republicanos e monarquistas enfrentavam-se e relaciona às disputas eleitorais os grandes temas da política nacional desse período. As principais interpretações da historiografia são questionadas por meio da análise das semelhanças de posições entre republicanos e monarquistas em torno dos problemas da escravidão e do imigrantismo, da descentralização das províncias e municípios e o da chamada questão religiosa, que envolveu as relações entre o republicanismo e a maçonaria. Por fim, a tese propõe uma abordagem sócio-histórica buscando descrever e examinar de que modo as regras e práticas institucionais de produção do eleitorado Império, os valores elitistas e excludentes envolvidos no exercício do sufrágio e da representação política e as formas de sociabilidade e de civilidade que compunham o campo da política local em Campinas, podem ter condicionado o desenvolvimento do republicanismo como fenômeno eleitoral e partidário, especialmente na década de 1880. O trabalho sugere que o predomínio dos republicanos nas eleições em Campinas relacionou-se diretamente a reconfiguração da luta eleitoral promovida pela Lei Saraiva de 1881, conjugada às formas de sociabilidade e civilidade presentes na vida urbana desse município
Abstract: This work examines the journey of Republican Party in Campinas, as current of opinion of political elite of São Paulo province and as an electoral association, of late 1860¿s until the fall of Monarchy. Based on different sources of information, mainly the press, as well as the publications at the time and later, the environment of electoral fight is rebuilt in that municipal district where the republicans and monarchists confronted and the great themes of national politics of this time is related to electoral disputes. The main interpretations of histography are questioned through the analyses of similarities of positions among republicans and monarchists about the problems of slavery and immigration, decentralization of provinces and municipal districts and religion question, which involved the relations between republicanism and freemasonry. Lastly, the thesis proposes a sociohistorical approach trying to describe and examine the different ways that the rules and institutional practices of production of empire electorate, the elite and excluding values involved in the voting and political representation exercise and the ways of sociability and civility which arranged the field of the local politics in Campinas, they can have conditioned the development of republicanism as party and electorate phenomenon, specially in 1880's. The work suggests that the supremacy of the republicans in the elections in Campinas was related directly with the reconfiguration of election fight promoted by the law Saraiva of 1881, conjugated to the ways of sociability and civility present in urban life of this region
Doutorado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Doutor em História
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Mufarrij, Rafeek. "The patriarchal crisis in the See of Antioch and the election of Melatios Doumani causes, main events and results, 1891-1899 /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.
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Fry, Zachery A. "Lincoln's Divided Legion: Loyalty and the Political Culture of the Army of the Potomac, 1861-1865." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1492292669458662.
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Camarota, Danielle Teodoro Santos. "Atribuições de diretor de escola pública: desafios para a formação." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2012. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/1891.
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Com o intuito de reafirmar a importância da formação no exercício da gestão escolar, este Plano de Ação Educacional (PAE) tem como objetivo a proposição de um programa que visa capacitar os professores, da rede municipal de ensino de Juiz de Fora, MG, que anseiam concorrer ao cargo de gestor escolar, para o exercício da função. Resta claro que, atualmente, com uma sociedade cada vez mais complexa e com o arcabouço de informações que fazem parte do cotidiano escolar, os diretores estão sendo cada vez mais exigidos. Sendo assim, é possível observar que muitos diretores, ainda que eleitos por processos democráticos, encontrem dificuldades para desempenhar as inúmeras demandas advindas do cargo. Tal fato se evidencia, principalmente, no que tange à compreensão das políticas públicas implementadas pelas esferas federais e estaduais, como, por exemplo, as políticas de avaliação. Isso pode ser vislumbrado na forma como os gestores lidam com os indicadores educacionais disponibilizados para suas unidades. Também é possível identificar outras dificuldades, como a falta de habilidade no uso de ferramentas tecnológicas, bem como a dificuldade para lidar com a questão orçamentária e de gestão de pessoas. Isso posto, a proposta é criar um programa de formação e capacitação de gestores escolares para a rede municipal de ensino de Juiz de Fora, tendo o Centro de Formação do Professor como espaço propício para estímulo e aperfeiçoamento das habilidades inerentes ao cargo de gestor educacional.
Aiming to reaffirm the importance of the in-service training of school managers, this Educational Action Plan (PAE, in Portuguese) has as its goal the proposal of a program designed to capacitate teachers from the municipal education network of Juiz de Fora, who aspire to run for school managers, exercising such function. It is clear that nowadays with a society ever growing in complexity, and with the framework of information pertaining to the school daily life, principals are being under increasing demand. As such, it is possible to observe that many principals, even though elected through democratic processes, find difficulty in playing the roles that come with the position. Such fact is made evident, in the scope of understanding public policies implemented by the federal and state spheres, as for example, evaluation policies. This may be observed in the way that managers deal with educational indicators made available to their units. It is also possible to identify other difficulties, such as the lack of skills in utilizing technological tools, as well as difficulty in dealing with the budgetary issue of the people management one. Therefore, the proposal is to create a training and capacitating program to school managers in the municipal educational network of Juiz de For a, having the Center for Teacher Formation as the favourable setting to stimulate and perfect the skills inherent to the position of school manager.
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Domingos, Marcus Caetano. "D. Hermógenes e a eleição para as Cortes de Lisboa na comarca de Paracatu e na província de Minas Gerais: 1821-1822." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-01022008-104151/.
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O presente estudo analisa a eleição do décimo quarto deputado da bancada de Minas Gerais para as Cortes Gerais Extraordinárias e Constituintes da Nação Portuguesa, reunidas em Lisboa durante os anos de 1821 e 1822. Procura-se determinar os motivos que levaram à eleição tardia de um representante dos habitantes da comarca de Paracatu: o Vigário de Desemboque D. Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick. A pesquisa analisa as dificuldades vividas na condução da crise política durante esses anos na província de Minas Gerais e na comarca de Paracatu. Com esta análise, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da transição do regime absolutista ao liberal na província de Minas Gerais e no Brasil. Para isto, observam-se os diferentes momentos do processo eleitoral em Minas, procurando compreender a construção da unidade na província e no país durante o processo que levou à separação do Reino Unido de Portugal, Brasil e Algarves.The present study analyses the election of the fourteenth representative from Minas Gerais to the Extraordinary General and Constitutional Cortes (Courts) of the Portuguese Nation, assembled in Lisbon during the years of 1821 and 1822. The aim is to determine the motives which led to the late election of a representative amongst the inhabitants of the Paracatu comarca (district): Sir Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick, vicar of Desemboque. The research analyses the difficulties lived in the conduction of the political crisis during these years in the province of Minas Gerais and in the comarca (district) of Paracatu. With this analysis, the intention is to contribute to the comprehension of the transition from an absolutist to a liberal regime in the province of Minas Gerais and in Brazil. Thus, different moments of the electoral process in Minas are observed to comprehend the construction of the provincial and national unity which led to the separation of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil e Algarves.
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Nascimento, Joelma Aparecida do. "Os “homens” da administração e da justiça no Império: eleição e perfil social dos juízes de paz em Mariana, 1827-1841." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2010. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/3028.
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O Juizado de paz representou uma das mais importantes instaurações do novo paradigma de organização política e social que angariou as inovações mais ilustradas e liberais do ordenamento jurídico europeu, indo ao encontro de uma vasta tradição e institucionalização em primeira instância. Estabelecido no Brasil na Constituição de 1824, e regulamentado em 1827, o Juizado de paz, apesar das amplas funções denotadas à seu cargo e de ser um marco do desenvolvimento da administração e da justiça no Brasil, trata-se de tema pouco visitado na historiografia brasileira. A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo investigar os indivíduos eleitos para juiz de paz, no extenso município de Mariana, província de Minas Gerais, entre 1827-1841. Os propósitos foram abordar a inauguração desta instituição tão ainda incógnita e, analisar as eleições locais que elegiam aqueles homens e as funções desempenhadas pelos mesmos. Além disso, e paralelamente, procurou-se traçar o perfil e inserção social desses homens que, além de juízes de paz, compunham a tão economicamente diversa sociedade mineira da primeira metade do século XIX.
The Judge of peace represented the major new paradigm instauration of political and social organization that raised the most learned and liberal innovations of the European legal system to suit a wide tradition and institutionalization in the first instance. Established in Brazil in the 1824 Constitution and regulated in 1827, the Judge of peace, despite the broad functions denoted his position and be a milestone in the development of administration and justice in Brazil, it is little visited theme in the historiography Brazil. This research aims to investigate the individuals elected to justice of the peace in the vast city of Mariana, in the province of Minas Gerais, between 1829-1841. The purpose was addressing the inauguration of this institution as yet unknown, and examine the local elections that elected the men and the functions performed by them. Furthermore, and in parallel, we tried to trace the profile and social integration of those men who, in addition to justices of the peace, made up as economically diverse mining company in the first half of the nineteenth century.
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Piot, Céline. "Les résistances à la République dans le coeur de la Gascogne (Gers, Landes, Lot-et-Garonne) de 1870 à 1914." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR30043/document.
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De nombreux travaux tendent à prouver que les départements situés au coeur de la Gascogne (c’est-à-dire ceux du Gers, des Landes et du Lot-et-Garonne) n’ont pas à subir de fortes résistances contre la République entre 1870 et 1914. Un rapide examen du tableau politique de ces trois départements montre en effet que les électeurs adhèrent progressivement aux idées républicaines – bien que le rythme soit différent d’une zone à l’autre –, mais doit-on se satisfaire de généralités ? Une étude plus spécifique, confrontant les sources nationales aux sources régionales et utilisant des sources de diverses natures confirmera-t-elle ou, au contraire, nuancera-t-elle, voire infirmera-t-elle, ce schéma d’une Gascogne précocement républicaine et peu encline aux résistances venues tant des conservateurs que de l’extrême gauche ?La première partie, portant sur un état des lieux dans les années 1870, permet de montrer que les conservateurs, bien que divisés, sont encore puissants. Sont ainsi présentées les cultures politiques antirépublicaines en expliquant quels sont leurs moyens de lutte tels que la presse et les réseaux de sociabilité (cercles et sociétés). L’univers agricole est l’un des terrains de prédilection des droites, en particulier de la culture traditionaliste. Mais cette influence se traduit-elle lors des temps électoraux ? À partir de la décennie 1880, et c’est l’objet de la deuxième partie, à l’enracinement durable de la IIIe République répond cependant, dans un illusoire écho, le lent déclin des conservateurs. En Gascogne, de nombreuses personnalités continuent toutefois d’exercer une autorité politique et culturelle par le biais de diverses sociétés, par la presse et le mouvement félibréen. Les espoirs du rétablissement de la monarchie ou de l’Empire, sans s’éteindre, sont néanmoins fortement déçus et les crises nationales (le boulangisme, l’affaire Dreyfus, la tentative de coup d’État de Déroulède…) n’ébranlent pas l’ancrage républicain ; au contraire, elles le renforcent. N’empêche que, dans la période 1890/1914, les résistances à la République prennent d’autres formes et certaines structures, que l’on croyait en Gascogne jusqu’alors réservées aux années vingt, apparaissent déjà. Le paysage politique se recompose sous l’effet de l’évolution droitière du nationalisme, puis du Ralliement qui divise les droites. À cela, vient s’ajouter l’opposition de l’extrême gauche. D’autre part, les revendications culturelles liées au mouvement félibréen deviennent plus fortement politiques, et laGascogne est à son tour ébranlée par les idées de fédéralisme et de décentralisation qui constituent des outils dans les mains des droites afin de lutter contre le régime républicain. Le clergé continue de combattre les lois scolaires et mène une contre-offensive, souvent minimisée et pourtant réelleA considerable amount of studies tend to reach the same conclusion, namely that the Departments situated in the heartland of Gascony (the Gers, the Landes and the Lot-et-Garonne) offered little resistance to the Republican ideal between 1870 and 1914. What little resistance there was, was not enough to overthrow the Republic. A cursory examination of the political picture of the three departments shows that voters adhered progressively to Republican ideas; even if the rate at which this occurred varied from one area to another. But can we be satisfied with this general overview ? Is this confirmed by a more in-depth study comparing national and local figures ? Was Gascony really an early day Republic, little given to contestation either from conservatives or the extreme leftThe first part (which deals with the state of the nation in the 1870’s) shows that the conservatives, albeit divided, were still powerful. Their antirepublican faction was empowered through channels of the local press and regional societies. The agricultural faction is traditionally a right wing preserve but is this really translated into a right wing vote at elections ? As from the decade of the 1880’s, the IIIe Republic took root and at the same time the conservatives declined slowly. This is the subject of the second part. In Gascony, however, a number of local dignitaries continued to wield political and cultural power through societies, the press and the felibreen movement. Although hopes of restoring the Monarchy or the Empire were never completely extinguished, they were nevertheless sevenly dampened. National crises (the boulangism, the Dreyfus affair, the attempted coup d’Etat of Déroulède…) reinforced the Republic instead of overthrowing it. In the period from 1890 to 1914, forms of resistance to the Republic were put in place which are usually associated with the 1920’s. The right wing tendency in nationalism is at first reinforced and then the right wing is divided by the Ralliement. The extreme left makes itself felt more forcefully. Added to this the cultural revendications linked to the felibreen movement become more politically based and Gascony is gripped by federalist and decentralising ideas which are tools of the right against the Republican regime. Clerics continue to fight laws governing schools and lead a counter offensive which has often been minimised but is nevertheless a force to be reckoned with
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Santos, Rafael Alberto Alves dos. "Habemus Papam: eleição papal nas coberturas midiáticas de jornais paulistas de Leão XIII (1878) a Francisco (2013)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21345.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP
"Which simulacrum of Pope does the Paulista press media build when showing us the leaders of the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church after its respective elections?" That problematic guides the present dissertation. Using a corpus from "O Estado de S. Paulo" newspaper pages and the "Folha de São Paulo" in a 135 period of years, it is possible to analyze how this media plans a typology confronting its own values with the ones from the Catholic Church, which shows the thematic role of the Pope. The hypothesis is that the newspaper shows ways of presence for each Pope according to their own interests, trying to deceive the image of the elected Cardinal. Still, in a new perspective of the new theory that despite the restrictions of the Church, the simulacrum carries a way of being in the World deceived by individual characteristics from each Cardinal that is elected - in a syncretism of destinators. This investigation aims to deepen the reflection about language syncretism in the truths of the analyzed pages. On one hand, the Church as a destinator schedules the thematic route for the Popes. This route is lived by one Cardinal, himself as a destinator. In the Saint Peter Basilica balcony, these routes unify themselves and are projected for the World. Captured by the media, the scene is reorganized in another way through the newspaper pages by the language syncretism - verbal, visual and spacial. The theoretical foundation is the Discursive Semiotic, created by Algirdas Greimas and its unfolding in the Social Semiotics by Eric Landowski. It is taken to consideration the Plastic Semiotic, organized by Jean Marie Floch and build on by Ana Claudia Oliveira, especially in the studies of esthesia that make us feel the new Pope. The results aim to the possibility of a link between the simulacrum typologies built by the medias with interaction and risks, showing in the media projection the Catholic leaders and that there is a predominance in the hazards of accidents that reveals a dynamic by visibility. The new is, in fact, a figurativization of the new that remains in its depths with the intentionality and propagations of the Church's old speech
“Quais simulacros de Papa a mídia impressa paulista constrói ao dar a ver os líderes da Igreja Católica Apostólica Romana logo após suas respectivas eleições?” é a problemática que norteia a presente dissertação. A partir de um corpus de páginas dos jornais “O Estado de S.Paulo” e “Folha de S.Paulo” num período de 135 anos, analisa-se como essa mídia projeta tipologias confrontando seus valores com os da Igreja Católica, programadora do papel temático “Papa”. A hipótese é a de que os jornais circulam modos de presença de cada Papa conforme seus interesses, pasteurizando as identidades do Cardeal eleito. Ainda assim, postula-se, numa perspectiva nova da teoria, que apesar das prescrições da Igreja, o simulacro projetado carrega consigo o modo de ser e de estar no mundo forjado pelas características individuais de cada Cardeal que assume a função – num sincretismo de destinadores. A investigação tem o objetivo de aprofundar a reflexão sobre o sincretismo de linguagens na concretude das páginas analisadas. De um lado, o destinador Igreja programa o percurso temático dos Papas. Esse percurso é vivido por um Cardeal específico, ele próprio um destinador. Na sacada da Basílica de São Pedro, esses percursos se unificam e se projetam para o mundo. Capturada pela mídia, a cena é reorganizada em outra manifestação que articula nas páginas dos jornais o sincretismo de linguagens – verbal, visual e espacial. A fundamentação teórica é a da Semiótica Discursiva, elaborada por Algirdas Greimas, e seus desdobramentos na Sociossemiótica de Eric Landowski. Leva-se em consideração a Semiótica Plástica, organizada por Jean Marie Floch e aprofundada nos estudos de Ana Claudia Oliveira, em especial no estudo da estesia das qualidades sensíveis que fazem sentir o novo Papa. Os resultados apontam para a possibilidade de uma articulação entre as tipologias dos simulacros construídos pelas mídias com os regimes de interação e risco, mostrando que na projeção midiática dos líderes católicos há uma predominância nas dêixis do acidente e do ajustamento que revelam uma dinâmica pela visibilidade. O novo é, na verdade, uma figurativização do novo que mantém, na profundidade, as intencionalidades e programações do velho discurso da Igreja
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Villette, Vincent. "Apprendre à voter : l'apprentissage du suffrage de masse sous la IIè République dans le département de la Seine (1848-1851)." Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0056.
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En 1848, le Gouvernement provisoire issu des journées de Février proclame le suffrage direct et universel. Cette décision est inédite, elle est aussi impromptue. En effet, le suffrage universel est encore une énigme. Nul ne s'accorde sur un tel concept qui apparaît davantage comme un slogan d'opposition à la monarchie de Juillet. Par ailleurs, la mise en œuvre du suffrage universel quarante-huitard se présente comme une gageure. Comment faire voter des millions de citoyens qui, pour beaucoup, n'ont jamais été électeurs ? Tout reste à faire, et à inventer un corps électoral de masse, une géographie électorale, des pratiques. Toutefois, les quarante-huitards arrivent à relever le défi d'un suffrage de masse. Malgré de multiples difficultés, incidents et fraudes, le processus électoral arrive à son terme. Par l'adhésion qu'il suscite, le suffrage universel quarante-huitard s'impose alors comme un mode d'exercice légitime, fondateur et singulier d'une souveraineté populaireIn 1848, the Provisional government resulting from the events of February proclaims direct and universal suffrage. This is an unprecedented and impromptu decision. Indeed, universal suffrage remains something of an enigma. Nobody knows much about this concept which appears to be rather a slogan of opposition against the July Monarchy. Furthermore, the implementation of universal suffrage in 1848is a challenge. How does one persuade millions of citizens to vote, citizens who, for the most part, have never voted before? There remains much to be done and invented : a mass electorate, electoral geography and methods. However, the 1848 revolutionaries do succeed in the challenge of mass voting. Despite numerous difficulties, incidents and frauds, the electoral process cornes into being. Through the implication it arouses, universal suffrage is not only the founder of popular sovereignty but goes on to become legitimate practice
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Mourou, Max-Williams. "Les moyens d'action du ministère des Colonies de 1894 à 1914." Paris 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA010657.
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Pitts, Stanley Thomas. "An unjust legacy: A critical study of the political campaigns of William Andrews Clark, 1888-1901." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5251/.
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In a time of laissez-faire government, monopolistic businesses and political debauchery, William Andrews Clark played a significant role in the developing West, achieving financial success rivaling Jay Gould, George Hearst, Andrew Carnegie, and J. P. Morgan. Clark built railroads, ranches, factories, utilities, and developed timber and water resources, and was internationally known as a capitalist, philanthropist and art collector. Nonetheless, Clark is unjustly remembered for his bitter twelve-year political battle with copper baron Marcus Daly that culminated in a scandalous senatorial election in January 1899. The subsequent investigation was a judicial travesty based on personal hatred and illicit tactics. Clark's political career had national implications and lasting consequences. His enemies shaped his legacy, and for one hundred years historians have unquestioningly accepted it.
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Thomason, Lisa. "Jacksonian Democracy and the Electoral College: Politics and Reform in the Method of Selecting Presidential Electors, 1824-1833." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2775/.
Full textAbstract:
The Electoral College and Jacksonian Democracy are two subjects that have been studied extensively. Taken together, however, little has been written on how the method of choosing presidential electors during the Age of Jackson changed. Although many historians have written on the development of political parties and the increase in voter participation during this time, none have focused on how politicians sought to use the method of selecting electors to further party development in the country. Between 1824 and 1832 twelve states changed their methods of choosing electors. In almost every case, the reason for changing methods was largely political but was promoted in terms of advancing democracy. A careful study of the movement toward selecting electors on a general ticket shows that political considerations in terms of party and/or state power were much more important than promoting democratic ideals. Despite the presence of a few true reformers who consistently pushed for a constitutional amendment guaranteeing that all states used the same method, the conclusion must be that politics and party demanded a change. This study relies heavily on legislative records at both the state and national level and newspapers throughout t the country from the period. Beginning with a brief history of the office of the president and an overview of the presidential elections prior to 1824, the author then carefully analyzes the elections of 1824, 1828, and 1832, as well as the various efforts to amend the constitutional provisions dealing with the Electoral College. Particular emphasis is placed on political factions at the state level, the development of the Democratic and National Republican parties nationally, and how each party used and at time manipulated the electoral process to secure a favorable outcome for their candidates.
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Marty, Thomas. "Mobilisations politiques et expertise électorale : la question de la « représentation proportionnelle ». Histoire sociale de la réforme électorale sous la Troisième République." Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100148/document.
Full textAbstract:
Au début du vingtième siècle, après deux décennies sans réforme électorale, le mode de scrutin devient un sujet de controverse. Cette étude se propose d’examiner les conditions du choix de la représentation proportionnelle par les membres de la Chambre des députés française ainsi que par d’autres militants. Au-delà de la rééligibilité législative, c’est à travers le changement du mode de scrutin (introduction du scrutin de liste et de la représentation proportionnelle) que le problème de la réélection apparaît sous la Troisième République. Les professeurs de droit constitutionnel, tant à Paris qu’en province, délaissent cette expertise malgré quelques entreprises militantes éparses. Leurs étudiants formulent alors un savoir académique vite enserré par les contraintes récurrentes des jurys de thèse. Nous cherchons à examiner pourquoi et comment le parlement s’est emparé de cette question. Si les conservateurs et les socialistes sont les plus zélés partisans de la représentation proportionnelle, on ne peut en rester au fait que les partis défendent des systèmes qui les favorisent le plus. Notre étude insiste sur la stabilité socio-biographique du recrutement parlementaire plutôt que sur les variations de majorité et donc d’intérêts. Il faut expliquer pourquoi et comment ce fut le débat parlementaire lui-même qui a pu aboutir à une réforme électorale. Le système mixte de 1919, entre proportionnelle et principe majoritaire, exprime cette tendance des députés à l’ « auto-critique » qui dessine in fine un « auto-portrait ». Progressivement, les circulaires ministérielles adressées aux préfets confondent ces problèmes en un seul mouvement qui tente de codifier l’organisation des candidatures qui pourrait être au fondement du renouvellement souhaité. Ce travail préfectoral retire aux seuls entrepreneurs électoraux le monopole de l’anticipation des résultats et en ménage une co-production administrative. Dans la production préfectorale, de nouvelles cartes des circonscriptions uninominales ont eu tendance à perpétuer le traditionnel « scrutin d’arrondissement ». Ces tentatives de réforme électorale spatiale ont également introduit une nouvelle échelle dans le déroulement des campagnes électorales. Cet élargissement de la capacité électorale a été rendu possible par une nouvelle représentation : la circonscription administrative du département a eu tendance à devenir le critère principal de la mobilisation électorale que ce soit pour la loi électorale de 1919 ou celle de 1927Early twentieth century, after two decades of indifference to electoral reform, the electoral system has become a controversial question. This study explores the factors that should been taken into consideration when members of the French Chamber of Deputies and some other activists have tried to choose “proportional representation”. Beyond its political and legislative dimensions, the problem of re-election of representatives in the Third Republic was influenced by manipulation of electoral rules – in particular the introduction of proportional and list voting. In Paris and in Province, professors desert this part of doctrine in spite of some militant activities. Students had produced their thesis under constraint because the boards of examiners were always the same. We seek to explain how and why Parliament becomes leader in this electoral reform. Conservatives and Socialists advocated more strongly the proportional representation. The problem is often stated on the level in which every political party prefers the electoral system that favors it. This study will underline the biographical and social effect of membership stability instead of change in partisan control of the legislature. We seek to explain why a parliamentary debate may lead to a change in the established electoral system. The mixed system of 1919, between proportional representation and majority principle, expresses the deputies’ trends to self-criticism which is also self- representation. Increasingly, ministerial letters of instruction to Prefects tend to conflate these elements into a single effort to codify the pre-selection of candidates who could form the base of the desired political renewal. In this way, the monopoly of expertise relating to anticipating and predicting electoral outcomes once held political entrepreneurs was replaced by co-management of elections by them and the Prefects. First, new maps for single-seat districts have tended to perpetuate the traditionnal “scrutin d’arrondissement”. These attemps of spatial electoral reform have introduced a new scale in electoral campaign. This enlargement of electoral capability was made possible with a new representation : the administrative district of “département” has tended to become the main criterion in electoral mobilization whatever one of the two different electoral rules in 1919 and 1927
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Reverbel, Carlos Eduardo Dieder. "A revolução federalista e o ideário parlamentarista." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-21012015-085452/.
Full textAbstract:
A Revolução Federalista e o ideário parlamentarista remonta à história política do Império do Brasil. Com a proclamação da República em 15.11.1889, a vida política e social modificou-se sobremaneira. A forma de Estado deixou de ser Unitária para ser Federativa, o sistema de governo deixou de ser Parlamentarista para ser Presidencialista, a forma de governo deixou de ser Monárquica para se tornar Republicana. Tais reformas lideradas pelo Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca e por Benjamin Constant depositaram grandes expectativas no povo brasileiro. Todos os males do império projetavam-se na república. Com o tempo, o povo foi vendo, pouco a pouco, que as velhas mazelas que assombravam a vida imperial, rondavam, igualmente, a vida republicana. O sistema eleitoral e as reformas eleitorais não garantiam a plena democracia, tanto que Deodoro e os seus garantiram, artificialmente, a maioria na Constituinte de 1891. O alistamento ainda era forjado, a grande naturalização favorecia os Republicanos Históricos, sendo que a vontade da Nação distanciava-se, cada vez mais, da vontade dos proclamadores da República. A instabilidade política e social era acompanhada pelo abalo econômico. As constantes emissões, a jogatina na bolsa, o encilhamento, a substituição do trabalho servil pela mão de obra livre, a substituição dos velhos liberais e conservadores do Império pela mocidade imberbe da República, toda ela inexperiente, toda ela não versada no serviço público é que passou a gerir a vida pública nos mais diferentes estados da nossa federação. A ala jovem republicana, lotada em importantes cargos administrativos e governamentais, trocou os pés pelas mãos, angariando a raiva das forças tradicionais do Império. O Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, por exemplo, assistiu, durante o Governo Provisório, passar pelo Estado, nada menos que seis Governadores. A instabilidade política era total. A diátese revolucionária prenunciava levantes armados em poucos dias. Parafraseando D. Pedro, Deodoro abandonou o poder, momento em que assina o decreto de alforria do verdadeiro escravo do Brasil. Assume o poder o Vice-Presidente, Marechal Floriano Peixoto, o qual presta apoio político ao Governador do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, o Sr. Júlio de Castilhos. Ambos aliam-se contra o exército libertador de Gaspar Silveira Martins, que havia retornado do exílio e fundara o Partido Federalista Rio-Grandense, no Congresso de Bagé, para fazer frente ao Governo autoritário de Júlio de Castilhos. Travou-se no Rio Grande do Sul uma das mais sangrentas guerras de nossa história. A Revolução Federalista foi um guerra fratricida, que matou mais de dez mil homens. Estes revolucionários liderados intelectualmente por Gaspar Silveira Martins e militarmente pelo General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, guerrearam por três estados da federação (RS, SC e PR), fazendo a república tremer. Em certos momentos, a revolução parecia que garanharia contornos nacionais, e o Presidente Floriano temia o futuro da República. No governo de Prudente de Morais foi assinado, na cidade de Dom Pedrito, a paz farroupilha, momento em que os maragatos de Silveira Martins e os Chimangos de Júlio de Castilhos apertaram as mãos: estava consolidade, de vez, a República.The Federalist Revolution and the ideas of Parliamentarism start from the Political History of the Brazilian´s Empire. With the Republic\'s proclamation in 11.15.1889, the political and social life changed substantially. The state form stopped being unitary to be federative, the government system stopped being parlamentarism to be presidentialism, the government form stopped being a monarchy to be a republic. Such reformations, leaded by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca and by Benjamin Constant created great expectations in the Brazilian people. All the evils of the empire protruded in the republic. Over time, the people started to understand, inchmeal, that the old evils that haunted the empire, also prowled the republican life. The electoral system and the poll reformations do not assured full democracy, so that Deodoro and his cronies achieved, artificially, majority in the 1891´s constituent. The voter registration was wrought, the great naturalization favored the historic republicans, as the nation´s will distinguished increasingly from the will of the republic proclaimers. The social and political instability was accompanied by the economic debacle. The constant issuance of paper money, the gambling on the stock exchange, the encilhamento, the change from the slave work by the free work, the substitution of the old empire´s liberal and conservative politicians by the republic´s beardless youth, all of them lacking experience, without knowledge of the public service, started to manage the public life in the diferent states of the Brazilian federation. The republican´s youth wing, occupying important administrative and governmental positions, created confusion, causing rage by the traditional forces of the empire. The Rio Grande do Sul´s state, for instance, under the Brazilians Provisional government, had no less than six governors. There was a complete political instability. The revolutionary diathesis foreshadowed armed uprisings in few days. Paraphrasing D. Pedro, Deodoro abandoned the power, in the moment in which signs the emancipation decree of the true Brazi´s slave. The vice president, Marshal Floriano Peixoto, assumes the power, and provides political support to the Rio Grande do Sul´s state´s governor, Mr. Júlio de Castilhos. They both allied against the Gaspar Silveira Martins´s liberator army, which had returned from the exile and founded the Rio Grande do Sul´s Federalist Party, in the Bagé´s Congress, to oppose Júlio de Castilhos ´s authoritarian govern. Then happened one of the bloodiest wars of our history. The Federalist Revolution was a fratricidal war, that killed over ten thousand men. These revolutionaries, intellectually leaded by Gaspar Silveira Martins and military commanded by General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, waged war in three states of the federation (RS, SC and PR), making the republic tremble. In certain moments, the revolution seemed to gain national contours, and the President Floriano feared for the future of the Republic. In the Prudente de Morais presidential government was signed, in the town of Dom Pedrito, the farroupilha peace, when the Silveira Martins´s maragatos and the Júlio de Castilhos´s chimangos shaked hands: the Republic was consolidated, once and for all.
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Madding, Carol Ann. "Singing for Blaine and for Logan! Republican Songs as Campaign Literature in the 1884 Presidential Race." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2710/.
Full textAbstract:
During the presidential contest of 1884, Republicans used singing as a campaign tactic at rallies, meetings, and parades. Their songs may be divided into several categories, such as rally songs, songs of praise for the party and its candidate, "bloody shirt" songs, mudslinging songs, and issue-based songs. Songs provide a perspective on the overall tenor of the campaign, while a lack of songs on certain topics, such as temperance, reflects the party's reluctance to alienate voters by taking a strong stand on controversial issues. Although the campaign has often been called one of the dirtiest in American history, this negativity is not reflected in the majority of the songs.
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Gamboa, Gutierrez Laura. "Campaigning with empty pockets : why the liberal party wins regional elections In Colombia." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-08-1871.
Full textAbstract:
In the past decade, party systems have collapsed in Venezuela and Peru. Scholars have suggested that Colombia may be following a similar fate. I argue it is not. Despite loosing national elections the Liberal Party still wins subnationally. Regional clientelistic networks, based on goods that do not depend upon the central state, help provide votes to those candidates who have been in politics the longest. The latter are likely to be liberal politicians, with privileged positions within the party. They get nominated, thus, they have no reason to defect. Because they distribute goods that are independent from the national state, they also have little incentive to promote national candidates. Consequently, the LP wins within the regions but is unable to attain control of national offices. As long as it keeps doing so this party is unlikely to disappear.text
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Burns, Grant Alexander. "Green and Red between tensions and opportunities: a history of the formation of the West German Green Party, 1968-1981." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1817.
Full textAbstract:
In the West German federal election of 1983, the Green party won enough votes
to earn seats the Bundestag. The young party’s fame grew exponentially as a result and
they have become, arguably, the most well-known of all environmental parties. This
project explores the formation of the Greens. The Greens’ political identity is reassessed
by examining the party’s roots in the new social movements and the formation of the
party, regionally and federally. I contend that the Greens represent a political experiment
whose establishment as a parliamentary party was never certain. The Greens attempted
to integrate “postmaterialist” issues and grassroots organizational forms into the
traditional politics of the Federal Republic. This paper also establishes the opportunities
available for a new party within the context of the development of the left in post-war
West Germany.
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Zachary, Lauren E. "Henry S. Lane and the birth of the Indiana Republican Party, 1854-1861." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4668.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Although the main emphasis of this study is Lane and his part in the Republican Party, another important part to this thesis is the examination of Indiana and national politics in the 1850s. This thesis studies the development of the Hoosier Republican Party and the obstacles the young organization experienced as it transformed into a major political party. Party leaders generally focused on states like New York and Pennsylvania in national elections but Indiana became increasingly significant leading up to the 1860 election. Though Hoosier names like George Julian and Schuyler Colfax might be more recognizable nationally for their role in the Republican Party, this thesis argues that Lane played a guiding role in the development of the new third party in Indiana. Through the study of primary sources, it is clear that Hoosiers turned to Lane to lead the organization of the Republican Party and to lead it to its success in elections. Historians have long acknowledged Lane’s involvement in the 1860 Republican National Convention but fail to fully realize his significance in Indiana throughout the 1850s. This thesis argues that Lane was a vital leader in Hoosier politics and helped transform the Republican Party in Indiana from a grassroots movement into a powerful political party by 1860.