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MÜCKE, ULRICH. "Elections and Political Participation in Nineteenth-Century Peru: The 1871–72 Presidential Campaign." Journal of Latin American Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 311–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006071.
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This article examines the relationship between elections and political participation in nineteenth-century Peru. Focusing on the elections of 1871–72, I argue that for a better understanding of the way elections facilitated political participation, we should consider not only the vote itself but also analyse the extensive electoral campaign. Generally, voting was irregular, as the different political factions attempted to impede the participation of their opponents through violence. To win the violent clashes on election day it was necessary to mobilise the popular classes. Especially in the cities, corruption and patron–client ties alone proved to be insufficient to gain support. To build powerful political factions, candidates had to win public opinion through massive campaigning and they had to respond to the claims of the urban middle and lower classes. All factions engaged in electoral fraud and neither the government nor any other political actor could determine the electoral outcome. Strong political factions were able to counterbalance governmental interference. That is why, in 1872, a government-opposed candidate, Manuel Pardo, was able to win the presidential election.
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ZIBLATT, DANIEL. "Shaping Democratic Practice and the Causes of Electoral Fraud: The Case of Nineteenth-Century Germany." American Political Science Review 103, no. 01 (February 2009): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409090042.
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Why is there so much alleged electoral fraud in new democracies? Most scholarship focuses on the proximate cause of electoral competition. This article proposes a different answer by constructing and analyzing an original data set drawn from the German parliament's own voluminous record of election disputes for every parliamentary election in the life of Imperial Germany (1871–1912) after its adoption of universal male suffrage in 1871. The article analyzes the election of over 5,000 parliamentary seats to identify where and why elections were disputed as a result of “election misconduct.” The empirical analysis demonstrates that electoral fraud's incidence is significantly related to a society's level of inequality in landholding, a major source of wealth, power, and prestige in this period. After weighing the importance of two different causal mechanisms, the article concludes that socioeconomic inequality, by making elections endogenous to preexisting social power, can be a major and underappreciated barrier to the long-term process of democratization evenafterthe “choice” of formally democratic rules.
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Bräunche, Ernst Otto. "Reichstag Elections in the Reichsland 1871–1918." Philosophy and History 21, no. 1 (1988): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198821152.
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Guislin, Jean-Marc. "Les représentants du Pas-de-Calais à l'Assemblée Nationale (1871-1875). Elections et activités parlementaires." Revue du Nord 67, no. 267 (1985): 967–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rnord.1985.4173.
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Schiller, Wendy J., Charles Stewart, and Benjamin Xiong. "U.S. Senate Elections before the 17th Amendment: Political Party Cohesion and Conflict 1871–1913." Journal of Politics 75, no. 3 (July 2013): 835–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381613000479.
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Barreyre, Nicolas. "The Politics of Economic Crises: The Panic of 1873, the End of Reconstruction, and the Realignment of American Politics." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 10, no. 4 (September 28, 2011): 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781411000260.
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On September 18, 1873, the announcement of Jay Cooke and Company's bankruptcy sent Wall Street to a panic, and the country to a long, harsh depression. Americans interpreted this economic crisis in the light of the acrimonious financial debates born of the Civil War—the money question chief among them. The consequences transformed American politics. Ideologically ill-equipped to devise cohesive economic policies, political parties split dangerously along sectional lines (between the Northeast and the Midwest). Particularly divided over President U.S. Grant's veto of the 1874 Inflation Bill, the Republican Party decisively lost the 1874 congressional elections. As a Democratic majority in the House spelled the doom of Reconstruction, the ongoing divisions of both parties on economic issues triggered a political realignment. The dramatic 1876 elections epitomized a new political landscape that would last for twenty years: high instability in power at the national level and what has been described as the “politics of inertia.” Therefore, by closely following the ramifications of the 1873 panic, this article proposes an explanation of how an economic crisis transformed into a pivotal political event.
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Park, James W. "Regionalism as a Factor in Colombia's 1875 Election." Americas 42, no. 4 (April 1986): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007060.
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Colombia's 1875 election was one of the most intensely fought and pivotal political contests in the nation's history. It has attracted well-deserved attention because it delineated factionalism within the Liberal party to the point of no return, and it marked the sudden emergence of Rafael Núñez to national prominence as leader of one of the two contending Liberal factions. The Nuñista Liberals in that election posed the most serious challenge the Radical Liberals had sustained since they established their political ascendancy in 1867. Victory by the Radicals in 1875 ushered in the final, brief phase of their political hegemony. The bitter factionalism within the Liberal party revealed by the election directly contributed to the costly civil war of 1876-1877 by leading Conservatives to the mistaken assumption that the defeated Nuñistas would tacitly support an insurrection against the Radicals. The Nuñistas, however, supported the Radicals during the crisis of that partisan war and thereby gained access to power.
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Barthélémy, Fabrice, Mathieu Martin, and Ashley Piggins. "The 2016 Election: Like 1888 but not 1876 or 2000." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 1 (December 18, 2018): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518001269.
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ABSTRACTDonald J. Trump won the 2016 US presidential election with fewer popular votes than Hillary R. Clinton. This is the fourth time this has happened, the others being 1876, 1888, and 2000. In earlier work, we analyzed these elections (and others) and showed how the electoral winner can often depend on the size of the US House of Representatives. This work was inspired by Neubauer and Zeitlin (2003, 721–5) in their paper, “Outcomes of Presidential Elections and the House Size.” A sufficiently larger House would have given electoral victories to the popular vote winner in both 1876 and 2000. An exception is the election of 1888. We show that Trump’s victory in 2016 is like Harrison’s in 1888 and unlike Hayes’s in 1876 and Bush’s in 2000. This article updates our previous work to include the 2016 election. It also draws attention to some of the anomalous behavior that can arise under the Electoral College.
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Zięba, Agnieszka. "JÓZEFAT ZIELONACKI ZAPOMNIANY POLSKI ROMANISTA XIX W. SZKIC DO BIOGRAFII." Zeszyty Prawnicze 4, no. 1 (May 30, 2017): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2004.4.1.07.
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Józefat Zielonacki - A Forgotten Polish Romanist of XIX C. An Outline of a BiographySummaryJ. Zielonacki was born on 28 November 1818 in a village called Goniczki, situated the Grand Duchy of Poznan, which belonged to his family.He spent his childhood in his family estate. After completing education in schools in Trzemeszno and Poznan he studied in Berlin, where he graduated in 1845 and conferred a doctor degree (dr) in both laws. In 1848 (or 1849) he was qualified as an assistant professor (dr hab) at Wroclaw University, where he subsequently lectured the Roman law.In 1850 Prof. Zielonacki succeeded to be a head of the Roman law department at the Jagiellonian University.At that time Galicia was in the period of absolutist reaction after the People’s Spring, distinguished by the suppression of civil liberties and a regime of terror. The declaration of a state of siege on 10.01.1849 led to handing over a full authority to Austrian generals, subsequent military commanders of the country, to whose authority - legitimately and in practice - (in these circumstances) the Galician governor - Agenor hr. Goluchowski was - submitted. The University was in practice deprived of its autonomy; all important matters were meticulously directed and supervised by the central authorities in Vienna. Appointments to professorships depended exclusively on the Austrian Ministry of Education, which also examined in detail ‘the political conformity’ of each candidate. Prof. Zielonacki was put up as a candidate by the minister Leon hr. Thun, who wrote in the application to the Emperor about a “great talent” but also “unblemished political attitude” of the candidate.J. Zielonacki lectured the Roman law in Cracow for two years and a half - until the end of December 1852. He was popular amongst the students and was respected amongst scholars as an eminent expert of the Roman law.On 1.01.1853 - without giving any justification, Prof. Zielonacki was removed from the University together with the following Professors: A. Malecki, W. Pol, A. Z. Helcel. The reasons for the dismissal have not been fully explained; at present it is considered as a revenge of the authorities for “the national attitude of the university full of dignity and visible efforts to maintain the Polish character” or even “acts of terror”. The direct reason for dismissing the “inconvenient” Professors was a denunciation against Prof. Malecki and Prof. Pol (and possibly Kremer), which drew the attention of the police to the whole academic environment. The head of the police in Cracow - Carol Neusser - who was commissioned to check the grounds of the denunciation, invigilated all university professors. It was claimed in his report (written on 21.03.1852) that some of the lecturers were particularly dangerous for the authorities. Prof. Zielonacki was described to be an impulsive person, having - “apart from Polish revolutionary tendencies, plenty of Prussian prejudices against Austria”, behaving “always unfriendly” towards the government. Thus, the removal of the professors had a clear political context - no particular accusations were however formulated. After the dismissal from the Jagiellonian University, Prof. Zielonacki was moved to Innsbruck, where he was the head of the Roman law department (until 1855), and afterwards he took over the same post at the Karol University in Prague.In 1857 Prof. Zielonacki, at his own request, was moved to the Lwow University, where he taught Roman law until he retired in 1870.In 1861 he tried to go back to Cracow to take over a vacant post in the Roman Law department but the authorities rejected his candidacy.Prof. Zielonacki made major contributions to the polonization of the Lwow University - he was the first and - for a long time - the only professor lecturing in Polish. In intense disputes with German professors he managed to win the right to use the Polish legal terminology during the lectures, subsequently a right for lectures in Polish, and afterwards to use Polish during exams. Fighting for the polonization of the university had an impact on his professorship career - after he was elected to be the dean of the Law Faculty for the first time for the academic year 1861/61 - he was ostentatiously neglected by his colleagues in elections to this post.Prof. Zielonacki, apart from his work with students, was also active in other areas: between 1867 and 1873 he was a member of the Autrian State Tribunal, and above all an active member of the Science Academy (from 1873 - since it was established). After Prof. Kramers death, from 1875 to 1878, he was a director of the Philosophy and History Faculty and played a significant role in establishing the Commission of Law in the Science Academy.Prof. Zielonacki died in his family estate in Goniczki on 28.04.1884.His scientific output is very ample - he wrote numerous articles and dissertations (in Latin, German and Polish) mainly on possession and usucaption. He is also an author of two monographs on servitudes (Wroclaw 1849) and on possession (Poznan 1854). The latter was also issued in Polish. The work of his lifetime was a two pans manual “Pandekta, i.e. a lecture on the Roman private law as it is the basis of the new laws” published in Polish in Cracow (1862/63, issue II 1870/1871), dedicated to “Polish youth devoting to the legal profession”. This work was greatly appreciated at his times.At present Prof. Zielonacki is groundlessly forgotten. He belonged to the most eminent Romanists of his times, he was an expen in Latin and German literature on the Roman law. He also substantially contributed to the polonization of law teaching. His personage - as an eminent scholar and patriot - it worth recalling.
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Lubis, Muhammad Teguh Syuhada. "Existence of Criminal Trials against Electoral Crimes of Regional Heads (Analysis of Pekanbaru High Court Decision Number 40/Pid.Sus/2021/PT.PBR)." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (April 23, 2021): 1871–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v4i2.1869.
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The process of organizing regional head elections is certainly not without constraints and dynamics. There are many violations found in every stage of both administrative violations, violations of the code of conduct and criminal violations. After several changes and changes in the rules on the election of regional heads (Governors, Regents/Mayors), in the end even though Law No. 6 of 2020 describes the special crimes of elections in it, but in its application can not override the provisions of the Criminal Code. One of them is related to the criminal act of probation contained in Article 53 and Article 54 of the Criminal Code. The research conducted is normative juridical research using secondary data by processing data from primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials. Based on the results of the study, it is known that the handling of electoral crimes of regional heads in Indonesia, namely through integrated law enforcement (Gakkumdu) centers consisting of Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu), Police and Prosecutors. Furthermore, criminal liability for perpetrators of Criminal Trials in the General Election of the Regional Head must first meet the criminal elements in Article 187A paragraph (1) Law No. 6 Year 2020 concerning the Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors and Article 53 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Code. Once both elements of the article are fulfilled, against the severity of the prison sentence and the fine should be reduced by one-third of the maximum penalty in Article 187A paragraph (1) that is to a maximum of 4 years in prison. The last legal analysis of the Pekanbaru High Court's Decision No. 40/Pid.Sus/2021/PT.PBR the judge's decision has been appropriate the judge gave a sanction of 3 (three) years in prison to the perpetrator. It is in accordance with the provisions of Article 187A of Law Number 6 of 2020 Jo Article 53 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Code. Because the intention of the act and the nature of harming the interests of others are fulfilled.
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Keogh, Richard A. "“Nothing is so bad for the Irish as Ireland alone”: William Keogh and Catholic loyalty." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 150 (November 2012): 230–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001103.
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William Nicholas Keogh (1817–1878) has long been remembered as the placehunting lawyer who betrayed his country and wrecked the political fortunes of Irish constitutional nationalism for a generation. As a member of the fifty-strong Irish Independent Party of the early 1850s, Keogh pledged himself to independent opposition, only to accept ministerial office in 1852 as solicitor-general for Ireland. For this act Keogh has long been represented as a man who succumbed to personal ambition at the expense of a popular cause, which he allegedly supported with the sole objective of extracting political capital. Such was the ignominy with which he came to be regarded in later years that his name became a byword for betrayal, as evidenced by the fact that members of John Redmond’s Edwardian Irish Parliamentary Party were characterised as the Keoghs and Sadleirs of their day. Keogh’s infamy was exacerbated further by the inflammatory judgment he issued when presiding over the Galway election petition of 1872, for which he would be labelled ‘villifier-in-ordinary of the Irish priests’.
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Jupp, Peter J., and Stephen A. Royle. "The social geography of Cork City elections, 1801–30." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 113 (May 1994): 13–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400018757.
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Although it has long been recognised that the politics of the larger Irish borough constituencies before the reform acts of 1832 turned on conflicts of opinion over serious issues, thorough analysis has been hampered by the paucity of one crucial type of evidence — the poll book. This necessary resource for candidates in the days of open voting, in which in their most complete form the names, addresses, qualifications, occupations and votes of the voters at a particular election are recorded, has survived in substantial numbers for English constituencies but rarely for those in Ireland. Cork City is an exception. Poll books for the seven contested elections in this constituency between 1812 and 1830 have survived, and these, together with the more commonplace statistical and written evidence which they enrich, provide ample material for a thorough analysis — in this case of voting behaviour. In this paper we provide a description of the general social and economic contexts of elections in Cork and focus upon the results of a variety of psephological tests to which the poll books have been subjected.
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James, Scott C., and Brian L. Lawson. "The Political Economy of Voting Rights Enforcement in America's Gilded Age: Electoral College Competition, Partisan Commitment, and the Federal Election Law." American Political Science Review 93, no. 1 (March 1999): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585764.
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We develop a model of electoral college competition and apply it to the transformation of nineteenth-century voting rights enforcement. The Federal Election Law (1872–92) was born of an effort to secure political power for southern blacks, yet it developed into an expansive machinery to police federal elections in northern cities. We argue that the Reconstruction commitment to black suffrage gradually succumbed to the competitive structure of Gilded Age presidential elections, crowded out by a growing preoccupation with registration and voter fraud in the volatile swing states that typically determined electoral college victory. More broadly, we view the electoral college as a critical force in shaping American political development. With its structured system of competition for doubtful states and pivotal groups, the electoral college injects a unique logic into the dynamics of national politics.
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PIETRYKA, MATTHEW T., and DONALD A. DEBATS. "It’s Not Just What You Have, but Who You Know: Networks, Social Proximity to Elites, and Voting in State and Local Elections." American Political Science Review 111, no. 2 (February 23, 2017): 360–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541600071x.
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Individual-level studies of electoral turnout and vote choice have focused largely on personal attributes as explanatory variables. We argue that scholars should also consider the social network in which individuals are embedded, which may influence voting through variation in individuals’ social proximity to elites. Our analysis rests on newly discovered historical records revealing the individual votes of all electors in the 1859 statewide elections in Alexandria, Virginia and the 1874 municipal elections in Newport, Kentucky, paired with archival work identifying the social relations of the cities’ populations. We also replicate our core findings using survey data from a modern municipal election. We show that individuals more socially proximate to elites turn out at a higher rate and individuals more socially proximate to a given political party’s elites vote disproportionately for that party. These results suggest an overlooked social component of voting and provide a rare nineteenth-century test of modern voting theories.
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Kršljanin, Nina. "The Serbian elections act of 1870: An assembly's thoughts on parliamentary elections." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 52, no. 3 (2018): 1217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns52-19831.
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Kravchuk, Tatiana Yuryevna. "Peculiarities of Election Campaign Discourse of the Russian Political Opposition in Presidential Elections." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Philology. Journalism 14, no. 4 (2014): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1817-7115-2014-14-4-22-26.
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Kogan, Vladimir, and Michael Binder. "Parties Without Brands? Evidence from California's 1878–79 Constitutional Convention." Studies in American Political Development 31, no. 1 (March 13, 2017): 68–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x17000025.
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Why do legislative parties emerge in democracies where elections are contested by individual candidates, rather than national party organizations? And can parties survive in the absence electoral pressure for their members to work on shared political goals? In this article, we examine the emergence and maintenance of party discipline in an atypical legislative context: California's 1878–79 constitutional convention. The unusual partisan alignments among the delegates at the California convention provide us with a unique empirical opportunity to test election- and policy-based explanations for legislative discipline. Our study combines a careful reading of the historical record with a statistical analysis of roll call votes cast at the convention to show how leaders of the “Nonpartisan” majority held together their disparate coalition of Democratic and Republican members in the face of conflicting preferences, ideological divisions, and well-organized political opponents. Our findings provide evidence that cohesive parties can exist even in the absence of broadly shared electoral pressures or policy goals.
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Oakes, James. "What's Wrong with “Negative Liberty”." Law & Social Inquiry 21, no. 01 (1996): 79–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1996.tb00010.x.
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On 5 January 1879, the Chicago Tribune published an interview with Karl Marx that had been conducted in London a few weeks earlier. In the course of the interview Marx clarified the platform of the International Society as it had been established at Gotha in 1875. The platform was a litany of liberal reforms: universal male suffrage in all elections, popular referenda on issues of war and peace, the abolition of a standing army matched by universal military duty, the abolition of all laws regulating the press and public assemblies, free legal counsel and jury trials, universal public education, freedom of science and religion, a progressive income tax, legal restrictions on the length of the working day, the abolition of child labor, sanitary laws guaranteeing the safety of the living and working conditions of labor, and restrictions on prison labor.
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Posada-Carbó, Eduardo. "Elections and Civil Wars in Nineteenth-century Colombia: The 1875 Presidential Campaign." Journal of Latin American Studies 26, no. 3 (October 1994): 621–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00008543.
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On 1 February 1875, a hopeful President Santiago Pérez took pride in informing Congress of the peace and prosperity brought about by a decade or so of Radical rule in Colombia. His optimism was soon disappointed. A week later, he quelled a mutiny only by replacing both his Minister of War and the Army Commander-in-Chief. At the end of the month, the State of Magdalena was showing serious signs of political turmoil, while the recently sacked Minister of War, General Ramón Santodomingo Vila, was in the port of Barranquilla plotting against the government of the Union. By August, the States of Bolívar and Panamá had both officially declared war against Pérez's administration; rumours reached Bogotá which accused ‘Santo Domingo Vila of conspiracy to be President of the Republic of Costa Firme’. Customs-houses in the Caribbean ports were held by rebel forces for almost four months, and rebel steamers on the Magdalena river blocked the country's main artery of trade. Bloody confrontations completed the picture of another civil war, leaving behind an indefinite number of casualties and a Treasury in disarray. When President Pérez again faced Congress to give his annual message in 1876, he had to acknowledge his previous misjudgement.
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Hogan, Richard. "Resisting Redemption." Social Science History 35, no. 2 (2011): 133–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011470.
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Analysis of the Republican Party popular vote in Georgia county congressional elections of 1876 suggests that Charles Tilly's (1978) model of interest-based collective action would be useful if embedded in the dynamic model of political processes and mechanisms that Tilly (2007) proposes. Specifically, class (petit bourgeois), status (black), and party (liberal Republican) interests explain 25 percent of the variance in the election returns. Adding a racial-change variable increases the explained variance to 32 percent but fails to distinguish the yeoman and freedman constituencies and the process through which the Democratic Redeemers divided and conquered the opposition in the process of “de-democratization” (ibid.). By embedding the structural analysis in the analysis of process (quantitatively and qualitatively), we can appreciate how yeoman and freedman constituencies experienced contract/convict labor differently and expressed opposition to Redeemers in qualitatively different ways, ultimately facilitating divide-and-conquer efforts.
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Chamberlain, Adam, Alixandra B. Yanus, and Nicholas Pyeatt. "The Connection Between the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union and the Prohibition Party." SAGE Open 6, no. 4 (October 2016): 215824401668437. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244016684373.
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Scholars have long been interested in the complementary relationships forged by membership groups and political parties. The post-bellum period presents an opportunity to consider these connections using a case study of two groups concerned with the ills of alcohol, the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) and the Prohibition Party. Our analysis of presidential elections from 1876 to 1900 reveals that—although women were disenfranchised at the time—the WCTU’s organization and infrastructure was essential to early Prohibition Party success. In 1884, the first election after the two created a formal alliance in 1882, the strength of the WCTU helped the party grow its voter base. However, the two slowly diverged over how to achieve prohibition, and this relationship dissipated; there is little evidence of any significant connection between the groups after 1884. This supports the proposition that a shared means of accomplishing goals is an essential element of an effective group–party partnership.
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Wira Bima Wikrama, Anak Agung Ngurah Agung. "Politik Mahar Di Indonesia: Antara Ada dan Tiada." Jurnal Ilmiah Cakrawarti 1, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47532/jic.v1i2.13.
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Political parties are the only institution that has the right to propose candi- dates for president and vice president as stipulated in Article 6A paragraph 2 of the 1945 Constitution so that they will have power and legitimacy as heads of state and heads of government. These constitutional rights are not owned by any democratic institution other than political parties. However, in the process of holding the general election, it does not always go as expected, as stated in the KPU’s laws and regulations. There were irregulari- ties committed by candidates and by political parties in the form of Money Politics.According to the political dowry event is in the general election area based on the legal principle of Lex specialis derogat legimitation generaly which states that the law is specific (lex specialis) overrides the general law (lex generalis) the Money Politic event is resolved by an institution, namely Bawaslu (General Election Supervisory Board).Besides the Article 6A paragraph 2 of the 1945, there is also Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning the Second Amendment of Law No. 1 in 2015 concerning the stipulation of Perppu (the governmental regulation of low amandement) Number 1 in 2014 according to the governor’s election, regents and mayors, especially in Article 47, Article 187A,Article 187B, Article 187C and Article 187D which regulates general elections. But in reality there are many irregularities in the implementation of the Constitution and etc.Events in the form of political dowry still occured which is evidenced by the infor- mation given by several witnesses and as the victim and perpetrator of the political dowry. Surprisingly, the General Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) as an election watchdog institution mandated by the Act to enforce the prevailing regulations is very difficult to carry out its duties, reminding that Bawaslu has weaknesses in handling the alleged polit- ical dowry. The weakness of Bawaslu is that they do not have the power to take witnesses or people who will be questioned.The author argues that there is a need for a legal protection in the form of a law that provides better opportunities to Bawaslu so that the position of Bawaslu as an election supervisory bord can be much stronger.
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Carson, Jamie L., and Jason M. Roberts. "Strategic Politicians and U.S. House Elections, 1874–1914." Journal of Politics 67, no. 2 (May 2005): 474–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00325.x.
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Caldwell, Anne. "One Hundred Years of Instability: Sex, Law, and Transgender Rights." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 3 (July 2020): 494–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000335.
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Five years before the famous Seneca Falls Meeting in which a gathering of women demanded suffrage, Levi Suydam already had encountered the problem that sex posed for suffrage. Suydam, a 23-year-old man who supported the Whigs, petitioned to vote in 1843. The opposing party challenged his petition “on the grounds that ‘he was more a female than a male, and that, in his physical organization, he partook of both sexes’” (Reis 2009, 34). Because the Whigs won by one vote, Suydam’s status was central to the election outcome. After several medical exams in which different doctors reached different conclusions about Suydam’s true sex, Suydam was determined to be “more female than male” (Reis 2009, 35). Suydam’s case presents an important corollary to a more famous case of voting “fraud” after Susan B. Anthony voted in the 1872 presidential election. The 1873 trial and conviction of Anthony was straightforward: as a woman, she could not vote. Suydam posed a greater challenge to political order insofar as neither law nor medicine could pin down Suydam’s sex within a framework of binary sex. The Nineteenth Amendment, which prohibited the denial of the vote “on account of sex,” might have rendered the uncertainty of sex politically and legally moot. It did not.
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Kayali, Hasan. "Elections and the Electoral Process in the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1919." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 3 (August 1995): 265–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800062085.
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The 1876 constitution and its reinstitution in 1908 have been acknowledged as landmarks in the historiography of the late Ottoman Empire. The promulgation of a constitution signified a critical political transformation despite the brevity of the First Constitutional Period (1876–78). During the next three decades of Sultan Abdülhamid's autocratic rule, the ultimately successful struggle to restore the constitution against the Sultan's relentless resistance became central to the political life of the empire. In 1908, the Young Turk Revolution inaugurated a decade of social and political change, the Second Constitutional Period.
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Finnegan, Diarmid A. "James Croll, metaphysical geologist." Notes and Records of the Royal Society 66, no. 1 (August 17, 2011): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2011.0021.
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James Croll (1821–90) occupies a prominent position in the history of physical geology, and his pioneering work on the causes of long-term climate change has been widely discussed. During his life he benefited from the patronage of leading men of science; his participation in scientific debates was widely acknowledged, not least through his election as a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1876. For all that, the intellectual contribution that Croll himself considered to be of most significance—his articles and two books on metaphysics—has attracted very little attention. In addressing this neglect, it is argued here that Croll's interest in metaphysics, grounded in his commitment to a Calvinist form of Christianity, was central to his life and thought. Examining together Croll's geophysical and metaphysical writings offers a different and fruitful way of understanding his scientific career and points to the wider significance of metaphysics in late-Victorian scientific culture.
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King, Ronald F. "A Most Corrupt Election: Louisiana in 1876." Studies in American Political Development 15, no. 2 (October 2001): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x01000013.
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JAGGARD, EDWIN. "The 1841 British General Election: A Reconsideration." Australian Journal of Politics & History 30, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1984.tb00566.x.
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Diffley, Kathleen. "Home on the Range: Turner, Slavery, and the Landscape Illustrations in Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 1861–1876." Prospects 14 (October 1989): 175–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300005743.
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So wrote scholar and clergyman Samuel Osgood in “Our Lessons in Statesmanship,” one of the few essays on the Civil War published in Harper's New Monthly Magazine before Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomattox. Osgood's subject was the peaceful election of 1864, which led him to marvel at the orderliness of America's voting men even at a time of national crisis. Surprisingly, in his apostrophe to the “character” and “manifest destiny” of Americans in the North, it was not Southern intransigence that threatened the ties binding sections together, even in 1865. He was confident that traditional affinities between free men would prevail. “But the negro,” Osgood wrote, “what shall we do with him, and how can the nation be one again, with such a barrier as those millions of blacks between the two sections, with the apparent antagonism of emancipation on one side and perpetual slavery on the other?” Only tentatively in the future he predicted for “independent, steadfast, cosmopolitan” Americans could Osgood find a role for the freed slaves whom “our people” were otherwise likely to dismiss.
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Kostyukov, Aleksander. "The electivity of public authorities in the Russian Federation and the Russian pre-revolutionary electoral qualification system." Law Enforcement Review 2, no. 1 (April 12, 2018): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2018.2(1).17-25.
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The subject. The article explores the principle of electivity as the principle of organization the public power in the Russian Empire, Soviet Russia and in the modern Russian Federa-tion.The purpose of this paper is to show how the principle of electivity developed in the Russian Empire, Soviet Russia and in the modern Russian Federation and to demonstrate Russian qualification electoral system.The methodology. The author uses a dialectical method, a method of analysis and synthesis, a formal legal method, a comparative legal method.Results, scope of application. Qualification principle in electoral system has undergone var-ious changes in various periods of Russian history. The Zemsky reform of 1864 and the Ur-ban reform of 1870 are analyzed in context how they significantly expanded the electoral rights of citizens. The positive results of the reforms were minimized by the Urban and Zem-sky counter-reforms of Emperor Alexander III. The author shows the negative consequences of the counter-reforms of Alexander III on the example of the second capital of the Russian Empire – Moscow.After the October Revolution, the electoral legislation included new elements of the censor-ship system that extended to the class enemies of the Soviet government. In general, during the Soviet period, general, equal, direct elections were declared in the Constitution. Sepa-rately post-Soviet electoral system in Moscow as the city of federal significance is examined.In the 1990s and 2000s the revival of the Russian electoral system was taking place. In ad-dition, there is a transformation of the principle of election of bodies and officials of local self-government.The author comes to the conclusion that some elements of the census system in the mod-ern interpretation remain in the current legislation. In fact, direct elections at different lev-els of government are replaced by indirect elections or the appointment of elected bodies and officials using a modern system of electoral qualifications, that directly contradict the Art. 3 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation.
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Quigley, David. "Constitutional Revision and the City: The Enforcement Acts and Urban America, 1870–1894." Journal of Policy History 20, no. 1 (January 2008): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.0.0001.
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Congressional enactment of the Enforcement Acts in 1870 and 1871 marked an unprecedented federalization of voting rights. The various election laws aimed to make real the promise of the recently enacted Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the constitution. A complex duality characterized this new departure in the constitutional understanding of democratic suffrage. On one hand, Republican leadership looked to secure the rights of freedmen in the Reconstruction-era South. At the same time, from the outset, northern Republicans strategically worked to strengthen the party in all regions with a particular interest in urban America. From the immediate postwar years down to the early 1890s, congressional committees regularly investigated the problematic and deeply partisan politics of enforcement. Often, House and Senate investigators were more concerned with developments in northern cities than with the state of African American voting across the rural South. This urban story of the consequences of constitutional revision illuminates the often-obscured national dimensions of Reconstruction and its aftermath, while also alerting us to shifting visions of the vote across the final third of the nineteenth century. This essay explores this nationalization of Reconstruction in the wake of the Fifteenth Amendment's enactment by first documenting the central place of New York City in the emerging postbellum electoral regime and then expanding out from Manhattan to look at broader patterns of urban experience with enforcement.
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Campbell, James E. "Party Systems and Realignments in the United States, 1868-2004." Social Science History 30, no. 3 (2006): 359–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001350x.
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According to David Mayhew (2002: 58-59, 35), “Neither statistics nor stories bear out the canonical realignments calendar of 1860, 1896, and 1932,” and “no certifiable electoral realignment has occurred since 1932.” This study examines the national division of the U.S. presidential vote and House of Representatives seats from 1868 to 2004 to determine whether realignments occurred in 1896, 1932, and 1968 and whether other elections might be better designated as realignments. The analysis demonstrates the onset of realignments in the 1894-96 and 1930-32 elections and a staggered realignment in recent decades. Republicans registered significant durable gains in presidential voting starting in 1968 and in congressional elections in 1994. The analysis also finds evidence of a realignment favoring the Democrats in 1874-76.
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CARSON, JAMIE L., ERIK J. ENGSTROM, and JASON M. ROBERTS. "Candidate Quality, the Personal Vote, and the Incumbency Advantage in Congress." American Political Science Review 101, no. 2 (May 2007): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070311.
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Most political observers agree that incumbent legislators have a considerable advantage over nonincumbents in modern congressional elections. Yet there is still disagreement over the exact source of this advantage and the explanation for its growth over time. To address this debate we utilize a unique set of historical elections data to test for the presence of an incumbency advantage in late-nineteenth-century House elections (1872–1900). We find a modest direct effect of incumbency and a substantial candidate quality effect. Moreover, the cartel-like control of ballot access by nineteenth century political parties created competition in races that the modern market-like system simply does not sustain. Our results suggest that candidate quality is a fundamental piece of the puzzle in understanding the historical development of the incumbency advantage in American politics.
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Readman, Paul. "The Conservative Party, Patriotism, and British Politics: The Case of the General Election of 1900." Journal of British Studies 40, no. 1 (January 2001): 107–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386236.
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Paul Rich has written that “nationalism in English society has not been a subject that has especially interested historians until comparatively recently.” This judgment could equally be applied to what Gerald Newman has described as that “mere primitive feeling of loyalty,” the less complex and far more ancient phenomenon of patriotism, which, for the purposes of the present article, will simply be taken to mean “love of country.” In the last few decades, the attention given to patriotism by British historians has grown rapidly. However, historians of party politics, particularly those interested in the late nineteenth century, have proved something of an exception to this rule. Although few would dispute Lord Blake's view that “‘patriotism’ … has usually been a valuable weapon in the Conservative armoury,” even work done on the tory party has avoided serious discussion of the subject. Most writers, particularly those of textbook studies, have found it difficult to move beyond rather general allusions to the Conservatives' transformation intotheparty of patriotism in the 1870s, with “Disraeli's speeches of 1872–3” and his “performance at Berlin in 1878” establishing once and for all “the image of the Conservative party as the champion of national honour.” This argument, of course, owes much to Hugh Cunningham's importantHistory Workshoparticle of 1981, which put forward the view that patriotism—originally an antistate and libertarian “creed of opposition”—had by the late nineteenth century passed from the hands of the radicals into the possession of the political Right.
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Garand, James C., and T. Wayne Parent. "Representation, Swing, and Bias in U.S. Presidential Elections, 1872-1988." American Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (November 1991): 1011. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111504.
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Knežević, Adrian. "Prva secesija u dalmatinskoj Narodnoj stranci 1873. godine." Miscellanea Hadriatica et Mediterranea 6, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 167–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/misc.2914.
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This paper deals with secession in the Dalmatian People’s Party that took place in 1873, after the Dalmatian Representatives to the Imperial Council endorsed the law that introduced direct elections for the Council. The People’s Party strongly condemned their actions, attacking them for being deceived by the promises of the Viennese government and betraying people’s honesty. Representatives believed that their actions served to protect Dalmatia from the negative reaction of the Government and to enable Dalmatia’s development by support of the same government. The conflict within the party peaked when Representatives seceded from the party centre and established the Mainstream Folk Party, called Zemljačka (Eng.: Compatriotic) after its publication Zemljak after which they were nicknamed “Zemljaci” (Eng.: Compatriots). A fierce controversy ensued between Zemljak and Narodni list, a newspaper of the People’s Party centrepiece. It analyses the period until the first direct elections to the Imperial Council held in late 1873 in which both sides achieved weaker than expected outcome. The paper analyses discourse of both sides in this conflict and tries to determine what ideological positions they came from and their position on the opposing side.
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Kinzer, Bruce L. "The 1870 Education Bill and the Method of J. S. Mill's Later Politics." Albion 29, no. 2 (1997): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051811.
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The last fourteen years of John Stuart Mill's life (1859-1873), which followed the death of Harriet Taylor, possessed a hefty political content. They saw the publication of his essays on parliamentary reform and Considerations on Representative Government, his impassioned identification with the North in the American Civil War, the eventful parliamentary career sandwiched between the Westminster elections of 1865 and 1868, and a final phase of activity associated with causes such as women's suffrage and land tenure reform. When Mill acted politically he usually did so with strong feeling, but in his search to give deeply held principles practical effect he understood the need for dispassionate adaptation of means to ends. Both the feeling and the adaptation are evident in his treatment of the elementary education question in 1870, a treatment that vividly illustrates how Mill operated during the decade and a half before his death.Of the host of legislation Gladstone's first administration proposed, only one item, the 1870 Education Bill, elicited a congregation of public responses from Mill. Of course, Mill's political activity in the several years following his defeat at Westminster in autumn 1868 was not confined to the adoption of a stance on ministerial measures. With respect to women's suffrage and land reform Mill was not about to wait on any government, and his conspicuous connections with the National Society for Women's Suffrage and the Land Tenure Reform Association attracted notice at the time and have been the subject of comment since. Moreover, during his last years Mill continued to cultivate his contacts in the world of London working-class radicalism, particularly with George Odger, William Randal Cremer, and George Howell. Whereas Mill's parliamentary career has been explored in some detail, the political character of his post-Westminster years has received less attention.
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Lichocka, Halina. "Akademia Umiejętności (1872–1918) i jej czescy członkowie." Studia Historiae Scientiarum 14 (May 27, 2015): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23921749pkhn_pau.16.003.5259.
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The article shows that the Czech humanists formed the largest group among the foreign members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow. It is mainly based on the reports of the activities of the Academy. The Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was established by transforming the Krakow Learned Society. The Statute of the newly founded Academy was approved by a decision of the Emperor Franz Joseph I on February 16, 1872. The Emperor nominated his brother Archduke Karl Ludwig as the Academy’s Protector. The Academy was assigned to take charge of research matters related to different fields of science: philology (mainly Polish and other Slavic languages); history of literature; history of art; philosophical; political and legal sciences; history and archaeology; mathematical sciences, life sciences, Earth sciences and medical sciences. In order to make it possible for the Academy to manage so many research topics, it was divided into three classes: a philological class, a historico‑philosophical class, and a class for mathematics and natural sciences. Each class was allowed to establish its own commissions dealing with different branches of science. The first members of the Academy were chosen from among the members of the Krakow Learned Society. It was a 12‑person group including only local members, approved by the Emperor. It was also them who elected the first President of the Academy, Józef Majer, and the Secretary General, Józef Szujski, from this group. By the end of 1872, the organization of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was completed. It had its administration, management and three classes that were managed by the respective directors and secretaries. It also had three commissions, taken over from the Krakow Learned Society, namely: the Physiographic Commission, the Bibliographic Commission and the Linguistic Commission. At that time, the Academy had only a total of 24 active members who had the right to elect non‑ resident and foreign members. Each election had to be approved by the Emperor. The first public plenary session of the Academy was held in May 1873. After the speeches had been delivered, a list of candidates for new members of the Academy was read out. There were five people on the list, three of which were Czech: Josef Jireček, František Palacký and Karl Rokitansky. The second on the list was – since February 18, 1860 – a correspondent member of the Krakow Learned Society, already dissolved at the time. They were approved by the Emperor Franz Joseph in his rescript of July 7, 1873. Josef Jireček (1825–1888) became a member of the Philological Class. He was an expert on Czech literature, an ethnographer and a historian. František Palacký (1798–1876) became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The third person from this group, Karl Rokitansky (1804–1878), became a member of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. The mere fact that the first foreigners were elected as members of the Academy was a perfect example of the criteria according to which the Academy selected its active members. From among the humanists, it accepted those researchers whose research had been linked to Polish matters and issues. That is why until the end of World War I, the Czech representatives of social sciences were the biggest group among the foreign members of the Academy. As for the members of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences, the Academy invited scientists enjoying exceptional recognition in the world. These criteria were binding throughout the following years. The Academy elected two other humanists as its members during the session held on October 31, 1877 and these were Václav Svatopluk Štulc (1814–1887) and Antonin Randa (1834–1914). Václav Svatopluk Štulc became a member of the Philological Class and Antonin Randa became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The next Czech scholar who became a member of the Academy of Arts and Scientists in Krakow was Václav Vladivoj Tomek (1818–1905). It was the Historico‑Philosophical Class that elected him, which happened on May 2, 1881. On May 14, 1888, the Krakow Academy again elected a Czech scholar as its active member. This time it was Jan Gebauer (1838–1907), who was to replace Václav Štulc, who had died a few months earlier. Further Czech members of the Krakow Academy were elected at the session on December 4, 1899. This time it was again humanists who became the new members: Zikmund Winter (1846–1912), Emil Ott (1845–1924) and Jaroslav Goll (1846–1929). Two years later, on November 29, 1901, Jan Kvičala (1834–1908) and Jaromir Čelakovský (1846–1914) were elected as members of the Krakow Academy. Kvičala became a member of the Philological Class and Čelakovský – a corresponding member of the Historical‑Philosophical Class. The next member of the Krakow Academy was František Vejdovský (1849–1939) elected by the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. Six years later, a chemist, Bohuslav Brauner (1855–1935), became a member of the same Class. The last Czech scientists who had been elected as members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow before the end of the World War I were two humanists: Karel Kadlec (1865–1928) and Václav Vondrák (1859–1925). The founding of the Czech Royal Academy of Sciences in Prague in 1890 strengthened the cooperation between Czech and Polish scientists and humanists.
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Watson, Harry L., and Joel H. Silbey. "The American Party Battle: Election Campaign Pamphlets, 1828-1876." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 2 (May 2001): 448. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069885.
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Rowe, Christopher. "The Liberal Party, Free Trade and the 1841 Election." Parliamentary History 38, no. 2 (June 2019): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12444.
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Kelly, William E. "By One Vote: The Disputed Presidential Election of 1876." Perspectives on Political Science 38, no. 4 (October 16, 2009): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457090903293478.
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King, Ronald F. "Counting the Votes: South Carolina's Stolen Election of 1876." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 32, no. 2 (October 2001): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219501750442369.
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Barral, Pierre, Jean Quellien, and Etienne Criqui. "Bleus, blancs, rouges. Politique et elections dans le Calvados, 1870-1939." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 12 (October 1986): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3768614.
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Amlani, Sharif, and Carlos Algara. "Partisanship & nationalization in American elections: Evidence from presidential, senatorial, & gubernatorial elections in the U.S. counties, 1872–2020." Electoral Studies 73 (October 2021): 102387. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102387.
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Merkel, Udo. "The Politics of Physical Culture and German Nationalism:Turnen versus English Sports and French Olympism, 1871-1914." German Politics and Society 21, no. 2 (June 1, 2003): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353501.
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The 2002 Soccer World Cup in Japan took place during the finalphase of the national election campaign for the German Bundestagand managed to temporarily unite Chancellor Gerhard Schröder(SPD) and his conservative challenger, Edmund Stoiber1. Both werekeen to demonstrate repeatedly that they were so interested in theprogress of the German team that they simultaneously interrupted orleft meetings to follow televised matches. Domestically, they supportvery different soccer clubs. Stoiber is on the board of directors of therichest German club, Bayern Munich, whose past successes, wealthand arrogance, numerous scandals, and boardroom policies of hireand-fire have divided the German soccer nation: they either hate oradore the team. Schröder is a keen fan and honorary member ofBorussia Dortmund, which is closely associated with the industrialworking class in the Ruhr area. It is the only team on par withMunich; despite its wealth, the management policies of the clubappear modest and considerate; the club continuously celebrates itsproletarian traditions and emphasizes its obligations to the localcommunity. Stoiber’s election manifesto did not even mention sport,whereas the SPD’s political agenda for sport focused upon a widevariety of issues ranging from welfare, leisure, physical education,and health to doping, television coverage, facilities, and hostinginternational events.
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Kowalewski, David. "Ballots and bullets: Election riots in the periphery, 1874–1985." Journal of Development Studies 29, no. 3 (April 1993): 518–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220389308422287.
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Kwan, Jonathan. "Politics, Liberal Idealism and Jewish Life in Nineteenth-Century Vienna: The Formative Years of Heinrich Jaques (1831–1894)1." Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 64, no. 1 (2019): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/ybz007.
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Abstract This article addresses the formative years of the liberal parliamentarian Heinrich Jaques (1831–1894). It traces his family life, social world, education, professional career, and public activities prior to his election to parliament in 1879. The focus is on Jaques's personal perspective as he negotiated various events and influences. The article argues that the combined effects of the 1848–49 revolutions and an intense engagement with German humanist classics forged a strong loyalty and commitment to liberal values. This was manifested both in politics (as a belief in liberal reforms to Austria) and in everyday life (as guiding principles in daily conduct). For Jaques’s generation in particular, the possibility of emancipation, integration, and acceptance was a goal to strive towards. Jaques pursued and articulated this vision in his writings and activities. His impressive achievements in the 1860s and 1870s are an example of the energy and hope of many Jews during the liberal era. For a number of reasons—economic downturn, widening democracy, a mobilized Catholic Church, resentment towards the liberal elites—antisemitism became an increasingly powerful factor in politics from the 1880s onwards. For Jaques and his fellow liberal Jews, the effect was profound. History and progress no longer seemed to be on the side of liberalism and Jewish integration. Nevertheless, for a certain milieu, the dreams of liberal humanism remained a strong and guiding presence in their lives.
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Clarke, Andrew J., Jeffery A. Jenkins, and Kenneth S. Lowande. "Tariff politics and congressional elections: exploring the Cannon Thesis." Journal of Theoretical Politics 29, no. 3 (May 18, 2016): 382–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629816647801.
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While a number of studies have examined the politics of tariff decision-making in the United States, little work has examined the subsequent political effects of tariff policy. We help fill this gap in the literature by analyzing—both theoretically and empirically—the electoral implications of tariff revision. Specifically, we investigate the veracity of the Cannon Thesis—the proposition advanced by Speaker Joe Cannon in 1910 that the majority party in the U.S. House was punished when it made major revisions to the tariff. We find that from 1877 to 1934 major tariff revisions were, on average, associated with a significant loss of votes for majority-party members—both regionally and nationally—that translated into a loss of House seats. We find support for the notion that major tariff revisions generated inordinate uncertainty among various business interests, which the opposition party could then use (by leveraging fear and market instability) to mobilize its base and gain ground in the following election. Our results provide a new explanation for the delegation of tariff policymaking to the executive branch.
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Lehmann, Sibylle H. "The German Elections in the 1870s: Why Germany Turned from Liberalism to Protectionism." Journal of Economic History 70, no. 1 (March 2010): 146–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050710000082.
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In 1878 the liberal parties lost enough votes to lose the majority in the parliament which they had defended in the general election just one year before. In this article, the questions of where the voters came from and why the voting changed so crucially within one year are reexamined. The analysis uses a new set of data and makes use of King's algorithm, a tool provided by modern political science. The main finding of this article is that the change towards protectionism was not caused by new, but by floating voters from the agricultural sector.
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Bradley, Ed. "The House, the Beast, and the Bloody Shirt: The Doorkeeper Controversy of 1878." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 3, no. 1 (January 2004): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000608.
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On Friday, April 5, 1878, Benjamin F. Butler, a Republican from Massachusetts, arose in the U.S. House of Representatives and offered a resolution stating “that the true Union, maimed soldier, Brigadier-General James Shields” be chosen as doorkeeper of that body. Although a seemingly innocuous motion, Butler's resolution would spark a debate over the election of a doorkeeper that would last into the following week. That debate — and the reactions to it — are in turn quite revealing of the political environment of the time. Specifically, the “doorkeeper controversy” of 1878 symbolizes the persistence of sectionalism in the immediate post-Reconstruction years. It also provides yet another example of the turmoil and controversy that characterized Ben Butler's colorful political career.