Academic literature on the topic 'Elections, 1892'

Nicolae Ghika-Comănești accompanied his father, Dimitrie, on the scientific expedition in Somalia (1895–1896), then he went alone to North Africa in 1899 (between Morocco and the Sahara), to the USA and Canada (1910–1911). He was elected to the leadership of the societies for the protection and rational exploitation of forests (since 1910). His uncle, Eugen, was elected to Parliament from 1869 to 1912, his father – from 1872 to 1892, and he was elected for the first time in 1905, all of them representing Bacău County. Between March and October of 1918, he was the Minister of Public Works in this period he acquitted himself very well on this extremely difficult mission. In the first elections based on the universal vote (November 1919) he was elected deputy, but later he refused to run again. He got involved in investments for the development of the national economy and was elected president of the National Bank. Due to investments and stock market speculations made by a few directors, the Bank went bankrupt. The rebukes of conscience led him to an honorable decision, so he decided to end his days himself.

The paper provides the analysis of the city self-government structure and election process in Yakutsk. The purpose of this work was to comprehensively review the elections to the City Duma and City Council in Yakutsk during the First World War (1915–1917) and clarify the staff of the city self-government. The scientific novelty is that the staff of Yakutsk self-government and elections to the City Duma and City Council of 1915 are analyzed for the first time using such cognitive methods as historicism, objectivity, consistency, and complexity. Using a comparative-historical method made it possible to determine the cause-and-effect relations and regularities of the historical development of the phenomenon under study. The research revealed that during the elections of 1915, the citizens became more interested in the activities of the public self-government, as evidenced by the first pre-election meetings. The elected city self-government had a majority of officials. At the end of 1916, a project was developed to reorganize the city council office. That project was suggested to increase the complexity of functions and regulations and the number and staff of self-government structures and was to become the next stage in the development of Yakutsk public self-government. Practical relevance of the research is that the results of the study can be used for further study of the cities of Siberia. The article is intended for historians and everyone interested in the history of Yakutia. Keywords: city council, city duma, city regulation of 1892, city council members, election meeting, office of the city council

If judges are politically strategic, they may try to retire at times that maximize the chances that an ideologically compatible successor will be appointed. Using biographical data on all appellate judges who have retired since 1892, a heteroscedastic panel probit model is used to examine retirement timing as a function of personal and political factors. We determine whether retirement from the bench can be explained exclusively by personal factors such as salary, pension, and workload, or if political considerations enter into the decision. The data reveal that retirement decisions are affected primarily by nonpolitical considerations, but presidential elections may factor into a judge's decision. The only important strategic political consideration in evidence is whether a judge contemplating retirement faces an opposing party president and how far off that president's next election is.

The article provides a first-time examination of the evaluations of the urban election system in the Russian Empire during the period of 1890-1892, when the preparation and implementation of the new City Regulations were taking place. The study is based on materials from private provincial periodicals. The author highlights the essence and content of the criticism of the provincial press towards the institution of urban elections. The article presents the attitudes towards the issue of social composition of urban self-government bodies as revealed in the periodical press. Positions on the issue of suffrage and proposals for its expansion through tax and educational qualifications are identified. The analysis includes assessments of the national composition of city councils and urban administrations on the outskirts and within Jewish settlements. It demonstrates how the formation of parties based on national identity in urban self-government bodies was covered in the periodicals. Discussions on the merger of powers between the heads of administrative and executive bodies of urban self-government are examined. Satirical poems, which characterize the recorded attitude towards council members and provincial assemblies in pre-revolutionary Russia, who dishonestly perform their duties and disrupt city council meetings, are introduced into scholarly circulation. Satire targeting corrupt intentions of council members is also discussed.

Предметом исследования данной статьи является анализ условий формирования и основных направлений деятельности популистской или народной (от лат. populous – народ) партии. Ее создатели полагали, что являются защитниками американского народа. В работе рассматривается процесс объединения аграриев в популистскую партию, призванную обеспечить социальный прогресс и демократизацию общества. Для исправления недостатков представительной демократии, они ратовали за введение прямых выборов президента и сенаторов общефедерального конгресса, предлагали ввести элементы прямого народовластия, предполагавшего непосредственное участие граждан в принятии важных государственных решений посредством референдумов, введения права законодательной инициативы и отзыва парламентариев в случае неисполнения ими своих обязательств. Популисты считали, что подлинного народовластия нельзя достичь без перестройки народного хозяйства. Для того, чтобы построить капитализм «с человеческим лицом» предлагалось национализировать банки, средства транспорта и связи, что должно было привести к падению цен на перевозки и снижению процентных ставок по кредитам. Разрабатываемый ими способ гуманизации капиталистических отношений предполагал эмиссию серебряных денег для облегчения положения должников, бравших займы бумажными деньгами. В случае реализации этих программных установок речь шла о становлении системы государственного регулирования капитализма, предвосхитив Новый курс Ф.Д. Рузвельта. На президентских выборах 1892 г. популистов поддержали более 1 млн чел. Им удалось провести ряд своих представителей в органы власти. Однако на выборах 1896 г. ради победы они пошли на союз с демократической партией, включившей ряд их требований в свою предвыборную платформу. Партийная коалиция популистов и демократов, потерпев поражение, вскоре распалась, а сама партия была отодвинута на обочину политической жизни, прекратив свое существование в 1908 г. Однако, в ХХ в. практически все ее идеи были воплощены в жизнь. The subject of the research of this article is the analysis of the conditions for the formation and main activities of the Populist or Peopleʼs (from Latin populous – people) party. Its creators believed that they were the defenders of the American people. The paper examines the process of agrarians uniting into the Populist Party designed to ensure social progress and democratization of society. In order to correct the shortcomings of representative democracy, they advocated the introduction of direct elections of the president and senators of the Federal Congress, proposed to introduce elements of direct democracy, which presupposed the direct participation of citizens in making important state decisions through referendums, the introduction of the right of legislative initiative and recall of parliamentarians in case of non-fulfillment of their obligations. Populists believed that true democracy could not be achieved without restructuring the national economy. In order to build capitalism “with a human face”, it was proposed to nationalize banks, means of transport and communications, which would lead to a drop in transportation prices and lower interest rates on loans. The second way of humanizing capitalist relations involved the issue of silver money to ease the situation of debtors who borrowed paper money. In the case of the implementation of these program installations, it was about the formation of a system of state regulation of capitalism, its socialization, anticipating the New Course of F.D. Roosevelt. In the presidential elections of 1892, the populists were supported by more than 1 million people. They even managed to get a number of their representatives to the authorities. However, in the elections of 1896, for the sake of victory, the populists went to an alliance with the Democratic Party, which included a number of their demands in its election platform, while rejecting radical reforms of the national economy and leaving only a clause on free coinage of silver, which scared off most of the electorate. Having been defeated, the coalition of populists and Democrats collapsed, and the party itself was pushed to the sidelines of political life, ceasing to exist in 1908.

De dichter Pol De Mont, ooit een der eerste Vlaamse studentenleiders, raakte al snel bekend om zijn strijdbare Vlaamsgezinde, democratische en vrijzinnige standpunten. Bovendien wist hij als spreker moeiteloos een publiek mee te slepen. Toen de Antwerpse Liberale Vlaamsche Bond hem aar voren schoof als kandidaat voor de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 1890 was dat niet naar de zin van machtige Association libérale. Deze bijdrage heeft aandacht voor de perscampagne tegen De Mont, voor de tegenstellingen binnen de Antwerpse liberalen, en voor De Monts activiteiten in de Antwerpse provincieraad waarvoor hij in 1892 wel verkozen raakte. Belicht wordt de moeilijke relatie van toonaangevende Antwerpse liberale kringen en het flamingantische enerzijds, de onverenigbaarheid van De Monts idealen met de partijtucht anderzijds.________Liberal and supporter of the Flemish movement: Pol De Mont as a politician.The poet Pol De Mont, once one of the first Flemish student leaders soon became known for his militant pro-Flemish, democratic and liberal views. Moreover, he effortlessly managed to win over the public as a speaker. When the Antwerp Liberal Flemish Union proposed him as a candidate for the local elections in 1890, this displeased the powerful Association libérale. This contribution focuses on the press campaign against De Mont, the contradictions within the group of the Antwerp liberals, and the activities of De Mont in the Antwerp provincial council into which he did get elected in 1892. The article discusses the difficult relationship of the leading Antwerp liberal circles and the pro-Flemish movement on the one hand and the incompatibility between the ideals of De Mont and the party discipline on the other hand.

The paper, for the first time, uses materials from the private periodical press of Siberia to examine the public perception of urban election campaigns in Siberian cities at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. Siberian periodicals are used as sources of the database: “Eastern Review”, “Yenisei”, “Siberian Bulletin of Politics, Literature and Public Life”, “Sibirsky Leaflet”. The characteristics given by Siberian periodicals of changes in the city electoral system according to the City Regulations of 1892 are highlighted, which mainly include: criticism of the class nature of the composition of voters; elimination of differentiated property qualifications; approval of the provision of voting opportunities by precinct; approval of restrictions from among the voters of small traders and other categories of citizens. The features of the electoral process are shown, including electoral technologies and violations during elections (mainly fraud with election balls during voting, the use of symbols during voting, voting by absent persons). The characteristics of voters' attitude to the exercise of their voting rights are given and the problem of absenteeism is revealed. It is noted that typical instruments for refusing to exercise the right to vote were refusal to pay arrears, as well as a deliberate understatement of the value of owned real estate. Data on the coverage of city heads elections in Siberian periodicals are presented. The content of the positions of the leading newspapers of Siberia in relation to the composition of city dumas according to the class affiliation of their members and possible reforms in the field of city electoral law (primarily, expanding the number of voters by granting rights to tenants) is characterized.

On whit Monday, June 1st, 1857, the first general chapter of the Oblates of St. Charles Borromeo in the diocese of Westminster was held at Bayswater, one month before the splendid new gothic-conceived church of Thomas Meyer was solemnly blessed by Cardinal Wiseman and dedicated to St. Mary of the Angels, a title reflecting Manning’s enduring devotion to St. Francis of Assisi and the Franciscan Third Order. Subsequent building, extensions and additions were to be the work of John Francis Bentley. The founding group of Oblates was small, all its members being admitted as novices of the community on the day of the first general chapter. When the first biennial elections were held, Manning was confirmed by Wiseman as Superior and henceforth known to the community simply as ‘the Father’. Before the year was over the group was to be joined by three new novices and two postulants, all of whom eventually persevered in their vocation. By the time Manning died in 1892, the Oblates had been able to number a total of forty-six priests in their ranks in the space of only thirty-five years, thus easily outstripping the recruitment pattern of Brompton Oratory, the closest to the concept of the Oblates in both spiritual formation and organisation. Over the eighty years immediately following Manning’s demise, a further thirty-three priests were to be counted among the Oblates.

Historical research on the institution of the prefecture in Romania (United Principalities) in the 19th century, as a fundamental institution of modern state administration, involves several levels of analysis, combining institutional, political and social history. Our paper will focus on several aspects, in relation to a number of historical features specific to the Romanian case. These features stem from the implementation of a Western-origin institutional model in Romania, after the union of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, until the end of the 19th century. During this period, a maturation of the modern administration can be observed, both legislatively and functionally. In addition to the legislative framework of this period (the communal law of April 1864, amended in March 1872 and March 1883, the law on county councils of April 1864 and the law on the organization of administrative authorities of November 1892), other factors are also noteworthy, which made the prefect in Romania not only a government agent at the local level, but also a county administrator: the patronage relations of the Romanian elite – a legacy of the Old Regime, and the gradual consolidation of the power networks of the governing political parties, both of which had a relevant impact on the selection process of local officials and the conduct of parliamentary elections. Keywords: Institutional history, administrative reform, ispravnik, prefect

The article highlights the events that took place on the eve and during the elections to the Sejm, county councils, and the Vienna State Council, which lasted for three years from 1895 to 1897. It is established that illegal actions and violent events of the three-year elections influenced the political „awakening” of Ukrainians in Galicia. The American magazine „Liberty” is a source for studying political protests, the history of electoral events, and the formation of politically conscious views. The magazine was founded in 1893 in Jersey by Ukrainian emigrants from Galicia. The magazine's articles covered events from all over the world, from Ukraine, introduced the reader to science, supported the patriotic spirit. The headings of the magazine entitled „About elections in Galicia” and „News from the old land” provide an opportunity to study in detail the course of events related to the elections on the basis of the stories and actions of different segments of the population. The events described in the texts introduce different views on the purpose of elections and different means of achieving results. The „Liberty” pages detail each election year and some of the key events that resonated in Europe and America. The consequences of electoral events are described, reviews of foreign states that reacted to violations of the constitutional rights of Galicians. The conclusions indicate the scientific value of the rubrics, which helps to investigate the process and results of three-year elections; further influence on the development of politically conscious protest, and takes an honorable place in the further study of the development of the politically conscious movement of the Ukrainian population at the end of the XIX – beginning. XX centuries.

Dissertation (Ph.D.) - Simon Fraser University, 2006.
Theses (School of Communication) / Simon Fraser University. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 276-296). Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.

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Na dissertação tentamos demonstrar que desde a caracterização do narrador ficcional da série de crônicas A semana (1892-1897), passando pelo mais recorrente assunto tratado, ou seja, o Encilhamento e a crise que se lhe seguiu, até a crítica das eleições desorganizadas, fraudulentas, violentas e corruptas, e dos eleitores absenteístas que não faziam uso do direito de eleger seus representantes; a principal preocupação do cronista era com o bem público e a cidadania. A crise cambial e financeira desses anos sempre teve como remédio possível a encampação das emissões feitas pelos principais bancos e o arrendamento de ativos do governo federal, como as ferrovias, para a aquisição de novos empréstimos. Ambas as soluções, tão temidas e criticadas pelo cronista, foram executadas. O que significava que os desvarios dos acionistas das sociedades anônimas e do próprio governo seriam divididos com todos os cidadãos contribuintes. A dissertação também trata da cidadania política propriamente dita, ou seja, das referências às eleições e aos trabalhos parlamentares. O narrador critica o grande número de abstenções que aconteciam. Apesar de criticar todos os subterfúgios utilizados para se corromper as eleições, como as fraudes e as ações violentas, o principal responsável pelo mal eleitoral é o próprio cidadão que não faz uso de seu direito ―soberano‖ de escolher os seus representantes. Assim sendo, o narrador se utiliza dessas crônicas para incitar uma maior participação sufragista. Ele o faz de duas maneiras: através de um discurso direto, sem ironia e outras figuras retóricas, falando claramente ao leitor sobre a importância das eleições e do voto. Ou, ironizando e criticando o eleitor de diversas maneiras: seja pela sua preguiça e ignorância sobre o uso de um direito constitucional, seja por seu individualismo exacerbado, que o fazia se preocupar somente com seus interesses financeiros, com o lucro, ou em ganhar dinheiro de maneira ―vadia‖ através dos jogos de azar. Por outro lado, o cidadão que fazia uso do direito de voto podia e devia cobrar dos seus representantes. É o que faz também o cronista. Ele acompanha os trabalhos das assembléias nacionais, estaduais e municipais. Sua principal crítica é a pouca assiduidade dos políticos e as poucas horas trabalhadas. Essa crítica é feita muitas vezes em comparação com a Câmara dos Comuns inglesa, que virava a noite em trabalhos legislativos, de acordo com os telegramas da época. Além disso, o narrador ainda se preocupava com a falta de civismo da população, principalmente com a falta de entusiasmo na comemoração de datas importantes da história brasileira como o Treze de Maio, ou o Sete de Setembro. Segundo ele, o brasileiro tinha em pouca conta o passado e o futuro, e se governava somente pelo presente. Para ele, essa identificação nacional era a contrapartida da cidadania.
In the paper we try to demonstrate that since the characterization of the fictional narrator inside the series of chronics A semana (The Week) (1892-1897), through most recurrent subject matter, the Brazilian economic episode known like Encilhamento and the crisis that followed it, until the criticize about election which were disorganized, fraudulent, violent and corrupt, and absentee voters who did not use the right to elect their representatives, the main chronicler´s concern was with is with the commonweal and citizenship. The currency and financial crisis of these years always has been as a possible solution the expropriation of broadcasts made by major banks and leasing of federal government assets, such as railroads, for the acquisition of new loans. Both solutions, so feared and criticized by the chronicler, were executed. This meant that the folly of the corporations‘ shareholders and from the government would be shared with all citizens taxpayers. The paper also deal with the political citizenship, that is, references to elections and parliamentary work. The narrator criticizes the large number of abstentions that happened. Despite all the criticism about the subterfuges used to disrupt the elections, like fraud and violent actions, the principal responsible for evil election is the own citizen who does not use his right "sovereign" to choose their representatives. In this way, the narrator uses such chronic to incite greater participation suffrage. He does so in two ways: through a direct discourse, without irony and other rhetorical figures, speaking clearly to the reader about the importance of elections and voting. Or, mocking and criticizing the voter in several ways: either by their laziness and ignorance on the use of a constitutional right, or by their exacerbated individualism, which made him worry only about their financial interests with profit, or money in a "lazy" way through gambling. On the other hand, the citizen who made use of voting rights could and should charge their representatives. It is also what the chronicler does. He monitors the work of national assemblies, state and local governments. His main criticism is the lack of attendance of politicians and the few hours worked. This complain is often made in comparison to the British House of Commons, which turned night into legislative work, according to the telegrams of the time. Moreover, the narrator still worried about the lack of civility of the population, especially with the little enthusiasm in the celebration of important dates in history as the Brazilian Thirteen of May, or September Seven. He said the Brazilian people had little regard to the past and future, and is governed only by the present. For the author, this identification was the counterpart of national citizenship.

[cat] Introducció: Mallorca desenvolupà a partir de l'últim terç del segle XIX una activitat industrial orientada cap a la producció de béns de consum i els mercats exteriors. Els sectors més destacats foren el tèxtil, el calçat, l'adob de pells, la fusta, entre d'altres. Aquesta indústria feu ús d'una mà d'obra que tenia minsos salaris, llargues jornades laborals i unes males condicions higièniques. Davant aquesta situació a partir del Sexenni Democràtic (1868-1874) aparegueren entitats obreres que defensaven els interessos dels treballadors des d'opcions mutualistes i cooperativistes fins a altres de caràcter més reivindicatiu. A Mallorca aquestes entitats es desenvoluparen dins de l'entorn del republicanisme o de l'anarquisme de la Primera Internacional. Mentre en aquesta primera etapa el marxisme no tengué cap influència a Mallorca, a partir del 1890 amb l'impuls de la Segona Internacional i l'inici de la commemoració de la diada del Primer de Maig les idees socialistes d'influència marxista es desenvoluparen a Mallorca i el 1892 se constituïren les primeres agrupacions socialistes, les de Palma i Manacor. Contingut: El socialisme aparegué a Mallorca a partir de l'impuls que la Segona Internacional donà a la celebració de la diada del Primer de Maig amb la reivindicació de la jornada laboral de les vuit hores. El socialisme especialment a Palma es topà amb les actuacions d'elements anarquistes que posaven en qüestió l'estratègia sindical i política que el PSOE defensava. A la vegada, el socialisme també disputà amb el republicanisme els àmbits d'influència sobre la classe obrera. Mentre en el sindical els socialistes mallorquins aconseguiren que les societats obreres adoptassin un caràcter més reivindicatiu, en el polític les candidatures socialistes, tant en les municipals com en les generals, obtenien uns resultats decebedors, molt inferiors als dels republicans. Únicament aconseguiren algun regidor a Palma, Manacor, Llucmajor, Marratxí, entre d'altres pobles en els casos que majoritàriament s'aliaren o comptaren amb el suport dels republicans. A partir de 1914 els socialistes mallorquins aconseguiren una major rellevància per les seves campanyes contra l'encariment de les subsistències i el paper que tingué Llorenç Bisbal com a regidor a l'Ajuntament de Palma entre 1918 i 1922. A partir de 1919 els socialistes mallorquins patiren la crisi tercerista que acabà amb l'escissió d'una bona part dels membres de les Joventuts Socialistes i alguns dels seus principals dirigents que fundaren l'Agrupació Comunista de Palma. A la vegada, el 1923 el socialisme mallorquí patí una altra crisi amb l'expulsió de la major part del sector verguista que havia donat suport a la candidatura liberal de Joan March. Durant la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera els socialistes aconseguiren el retorn d'una bona part dels dirigents que havien abandonat la seva militància. Conclusions: El socialisme mallorquí es basà especialment en la seva actuació en l'àmbit sindical on aconseguí controlar una bona part de les societats obreres. Se seguia l'estratègia marcada per la UGT i eren partidaris d'assolir acords amb la patronal abans de convocar una vaga d'incerta solució. La seva actuació en l'àmbit polític fou molt més limitada per les dificultats per compaginar la llarga jornada laboral dels seus militants i dirigents amb les tasques polítiques que s'havien d'acometre. Tot i així, destacaren dirigents com Francesc Roca i Llorenç Bisbal. Per altra banda, Alexandre Jaume fou el primer intel·lectual que milità dins les files socialistes i també s'ha de reconèixer la influència que tengué Gabriel Alomar. Durant la dictadura de Primo de Rivera el socialisme es consolidà com a força hegemònica dins els moviment obrer a Mallorca a partir de la inauguració del nou edifici de la Casa del Poble i la constitució de la Federació Balear de la UGT.
[spa] Introducción: Mallorca desarrolló a partir del último tercio del siglo XIX una actividad industrial orientada hacia la producción de bienes de consumo y los mercados exteriores. Los sectores más destacados fueron el textil, el calzado, el curtido de pieles, la madera, entre otros. Esta industria hacía uso de una mano de obra que tenía bajos salarios, largas jornadas laborales y unas malas condiciones higiénicas. Ante esta situación a partir del Sexenio Democrático (1868-1874) aparecieron entidades obreras que defendían los intereses de los trabajadores desde opciones mutualistas y cooperativistas hasta otros de carácter más reivindicativo. En Mallorca estas entidades se desarrollaron dentro del entorno del republicanismo o del anarquismo de la Primera Internacional. Mientras en esta primera etapa el marxismo no tuvo ninguna influencia en Mallorca, a partir de 1890 con el impulso de la Segunda Internacional y el inicio de la conmemoración de la fiesta del Primero de Mayo las ideas socialistas de influencia marxista se desarrollaron a Mallorca y el 1892 se constituyeron las primeras agrupaciones socialistas, las de Palma y Manacor. Contenido: El socialismo apareció en Mallorca a partir del impulso que la Segunda Internacional dio a la celebración de la fiesta del Primero de Mayo con la reivindicación de la jornada laboral de las ocho horas. El socialismo especialmente en Palma se topó con las actuaciones de elementos anarquistas que ponían en cuestión la estrategia sindical y política que el PSOE defendía. A la vez, el socialismo también disputó con el republicanismo los ámbitos de influencia sobre la clase obrera. Mientras en el sindical los socialistas mallorquines consiguieron que las sociedades obreras adoptasen un carácter más reivindicativo, en el político las candidaturas socialistas, tanto en las municipales como en las generales, obtenían unos resultados decepcionantes, muy inferiores a los de los republicanos. Únicamente consiguieron algún concejal en Palma, Manacor, Llucmajor, Marratxí, entre otros pueblos, en los casos que mayoritariamente se aliaron o contaron con el apoyo de los republicanos. A partir de 1914 los socialistas mallorquines consiguieron una mayor relevancia por sus campañas contra el encarecimiento de las subsistencias y el papel que tuvo Llorenç Bisbal como concejal en el Ayuntamiento de Palma entre 1918 y 1922. A partir de 1919 los socialistas mallorquines sufrieron la crisis tercerista que acabó con la escisión de una buena parte de los miembros de las Juventudes Socialistas y algunos de sus principales dirigentes que fundaron la Agrupación Comunista de Palma. A la vez, en 1923 el socialismo mallorquín sufrió otra crisis con la expulsión de la mayor parte del sector verguista que había apoyado la candidatura liberal de Juan March. Durante la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera los socialistas consiguieron el retorno de una buena parte de los dirigentes que habían abandonado su militancia. Conclusiones: El socialismo mallorquín se basó especialmente en su actuación en el ámbito sindical donde consiguió controlar una buena parte de las sociedades obreras. Se seguía la estrategia marcada por la UGT y eran partidarios de alcanzar acuerdos con la patronal antes de convocar una huelga de incierta solución. Su actuación en el ámbito político fue mucho más limitada por las dificultades para compaginar la larga jornada laboral de sus militantes y dirigentes con las tareas políticas que se habían de acometer. Sin embargo, destacaron dirigentes como Francesc Roca y Llorenç Bisbal. Por otra parte, Alexandre Jaume fue el primer intelectual que militó dentro de las filas socialistas y también hay que reconocer la influencia que tuvo Gabriel Alomar. Durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera el socialismo se consolidó como fuerza hegemónica dentro de los movimiento obrero en Mallorca a partir de la inauguración del nuevo edificio de la Casa del Pueblo y la constitución de la Federación Balear de la UGT.
[eng] Introduction: Mallorca developed from the last third of the 19th century an industrial activity oriented towards the production of foreign markets. The most prominent sectors were textiles, footwear, leather tanning, wood, among others. This industry made use of a workforce that had low wages, long working hours and poor hygienic conditions. Faced with this situation, from the Sexenni Democràtic (1868-1874), workers' organizations appeared that defended the interests of the workers from mutual and cooperative options to others of a more vindictive nature. In Mallorca these entities developed within the environment of republicanism or anarchism of the First International. While in this first stage Marxism did not have any influence in Mallorca, from 1890 with the impulse of the Second International and the beginning of the commemoration of the May Day festival, socialist ideas of Marxist influence developed in Mallorca and the In 1892 the first socialist groups were formed, those of Palma and Manacor. Content: Socialism appeared in Mallorca from the impulse that the Second International gave to the celebration of the May Day festival with the demand for the eight-hour working day. Socialism, especially in Palma, ran into the actions of anarchist elements that questioned the union and political strategy that the PSOE defended. At the same time, socialism also disputed with republicanism the spheres of influence over the working class. While in the trade union the Mallorcan socialists managed to make the workers' societies adopt a more demanding character, in the political the socialist candidacies, both in the municipal and in the general ones, obtained disappointing results, much lower than those of the republicans. They only got a councilor in Palma, Manacor, Llucmajor, Marratxí, among other towns, in the cases that mostly allied with or had the support of the Republicans. Starting in 1914, the Mallorcan socialists achieved greater relevance for their campaigns against the rising cost of subsistence and the role that Llorenç Bisbal played as councilor in the Palma City Council between 1918 and 1922. From 1919 the Mallorcan socialists suffered the comunist crisis that ended with the split of a good part of the members of the Socialist Youth and some of its main leaders who founded the Communist Group of Palma. At the same time, in 1923 Mallorcan socialism suffered another crisis with the expulsion of most of the Verguista sector that had supported the liberal candidacy of Juan March. During the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera the socialists obtained the return of a good part of the leaders who had abandoned their militancy. Conclusions: Mallorcan socialism was based especially on its performance in the union sphere where it managed to control a good part of the workers' societies. The strategy set by the UGT was followed and they were in favor of reaching agreements with the employers before calling a strike with an uncertain solution. Its performance in the political sphere was much more limited due to the difficulties in combining the long working hours of its militants and leaders with the political tasks that had to be undertaken. However, leaders such as Francesc Roca and Llorenç Bisbal stood out. On the other hand, Alexandre Jaume was the first intellectual who was active within the socialist ranks and we must also recognize the influence that Gabriel Alomar had. During the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, socialism was consolidated as a hegemonic force within the workers' movement in Mallorca from the inauguration of the new building of the House of the People and the constitution of the Balearic Federation of UGT.

Local studies are a crucial means to understanding the actual working of the political process in the post-Reform Act period. This applies particularly to Kidderminster which was enfranchised in 1832 and where the town and parliamentary constituency covered broadly the same area throughout the period. This correlation enables valid judgements to be made about the key drivers in the twelve general elections held in Kidderminster from 1832 to 1880 and to analyse the elements of continuity and change in both the process and the issues. This thesis is based on evidence from contemporary local and national newspapers, election petition reports, local archive collections, poll books, directories and official reports. It reviews the relevant historiography and identifies and weighs what actually happened during parliamentary elections, how the parties organised themselves and their supporters, and the impact of industrial relations, the publican lobby and differences in religion. It also compares voting patterns in municipal as well as parliamentary elections. The thesis concludes that corruption and violence were embedded in the electoral process in Kidderminster. Corruption, whether in the form of outright bribery, treating or the provision of sinecures, began with the first general election in 1832 and reached its height with the campaigns of Albert Grant in 1865 and 1874. Election petitions alleging corruption were prepared after six elections, and prosecutions took place after two. The evidence from these petitions indicates that corruption was Richard Groom 4 widespread and indiscriminate. In terms of violence, including intimidation by blocking and boycotting, there were riots in 1832 and 1835, with the threat of disturbance present at virtually every election. It was the norm for the army to be stationed in or around the town in the elections of the 1830s and 1840s. This violence reached its peak in 1857 with the attempt to murder the MP Robert Lowe. The propensity for violence and corruption was fuelled both by generally hostile industrial relations where riots and destruction of property in trade disputes spilled over naturally into political divisions and by the existence of 150 public houses. The thesis also argues that no tenable conclusions can be drawn from a comparison of municipal and parliamentary elections in Kidderminster, because they were for and about entirely different things. Local elections were primarily concerned with keeping council expenditure to a minimum in order to keep rates low. Parliamentary elections, on the other hand, were far more about national issues and the opportunity to be paid for good sport.

Thesis advisor: Marc Landy
This thesis examines the presidential elections of both 1896 and 1912 from all angles and their lasting impact on modern elections. It looks deeply into the platforms of the Democrat and Republican parties' platform, the influence of third Parties, the importance of the candidate-centered organized campaign, the necessity of fundraising and the use of technology and media. It also attempts to explain the fact that political capital was no longer located in the Northeast and parts of the South, but in the Midwest, Deep South, and parts of the Far West. Primary and secondary sources were used to explore these two elections and then to help compare them to modern day political contest. This thesis attempts to prove that the lessons of 1896 and 1912 can be applied to modern day elections
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

Enlisted soldiers preferred to elect company- and regimental-level officers during the first year of the American Civil War. This thesis explores how early Confederate mobilization, class conflict between elites and non-elites, and Confederate military policies affected officer elections from spring 1861 to spring 1862 among Virginia Confederates. Chapter 1 explores how the chaotic nature of mobilization and common soldiers' initial expectations regarding their military service influenced elections from April 1861 until late July 1861. Chapter 2 details the changing nature of elections as elite officers faced challenges from non-elites and Confederate policies regarding furloughs and conscription forced officers to reconcile their men’s expectations of loose discipline with directives from senior commanders.