Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Elections, 1892'

Dissertation (Ph.D.) - Simon Fraser University, 2006.
Theses (School of Communication) / Simon Fraser University. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 276-296). Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-13T11:50:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 jacksondesouzavale.pdf: 1061827 bytes, checksum: 6c62589f656cc353d5ecf8c7b66833ac (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-13T12:48:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 jacksondesouzavale.pdf: 1061827 bytes, checksum: 6c62589f656cc353d5ecf8c7b66833ac (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-13T12:48:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 jacksondesouzavale.pdf: 1061827 bytes, checksum: 6c62589f656cc353d5ecf8c7b66833ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-26
Na dissertação tentamos demonstrar que desde a caracterização do narrador ficcional da série de crônicas A semana (1892-1897), passando pelo mais recorrente assunto tratado, ou seja, o Encilhamento e a crise que se lhe seguiu, até a crítica das eleições desorganizadas, fraudulentas, violentas e corruptas, e dos eleitores absenteístas que não faziam uso do direito de eleger seus representantes; a principal preocupação do cronista era com o bem público e a cidadania. A crise cambial e financeira desses anos sempre teve como remédio possível a encampação das emissões feitas pelos principais bancos e o arrendamento de ativos do governo federal, como as ferrovias, para a aquisição de novos empréstimos. Ambas as soluções, tão temidas e criticadas pelo cronista, foram executadas. O que significava que os desvarios dos acionistas das sociedades anônimas e do próprio governo seriam divididos com todos os cidadãos contribuintes. A dissertação também trata da cidadania política propriamente dita, ou seja, das referências às eleições e aos trabalhos parlamentares. O narrador critica o grande número de abstenções que aconteciam. Apesar de criticar todos os subterfúgios utilizados para se corromper as eleições, como as fraudes e as ações violentas, o principal responsável pelo mal eleitoral é o próprio cidadão que não faz uso de seu direito ―soberano‖ de escolher os seus representantes. Assim sendo, o narrador se utiliza dessas crônicas para incitar uma maior participação sufragista. Ele o faz de duas maneiras: através de um discurso direto, sem ironia e outras figuras retóricas, falando claramente ao leitor sobre a importância das eleições e do voto. Ou, ironizando e criticando o eleitor de diversas maneiras: seja pela sua preguiça e ignorância sobre o uso de um direito constitucional, seja por seu individualismo exacerbado, que o fazia se preocupar somente com seus interesses financeiros, com o lucro, ou em ganhar dinheiro de maneira ―vadia‖ através dos jogos de azar. Por outro lado, o cidadão que fazia uso do direito de voto podia e devia cobrar dos seus representantes. É o que faz também o cronista. Ele acompanha os trabalhos das assembléias nacionais, estaduais e municipais. Sua principal crítica é a pouca assiduidade dos políticos e as poucas horas trabalhadas. Essa crítica é feita muitas vezes em comparação com a Câmara dos Comuns inglesa, que virava a noite em trabalhos legislativos, de acordo com os telegramas da época. Além disso, o narrador ainda se preocupava com a falta de civismo da população, principalmente com a falta de entusiasmo na comemoração de datas importantes da história brasileira como o Treze de Maio, ou o Sete de Setembro. Segundo ele, o brasileiro tinha em pouca conta o passado e o futuro, e se governava somente pelo presente. Para ele, essa identificação nacional era a contrapartida da cidadania.
In the paper we try to demonstrate that since the characterization of the fictional narrator inside the series of chronics A semana (The Week) (1892-1897), through most recurrent subject matter, the Brazilian economic episode known like Encilhamento and the crisis that followed it, until the criticize about election which were disorganized, fraudulent, violent and corrupt, and absentee voters who did not use the right to elect their representatives, the main chronicler´s concern was with is with the commonweal and citizenship. The currency and financial crisis of these years always has been as a possible solution the expropriation of broadcasts made by major banks and leasing of federal government assets, such as railroads, for the acquisition of new loans. Both solutions, so feared and criticized by the chronicler, were executed. This meant that the folly of the corporations‘ shareholders and from the government would be shared with all citizens taxpayers. The paper also deal with the political citizenship, that is, references to elections and parliamentary work. The narrator criticizes the large number of abstentions that happened. Despite all the criticism about the subterfuges used to disrupt the elections, like fraud and violent actions, the principal responsible for evil election is the own citizen who does not use his right "sovereign" to choose their representatives. In this way, the narrator uses such chronic to incite greater participation suffrage. He does so in two ways: through a direct discourse, without irony and other rhetorical figures, speaking clearly to the reader about the importance of elections and voting. Or, mocking and criticizing the voter in several ways: either by their laziness and ignorance on the use of a constitutional right, or by their exacerbated individualism, which made him worry only about their financial interests with profit, or money in a "lazy" way through gambling. On the other hand, the citizen who made use of voting rights could and should charge their representatives. It is also what the chronicler does. He monitors the work of national assemblies, state and local governments. His main criticism is the lack of attendance of politicians and the few hours worked. This complain is often made in comparison to the British House of Commons, which turned night into legislative work, according to the telegrams of the time. Moreover, the narrator still worried about the lack of civility of the population, especially with the little enthusiasm in the celebration of important dates in history as the Brazilian Thirteen of May, or September Seven. He said the Brazilian people had little regard to the past and future, and is governed only by the present. For the author, this identification was the counterpart of national citizenship.

[cat] Introducció: Mallorca desenvolupà a partir de l'últim terç del segle XIX una activitat industrial orientada cap a la producció de béns de consum i els mercats exteriors. Els sectors més destacats foren el tèxtil, el calçat, l'adob de pells, la fusta, entre d'altres. Aquesta indústria feu ús d'una mà d'obra que tenia minsos salaris, llargues jornades laborals i unes males condicions higièniques. Davant aquesta situació a partir del Sexenni Democràtic (1868-1874) aparegueren entitats obreres que defensaven els interessos dels treballadors des d'opcions mutualistes i cooperativistes fins a altres de caràcter més reivindicatiu. A Mallorca aquestes entitats es desenvoluparen dins de l'entorn del republicanisme o de l'anarquisme de la Primera Internacional. Mentre en aquesta primera etapa el marxisme no tengué cap influència a Mallorca, a partir del 1890 amb l'impuls de la Segona Internacional i l'inici de la commemoració de la diada del Primer de Maig les idees socialistes d'influència marxista es desenvoluparen a Mallorca i el 1892 se constituïren les primeres agrupacions socialistes, les de Palma i Manacor. Contingut: El socialisme aparegué a Mallorca a partir de l'impuls que la Segona Internacional donà a la celebració de la diada del Primer de Maig amb la reivindicació de la jornada laboral de les vuit hores. El socialisme especialment a Palma es topà amb les actuacions d'elements anarquistes que posaven en qüestió l'estratègia sindical i política que el PSOE defensava. A la vegada, el socialisme també disputà amb el republicanisme els àmbits d'influència sobre la classe obrera. Mentre en el sindical els socialistes mallorquins aconseguiren que les societats obreres adoptassin un caràcter més reivindicatiu, en el polític les candidatures socialistes, tant en les municipals com en les generals, obtenien uns resultats decebedors, molt inferiors als dels republicans. Únicament aconseguiren algun regidor a Palma, Manacor, Llucmajor, Marratxí, entre d'altres pobles en els casos que majoritàriament s'aliaren o comptaren amb el suport dels republicans. A partir de 1914 els socialistes mallorquins aconseguiren una major rellevància per les seves campanyes contra l'encariment de les subsistències i el paper que tingué Llorenç Bisbal com a regidor a l'Ajuntament de Palma entre 1918 i 1922. A partir de 1919 els socialistes mallorquins patiren la crisi tercerista que acabà amb l'escissió d'una bona part dels membres de les Joventuts Socialistes i alguns dels seus principals dirigents que fundaren l'Agrupació Comunista de Palma. A la vegada, el 1923 el socialisme mallorquí patí una altra crisi amb l'expulsió de la major part del sector verguista que havia donat suport a la candidatura liberal de Joan March. Durant la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera els socialistes aconseguiren el retorn d'una bona part dels dirigents que havien abandonat la seva militància. Conclusions: El socialisme mallorquí es basà especialment en la seva actuació en l'àmbit sindical on aconseguí controlar una bona part de les societats obreres. Se seguia l'estratègia marcada per la UGT i eren partidaris d'assolir acords amb la patronal abans de convocar una vaga d'incerta solució. La seva actuació en l'àmbit polític fou molt més limitada per les dificultats per compaginar la llarga jornada laboral dels seus militants i dirigents amb les tasques polítiques que s'havien d'acometre. Tot i així, destacaren dirigents com Francesc Roca i Llorenç Bisbal. Per altra banda, Alexandre Jaume fou el primer intel·lectual que milità dins les files socialistes i també s'ha de reconèixer la influència que tengué Gabriel Alomar. Durant la dictadura de Primo de Rivera el socialisme es consolidà com a força hegemònica dins els moviment obrer a Mallorca a partir de la inauguració del nou edifici de la Casa del Poble i la constitució de la Federació Balear de la UGT.
[spa] Introducción: Mallorca desarrolló a partir del último tercio del siglo XIX una actividad industrial orientada hacia la producción de bienes de consumo y los mercados exteriores. Los sectores más destacados fueron el textil, el calzado, el curtido de pieles, la madera, entre otros. Esta industria hacía uso de una mano de obra que tenía bajos salarios, largas jornadas laborales y unas malas condiciones higiénicas. Ante esta situación a partir del Sexenio Democrático (1868-1874) aparecieron entidades obreras que defendían los intereses de los trabajadores desde opciones mutualistas y cooperativistas hasta otros de carácter más reivindicativo. En Mallorca estas entidades se desarrollaron dentro del entorno del republicanismo o del anarquismo de la Primera Internacional. Mientras en esta primera etapa el marxismo no tuvo ninguna influencia en Mallorca, a partir de 1890 con el impulso de la Segunda Internacional y el inicio de la conmemoración de la fiesta del Primero de Mayo las ideas socialistas de influencia marxista se desarrollaron a Mallorca y el 1892 se constituyeron las primeras agrupaciones socialistas, las de Palma y Manacor. Contenido: El socialismo apareció en Mallorca a partir del impulso que la Segunda Internacional dio a la celebración de la fiesta del Primero de Mayo con la reivindicación de la jornada laboral de las ocho horas. El socialismo especialmente en Palma se topó con las actuaciones de elementos anarquistas que ponían en cuestión la estrategia sindical y política que el PSOE defendía. A la vez, el socialismo también disputó con el republicanismo los ámbitos de influencia sobre la clase obrera. Mientras en el sindical los socialistas mallorquines consiguieron que las sociedades obreras adoptasen un carácter más reivindicativo, en el político las candidaturas socialistas, tanto en las municipales como en las generales, obtenían unos resultados decepcionantes, muy inferiores a los de los republicanos. Únicamente consiguieron algún concejal en Palma, Manacor, Llucmajor, Marratxí, entre otros pueblos, en los casos que mayoritariamente se aliaron o contaron con el apoyo de los republicanos. A partir de 1914 los socialistas mallorquines consiguieron una mayor relevancia por sus campañas contra el encarecimiento de las subsistencias y el papel que tuvo Llorenç Bisbal como concejal en el Ayuntamiento de Palma entre 1918 y 1922. A partir de 1919 los socialistas mallorquines sufrieron la crisis tercerista que acabó con la escisión de una buena parte de los miembros de las Juventudes Socialistas y algunos de sus principales dirigentes que fundaron la Agrupación Comunista de Palma. A la vez, en 1923 el socialismo mallorquín sufrió otra crisis con la expulsión de la mayor parte del sector verguista que había apoyado la candidatura liberal de Juan March. Durante la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera los socialistas consiguieron el retorno de una buena parte de los dirigentes que habían abandonado su militancia. Conclusiones: El socialismo mallorquín se basó especialmente en su actuación en el ámbito sindical donde consiguió controlar una buena parte de las sociedades obreras. Se seguía la estrategia marcada por la UGT y eran partidarios de alcanzar acuerdos con la patronal antes de convocar una huelga de incierta solución. Su actuación en el ámbito político fue mucho más limitada por las dificultades para compaginar la larga jornada laboral de sus militantes y dirigentes con las tareas políticas que se habían de acometer. Sin embargo, destacaron dirigentes como Francesc Roca y Llorenç Bisbal. Por otra parte, Alexandre Jaume fue el primer intelectual que militó dentro de las filas socialistas y también hay que reconocer la influencia que tuvo Gabriel Alomar. Durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera el socialismo se consolidó como fuerza hegemónica dentro de los movimiento obrero en Mallorca a partir de la inauguración del nuevo edificio de la Casa del Pueblo y la constitución de la Federación Balear de la UGT.
[eng] Introduction: Mallorca developed from the last third of the 19th century an industrial activity oriented towards the production of foreign markets. The most prominent sectors were textiles, footwear, leather tanning, wood, among others. This industry made use of a workforce that had low wages, long working hours and poor hygienic conditions. Faced with this situation, from the Sexenni Democràtic (1868-1874), workers' organizations appeared that defended the interests of the workers from mutual and cooperative options to others of a more vindictive nature. In Mallorca these entities developed within the environment of republicanism or anarchism of the First International. While in this first stage Marxism did not have any influence in Mallorca, from 1890 with the impulse of the Second International and the beginning of the commemoration of the May Day festival, socialist ideas of Marxist influence developed in Mallorca and the In 1892 the first socialist groups were formed, those of Palma and Manacor. Content: Socialism appeared in Mallorca from the impulse that the Second International gave to the celebration of the May Day festival with the demand for the eight-hour working day. Socialism, especially in Palma, ran into the actions of anarchist elements that questioned the union and political strategy that the PSOE defended. At the same time, socialism also disputed with republicanism the spheres of influence over the working class. While in the trade union the Mallorcan socialists managed to make the workers' societies adopt a more demanding character, in the political the socialist candidacies, both in the municipal and in the general ones, obtained disappointing results, much lower than those of the republicans. They only got a councilor in Palma, Manacor, Llucmajor, Marratxí, among other towns, in the cases that mostly allied with or had the support of the Republicans. Starting in 1914, the Mallorcan socialists achieved greater relevance for their campaigns against the rising cost of subsistence and the role that Llorenç Bisbal played as councilor in the Palma City Council between 1918 and 1922. From 1919 the Mallorcan socialists suffered the comunist crisis that ended with the split of a good part of the members of the Socialist Youth and some of its main leaders who founded the Communist Group of Palma. At the same time, in 1923 Mallorcan socialism suffered another crisis with the expulsion of most of the Verguista sector that had supported the liberal candidacy of Juan March. During the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera the socialists obtained the return of a good part of the leaders who had abandoned their militancy. Conclusions: Mallorcan socialism was based especially on its performance in the union sphere where it managed to control a good part of the workers' societies. The strategy set by the UGT was followed and they were in favor of reaching agreements with the employers before calling a strike with an uncertain solution. Its performance in the political sphere was much more limited due to the difficulties in combining the long working hours of its militants and leaders with the political tasks that had to be undertaken. However, leaders such as Francesc Roca and Llorenç Bisbal stood out. On the other hand, Alexandre Jaume was the first intellectual who was active within the socialist ranks and we must also recognize the influence that Gabriel Alomar had. During the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, socialism was consolidated as a hegemonic force within the workers' movement in Mallorca from the inauguration of the new building of the House of the People and the constitution of the Balearic Federation of UGT.

Local studies are a crucial means to understanding the actual working of the political process in the post-Reform Act period. This applies particularly to Kidderminster which was enfranchised in 1832 and where the town and parliamentary constituency covered broadly the same area throughout the period. This correlation enables valid judgements to be made about the key drivers in the twelve general elections held in Kidderminster from 1832 to 1880 and to analyse the elements of continuity and change in both the process and the issues. This thesis is based on evidence from contemporary local and national newspapers, election petition reports, local archive collections, poll books, directories and official reports. It reviews the relevant historiography and identifies and weighs what actually happened during parliamentary elections, how the parties organised themselves and their supporters, and the impact of industrial relations, the publican lobby and differences in religion. It also compares voting patterns in municipal as well as parliamentary elections. The thesis concludes that corruption and violence were embedded in the electoral process in Kidderminster. Corruption, whether in the form of outright bribery, treating or the provision of sinecures, began with the first general election in 1832 and reached its height with the campaigns of Albert Grant in 1865 and 1874. Election petitions alleging corruption were prepared after six elections, and prosecutions took place after two. The evidence from these petitions indicates that corruption was Richard Groom 4 widespread and indiscriminate. In terms of violence, including intimidation by blocking and boycotting, there were riots in 1832 and 1835, with the threat of disturbance present at virtually every election. It was the norm for the army to be stationed in or around the town in the elections of the 1830s and 1840s. This violence reached its peak in 1857 with the attempt to murder the MP Robert Lowe. The propensity for violence and corruption was fuelled both by generally hostile industrial relations where riots and destruction of property in trade disputes spilled over naturally into political divisions and by the existence of 150 public houses. The thesis also argues that no tenable conclusions can be drawn from a comparison of municipal and parliamentary elections in Kidderminster, because they were for and about entirely different things. Local elections were primarily concerned with keeping council expenditure to a minimum in order to keep rates low. Parliamentary elections, on the other hand, were far more about national issues and the opportunity to be paid for good sport.

Thesis advisor: Marc Landy
This thesis examines the presidential elections of both 1896 and 1912 from all angles and their lasting impact on modern elections. It looks deeply into the platforms of the Democrat and Republican parties' platform, the influence of third Parties, the importance of the candidate-centered organized campaign, the necessity of fundraising and the use of technology and media. It also attempts to explain the fact that political capital was no longer located in the Northeast and parts of the South, but in the Midwest, Deep South, and parts of the Far West. Primary and secondary sources were used to explore these two elections and then to help compare them to modern day political contest. This thesis attempts to prove that the lessons of 1896 and 1912 can be applied to modern day elections
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

Enlisted soldiers preferred to elect company- and regimental-level officers during the first year of the American Civil War. This thesis explores how early Confederate mobilization, class conflict between elites and non-elites, and Confederate military policies affected officer elections from spring 1861 to spring 1862 among Virginia Confederates. Chapter 1 explores how the chaotic nature of mobilization and common soldiers' initial expectations regarding their military service influenced elections from April 1861 until late July 1861. Chapter 2 details the changing nature of elections as elite officers faced challenges from non-elites and Confederate policies regarding furloughs and conscription forced officers to reconcile their men’s expectations of loose discipline with directives from senior commanders.

Political parties in the United Kingdom are increasingly focusing their constituency-level campaigns on marginal seats; such a focus has been echoed by academic researchers studying the effectiveness of intense constituency campaigning in boosting local electoral outcomes. Yet there has been little investigation into the impact of the redirection of campaigning resources on safe constituencies; while existing research suggests that intense campaigns are effective in boosting local electoral outcomes, it is possible that a relative lack of campaigning may be harmful. This thesis addresses this gap by exploring in detail the detrimental impact of low level campaigning on both turnout and vote share in safe constituencies by the Conservatives, Labour and Liberal Democrats. The study is situated within the literature of campaign effectiveness, also drawing on theories of voter behaviour. It offers a critical evaluation of existing research into constituency campaigning, contending not only that a lack of campaigning can be harmful, but also that these effects are impacted by nuances of local incumbency and party differentials. To explore this, the thesis conducts a quantitative examination of the effects of constituency campaigning conducted at UK general elections from 1987 to 2010. It also expands existing literature in two ways; by formulating and applying a refined way in which to measure relative levels of campaigning, and also exploring the potential of leader visits as a measure of local campaigning for the first time in the UK. The focus on rebalancing attention towards safe constituencies places the concept of marginality at the core of this thesis. In exploring the concept in detail, potential explanations for the origins of marginality are considered, drawing on theories of population stability and party support bases. Using a refined measure of relative levels of campaigning, a link is established between marginality and campaigning, which also considers the important role of incumbency. When exploring the impact of low levels of campaigning, the results indicate that in many cases there is a harmful impact on both turnout and vote share, although the effects are greater for the latter. The findings suggest that local incumbency is a central factor in deciding the detrimental impact of low levels of campaigning, with such campaigns run by opposition parties resulting in far greater declines in their vote share when compared to equivalent campaigns run by incumbents. In an era of increasing focus on marginal constituencies during election campaigns, this thesis explicitly considers the impact of a lack of campaigning in safe constituencies, the role of incumbency and also applies new measures. In doing so, new empirical insights are produced into the importance of constituency campaigning in the UK, through an approach both rooted in and building upon existing studies.

This thesis examines the Scottish Conservative party between 1832 and 1868. It focuses on the party's organisation, structure, leadership, and attitudes. It begins by examining the social, occupational, educational, and religious background of its MPs, candidates, and peers. This reveals that the party's composition, while predominantly aristocratic, nevertheless boasted a range of distinctive and often competing interests. The thesis then explores the make-up, organisation and activity of the party on a local constituency level. This illustrates that the party was more inclusive and heterogeneous than might be assumed, and was very active in promoting itself through a wide variety of methods. The party thus had a notable impact on the wider social and cultural life of Scotland throughout the mid-nineteenth century. Following this, the structure and leadership of the Scottish party on a national level is examined. These could be a source of innovation and accomplishment, and their subsequent decline had a marked effect on the party's overall performance. Above this level, the party's role in parliament, governance, and in a British context is explored. It is demonstrated that the Scottish party maintained a modicum of distinctiveness even at Westminster. Moreover, its multifaceted role in Scottish governance gave it significant influence over Scottish society. Finally, the positions of the Scottish party on important political issues are examined, as are the underlying attitudes which determined these positions. The Scottish party contained many competing and overlapping factions, which held a hitherto unsuspected diversity of outlooks. Overall, this thesis illustrates that the Scottish Conservative party had a pronounced effect on many different facets of Scottish politics and wider society, and was itself more complex and more popular than is reflected in the existing historiography. It therefore counters the assumption that Scotland was almost hegemonically Liberal - a finding which has potential implications for scholarship spread across Scottish and British political, social, and cultural history.

This thesis explores the potential impacts of electoral governance on the democratic quality of elections in Nigeria. It concentrates on the debates over the role electoral administration in securing the credibility of elections in emerging democracies, using Nigeria as an example. The thesis argues that the explanation of democratic quality of elections is best approached through comparative case studies, relying on detailed accounts of election observers, interview respondents and the perceptions of the electorate. Drawing insights from the literature on democratisation, the thesis offers a straightforward conceptual and methodological model for gauging the democratic quality of elections, emphasising the relevance of electoral governance in Nigeria. It is a comparative study of the conduct of the 2007 and the 2011 elections that shared various social and institutional variables but differ in significant ways. The case comparison illustrates how the institutional dynamics of election management influence elections quality, explaining the various interconnections between the democratic quality of elections and electoral governance in Nigeria. It provides a contextual explanation of key political terms like participation, competition and perceived legitimacy. The failures and achievements recorded in the 2007 and 2011 general elections respectively depend on effective electoral governance. The restructuring of the autonomy of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and improvement of the electoral cycles recorded in the 2011 elections plus the active contribution of the electoral courts and tribunals set the stage for an increasingly fair political engagements of contestants. It has enhanced the quality of individual voter pariticipation in the 2011 elections. These case-based findings substantiate, empirically, various assumptions in the literature, particularly those explicit in the work of Mozaffar & Schedler (2002) and Elklit & Reynolds, (2002; 2005).

In October 2015, John Magufuli became President of Tanzania and his party (Chama cha Mapinduzi, CCM) won a large majority in parliament. This thesis explains why Tanzanians choose to vote the way they do in general and in these elections in particular. It draws on qualitative interviews with approximately one-thousand voters in four field sites: one urban and one rural area in Dodoma Region where CCM are dominant, and a second pair of urban and rural areas from Mwanza Region in which the opposition are more competitive. By using theories of social remembering to understand vote preference, this thesis investigates a number of key issues that are crucial to determining political outcomes in Tanzania: 1) CCM's track record in government; 2) The sources of information available to voters; 3) The role of money in politics; 4) CCM's attempts to discredit the opposition; 5) The progress of the opposition since political liberalisation, and; 6) Local factors, including the behaviour of candidates. Having addressed these dynamics, attention is turned to how they played out during the 2015 election. The thesis concludes that, although Magufuli had significant appeal to many voters, his victory was aided by undemocratic manipulation. This shows that the process of political transition was far from complete, even before post-election developments that have threatened basic democratic principles in Tanzania.

Thesis advisor: Marc Landy
Prior to the passage of the 17th Amendment, senators were selected by state legislators, a measure designed to remove them from fluctuations of popular whim. By 1913, reformers, having assailed members of the Senate as insular to the changing needs of their constituents, pressed for fundamental, structural reform, including direct popular elections. But few works have assessed the nature of senatorial campaigns under the indirect regime. I research contemporaneous newspaper coverage and personal correspondences of individual senators to better glean their levels of sensitivity to re-election pressures — a significant qualitative contribution to the discourse. And I measure the extent to which a state’s political conditions influenced the tendency for senators to engage in public appeals for popular support. Senatorial elections were already pseudo-democratic before 1913, experiencing an emergent element of popular legitimacy as public sentiment meaningfully informed the process and conduits for public accountability were expanding. In stark contrast to prevailing perceptions, senators were keenly sensitive to electoral pressures. By cultivating popular support, they regularly tried to bolster their positions vis-a-vis powerful party leaders, state legislators, and pivotal decision-makers. But the strategy was risky as well, for a poor showing in the November elections invited intra-party challenges. Ultimately, my dissertation tells a story of how parties adapted to changing conditions to remain politically viable and survive in a new age, granting concessions to the electorate which were designed to promote greater popular participation whilst maintaining overall control over the process. The crusade for reforming the senatorial selection method was conducted on behalf of reformers who sought to redress perceived inequalities and dysfunction in the system. Debates over the balance between democratic self-government and the importance of whom Jonathan Rauch term “the middlemen” continue to percolate, colorizing the dispute within the Democratic Party over the role of superdelegates and efforts to abolish the Electoral College. And my research explores the intersection of democratic reforms and racialized politics with the adoption of the invidious “white primary” in South Carolina and the factors which gave rise to the race-baiting, populist demagogue Benjamin Tillman — the precursor to modern-day populists and illiberal democracies
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

De 1848 a 1914, le département de l’Eure se montre dans l'ensemble prudemment conservateur, se ralliant au régime établi dès lors qu'il ne remet pas en cause les droits acquis et les équilibres traditionnels, se rangeant dans l'opposition lorsque l'ordre social lui paraît menacé. Bonapartiste sous le Second Empire, il élit les candidats que lui désigne l'administration. Après la chûte de l'Empire, nous voyons les électeurs se rallier peu à peu à la République dès lors qu'elle présente un visage modéré et rassurant, mais se détourner de la République radicale à l'heure des luttes anticléricales et du bloc des gauches, mais, conservateur, l'électorat n'est pas clérical; il se détourne de tous les courants extrêmes, de droite comme de gauche. En 1914, les socialistes ne recueillent pas 2% des voix. Même les radicaux suscitent la méfiance, sauf dans l'arrondissement d'Évreux. Car il faut souligner les disparités régionales. Depuis 1848, l'arrondissement d'Évreux s'est toujours montré fermement républicain et volontiers radical. Même sous l'Empire, malgré l'encadrement de l'opinion, l'opposition y obtient un nombre de voix important. Les quatre autres arrondissements, en revanche, votent dans leur ensemble pour les conservateurs. Les arrondissements des Andelys et de Bernay sont des fiefs de la droite, ceux de Louviers et de Pont-Audemer oscillent entre la droite et la gauche en fonction des circonstances. Le département de l’Eure offre aussi l'exemple d'une vie politique intense. Une participation électorale élevée, plus élevée que dans l'ensemble du pays, une presse nombreuse (quelque 40 journaux en 1914), et face aux conservateurs un parti républicain actif et organisé. A deux reprises, à la suite de défaites électorales, radicaux et républicains modérés mettent sur pied dans chaque canton des comités permanents pour préparer les échéances électorales. En 1885, puis au début du siècle. En 1909 cet effort aboutit à la création d'une fédération départementale. L'année suivante, ce sont les courants de la droite qui s'unissent et forment leur fédération départementale, dite des républicains indépendants
From 1848 to 1914, the department of l’Eure as a whole kept a cautious conservative attitude, either joigning the established regime as long as it did not question acquired rights and traditional balance, or siding with opposition when the social order seemed to be threatened. As a Bonapartist department under the Second Empire, il elected candidates appointed by the government. After the fall of the empire, the electors gradually joined the republic as long as it showed a reassuring moderate face ; yet they turned away from the radical republic at the time of anticlerical struggles and the bloc des gauches. Though il was conservative, the electorate was not clerical; il turned away from any extreme tendency either right or left-wing. In 1914, the socialists did not get 2% out of the votes. Even the radical party inspired mistrust, except in the district of Évreux. However, one must underline local disparities. Since 1848, the district of Évreux had always been steadily republican and willingly radical. Even under the Second Empire, the opposition managed to get a great number of votes, in spite of the control of public opinion. On the other hand, the four other districts by and large voted conservative. The districts of les Andelys and Bernay were right wing strongholds, whereas in those of Louviers and Pont-Audemer the pendulum swang between right and left depending of circumstances. The department of l’Eure also gave a good example of intense political life: high electoral participation, higher than in the rest of the country, a numerous press (about 40 newspapers in 1914), an active organised republican party confronted with the conservatives. Twice, after electoral failures, radicals and moderate republicans organized permanent committees in every district to prepare the elections. In 1885 and at the beginning of the century. In 1909 their efforts resulted in the creation of a departmental federation. The year after, right-wing currents gathered together to form their own departmental federation known as that of the independent republicans

Participation in the European Parliament Election has steadily declined since the start in 1979. In 2004 less than half (47.8%) of the voting-age population of the European Union used their right to vote. This has actualized questions asking if the European Parliament is a good representation of the European citizens. The paradigm when it comes to explaining the electoral turnout in the European Parliament Election is the second-order theory. Though the theory explains the low voter participation, it does not explain why the European Parliament Election has become a second-order election. Thus, in this thesis will search for the underlying variable explaining why the European Parliament Election is a second-order election. Through our research we find that distances are important in the European Union, and they create centres and peripheries within the European Union. By looking at Rokkan and Urwin‟s horizontal and vertical types of peripheries, where the vertical type consists of Rokkan and Urwin‟s three domain of social life, our research concludes that centre-periphery structures within the European Union are the underlying variable, explaining why the European Parliament Election is a second-order election.

This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.

The first South Sudanese elections in 2010 returned high proportions of women parliamentarians (32 per cent), largely as a result of gender quota provisions. In the case of post-conflict countries such as South Sudan, processes of political restructuring and constitutional ‘engineering’ can present opportunities for issues of women’s political representation to be institutionalised through gender quota laws. However, the gap between formal laws and their implementation in practice can result in uneven outcomes, particularly in the context of deeply entrenched patriarchal attitudes and customs. Furthermore, whilst the comparative literature underscores the importance of factors such as institutional environment, ‘goodness of fit’, and sanctions for non-compliance in explaining successful outcomes, such elements are routinely absent in sub-Saharan Africa. It is important, therefore, to explain the apparent success story of gender quotas in South Sudan. There are few in-depth stories of the implementation of gender quotas. As such, the mix of formal rules and informal norms that plays out in a particular context – i.e. the rules-in-use – has been asserted rather than captured in practice. The thesis argues that tracing these micro processes is particularly important in post-conflict cases where formal political institutions are fragile and embryonic. The thesis aims to: a) tell the story of the adoption and implementation of gender quotas in South Sudan; b) identify key actors (including political parties), institutional processes, practices, and exogenous and endogenous factors contributing to success; c) explore the role of rules-in-use in implementation; and d) problematise the ‘success’ of quotas and future prospects for women by examining formal and informal institutions and their design. The study employs documentary analysis, interviews and observation methods, using a broadly institutionalist approach. Intensive fieldwork in South Sudan was conducted for one year from July 2010 to 2011, including informal discussions and briefings with political, religious and local government elites, female parliamentarians, and experts in the media, international development and academia. The thesis argues that political institutions are gendered, and therefore the understanding of adoption and implementation processes and norms is crucial to understanding both the success and shortfalls of gender quotas. It argues that political elites matter because they frame popular mandates, strategic discourses and the authoritative drive for quotas. Analysing the interaction between old and new institutions, the thesis shows the impact of legacies on outcomes. It argues that institutional design matters because the use of reserved-seat quotas had unintended consequences which diluted the impact of gender quota on the wider system by concentrating women. Although women are not formally confined to quota seats, in practice female aspirants seeking mainstream candidacies encountered considerable resistance, demonstrating the existence of informal norms which constrained their access to political power. The success of gender quotas is fragile and future prospects for women’s representation are uncertain. Gender quotas are constitutionally enshrined and there is continued evidence of rhetorical support. However, the new political institutions are deeply permeated with traditional norms and power dynamics that blunt the reformist potential of quotas and reinforce the gender status quo. The thesis provides a benchmark study of women and political recruitment in South Sudan and contributes a new empirical case to the comparative gender quotas literature, as well as to the regional literature on gender in post-conflict contexts.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate how politics was done at the level of the parliamentary constituencies at the time of the treaty of Amiens 1802-1803. This is achieved through two case studies of the elections in Middlesex and Nottingham, which are investigated as social practices. This thesis argues that understandings of masculinity and national identity, as well as questions about the nature of the constitution and citizen rights were central to participants in the extraparliamentary political process. Collective emotions were also highly important in the process of mobilising political support, and this thesis emphasises that participation in these elections was a collective effort; men and women from all levels of society were significant political actors. Moreover, this thesis demonstrates the importance of competences such as knowledge about the organisation of crowds and political violence in the performance of the election.

This study offers a mythical examination of the addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt during his first two terms of presidency. The direction of the study is to determine the use of the hero persona in Roosevelt's goal of gaining an unprecedented third-term presidential reelection.The study overviews the historic American public attitude toward the concept of a president being elected for a third consecutive term. Close attention is given to the fears of Americans during the late thirties generated from both the Great Depression and the current war in Europe and Asia. Drawing upon comments from various authorities and particularly those of Roosevelt's 1940 election opponent Wendal Willkie, the study establishes that many Americans were afraid that a third-term election would give Roosevelt too much power, and that many compared this power to/ dictatorships like those in Italy and Nazi Germany.-.Examination of numerous addresses by Roosevelt before the 1940 election reveals that FDR established a dramatistic rhetorical framework in which he cast a variety of players including the American people, Congress, the financial leaders of the Nation, foreign countries and dictatorships. These were cast as villains, victims and heroes.Two of the victims were democracy and the American Dream, both being threatened from without and from within America. The study looks at ways Roosevelt cast himself in this drama as the hero and defender of these two myths.
Department of Speech Communication

This thesis explores institutional features of the Fifth Republic in France that affect women's representation, both in terms of their access to elected office and in terms of their ability to substantively represent women once elected. After identifying factors that were particularly favourable to women in the 1997 Parliament, it assesses the institutional reforms enacted from 1997-2002, which include not only the Constitutional Amendment and the Parity Law, but also limitations on the cumul des mandats, reform of the Senate, the creation of a statut de l'elu (defining elected officials' benefits and rights) and of the new parliamentary Women's Delegations. It attempts a holistic appraisal of the institutional reforms, and their effect on patterns of political recruitment. The second part analyses practices and power within the Palais-Bourbon to assess gender differences in access to parliamentary posts and tasks. It investigates the National Assembly as a 'gendered institution' and asks whether women are in a position to make a difference to the political process and legislative outcomes. It finds perceptible differences in women's and men's access to power, their committee work and use of parliamentary questions. The thesis concludes with a study of the Women's Delegation. After investigating the rationale and circumstances of its creation, the institutional status of the Delegation within the Assembly is analysed. Its contribution to legislation and its modus operandi in the 1997 Parliament, as well as its integration into the National Assembly are examined, in order to ascertain whether it has the potential to enhance women's substantive representation and to provide' safe space' for women Deputies.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-04-15T14:44:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Romario Monteiro Paniagua.pdf: 6844324 bytes, checksum: 127f0d546eb4071c446b1ba7d5e9bdec (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-15T14:44:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Romario Monteiro Paniagua.pdf: 6844324 bytes, checksum: 127f0d546eb4071c446b1ba7d5e9bdec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-01-31
Nenhuma
A presente pesquisa analisa as redes de poder e as estratégias eleitorais na formação de territórios políticos e dos grupos de poder no município de Alegrete, localizado na fronteira da Província de São Pedro com a República Oriental do Uruguai, entre os anos de 1852 a 1867. Nesse período, a fronteira do município de Alegrete foi um espaço de intensas disputas e tensões no interior da classe proprietária pela hegemonia política. Esse território fronteiriço materializou a existência de territórios políticos, grupos e redes de poder com uma dinâmica local e nacional, e traduziu a correlação de forças entre o Estado Imperial Brasileiro e a elite da fronteira oeste sul-rio-grandense. O Estado Imperial Brasileiro ao decretar um conjunto de medidas centralizadoras e o aparato jurídico eleitoral, permeados pela intensidade das relações fronteiriças e a conjuntura política do período em questão, encontrou resistência por parte da classe proprietária da campanha que também impôs o seu ritmo, com certo nível de autonomia.
This present research analyzes the power networks and electoral strategies in the formation of political territories and power groups in Alegrete town located on the border of São Pedro Province to the Oriental Republic of Uruguay between the years 1852 to 1867. During this period, Alegrete border was an area of intense disputes and tensions within the owning class, for political hegemony. This border territory materialized the existence of political territories, groups and power networks, with a local and national dynamic and translated the balance of power between the state and the elite of the Imperial Brazilian border south west of Rio Grande. The Brazilian Imperial state to enact a set of centralizing measures and legal apparatus election, permeated by the intensity of border relations and the political situation of the period in question, met resistance from the class that owns the campaign also imposed their rhythm, with some autonomy level.

The aim of this thesis was to explore the efficacy of the rational choice model in the electoral decision making of young people. The initial view was that this was too narrow a concept to apply to a real world situation. Therefore, consumer behaviour theory was reviewed in order to find out how marketers understand consumer decision making and explore if this could add anything to electoral decision making. Using an ideographic approach, this research revealed a number of different groups that did not conform to the rational choice model. Moreover, it was interesting to discover that many voter and non-voter groups exhibit what can be described as irrational behaviour. Using education as a key variable and the Elaboration Likelihood Model as an analytical framework, it was possible to identify the different ways in which the groups built up their political knowledge and what effect this had upon the extent of their engagement with the electoral process. Two models were developed that described the various groups and their electoral behaviour. The thesis concludes by suggesting that engagement is limited to a small number of groups and the level of engagement is determined by a complex mix of education, life stage and the notion of risk.

This thesis provides a complete, chronological view of Barth’s concept of history throughout his theological career. The purpose of undertaking this hitherto unattempted task is to demonstrate that, ever since his full engagement with dogmatics in the mid-1920s, Barth has unequivocally affirmed the reality of the history which revelation becomes and is. Though he continues to insist upon the transcendence of revelation, he does so by way of an increasingly christocentric theology, so that both divine sovereignty and human dignity are firmly upheld. This is especially evident in his later theology, with his concentration on the history of Jesus Christ on the basis of the doctrine of election. This thesis thus rejects both the charge that Barth’s theology is ahistorical or anti-historical on the one hand, and the charge that it is excessively historical on the other.

This thesis explores Karl Barth’s (1886-1968) argument for “The True Religion” in his 'Church Dogmatics' I/2, §17.3, particularly the four “aspects” (i.e., creation, election, justification, and sanctification). Because this thesis focuses on Barth’s theology of the true religion and its four “aspects,” it contributes to a knowledge of his theology of religion in general and the Christian religion in particular by offering a more holistic interpretation of his theology of religion as both wholly negative and wholly positive in contrast to the vast majority of scholarship which interprets Barth’s theology as only against religion. By using the retranslation of §17 wherein the infamous German word Aufhebung is rendered more correctly as “sublimation” (rather than the original “abolition”) this thesis argues that Barth’s theology of religion is not wholly negative; rather, that of all religions God solely sublimates the Christian religion. This thesis focuses exclusively on Barth’s Church Dogmatics and in chapter one it provides a thorough exegesis of §17 to show how the four “aspects” in his theology of the true religion are the culmination of his argument that the Christian religion is the true religion. This is accomplished by emphasizing Barth’s use of the simul iustus et peccator, which is the analogous paradigm to understand the Christian religion as the true religion, because even though the Christian religion is wholly sinful it is also wholly just as evidenced in God’s sublimation of it. In chapters two through five each “aspect” is respectively exposited first and then proceeds to the corresponding sections in the later volumes of Barth’s Church Dogmatics that display the strongest theological continuity with each “aspect” in order to demonstrate how they complement, correct, and complete his theology of the true religion. The first “aspect” on creation sees Barth stress the anhypostasis of the humanity of Jesus Christ, which has continuity with his theology of the affirmation of creation in III/1, §42, especially creation as justification. In the second “aspect” on election Barth employs the covenant between Old Testament Israel and the Christian religion, which he also utilizes in II/2, §34, particularly in the twofold judgment and mercy of God. In the third “aspect” on justification Barth emphasizes the theme of the forgiveness of sins, which corresponds to IV/1, §61, specifically the pardon of the sinner. The fourth “aspect” on sanctification, particularly the motif of proclamation, aligns with his theology of sanctification in IV/2, §66, particularly the praise of the Christian’s works. This thesis concludes by offering an ethical postscript, which derives from and builds upon its discussion and enlargement of the four “aspects” and prescribes a posture of humility in which the Christian religion must relate towards other religions because it is also still a religion. This ethic also includes a purified pride in which the Christian religion boldly proclaims to all other religions that God sublimates it alone into the true religion in the hope that the adherents of other religions will eventually join the Christian religion.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T19:56:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 30
Nenhuma
Esta dissertação analisa as políticas educacionais implementadas em São Leopoldo, Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, no período de 1984 a 2004, no sentido de atender ao princípio da gestão democrática na escola pública. A articulação entre o Sindicato dos Professores Municipais Leopoldenses – CEPROL, o Executivo Municipal e as direções de escola constituiu-se no principal problema norteador da investigação. O texto analisa a eleição de diretores/as como um mecanismo da gestão democrática, conquistado pela categoria no ano de 1985 e retirado pelo Executivo em 2002. Isso demonstra que as políticas são processo, construção permanente e que sua formulação não se constitui em conquista assegurada. As articulações do movimento docente é que favoreceram a instituição de estratégias de democratização da gestão escolar na rede municipal. Todavia, as táticas de cooptação das lideranças escolares pela Administração, inseridas num contexto mais amplo de políticas, enfraqueceram o potencial organizativo do magistério junto ao seu
This dissertation analyzes the implemented educational politics in São Leopoldo, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, from1984 to 2004, following the contour of the principle of democratic management at the Public School System. The interwoven work among the Union for Municipal Teachers in São Leopoldo - CEPROL, the Municipal Executive Power and Public School Heading Boards constituted the main problem leading to this research. The text analyzes the election of school principals as a mechanism from democratic management, achieved by the category in 1985 and removed by the Executive Power in 2002. This demonstrates that politics is a process under permanent construction and that its formulation does not hold guaranteed assets. The woven work of the teaching movement favored the establishment of strategies for democratic School Management in the Municipal Network. However, the tactics for the cooptation of school leaders - involved in a wider political framework - by the Management weakened the organizational capacity of

O presente estudo analisa a eleição do décimo quarto deputado da bancada de Minas Gerais para as Cortes Gerais Extraordinárias e Constituintes da Nação Portuguesa, reunidas em Lisboa durante os anos de 1821 e 1822. Procura-se determinar os motivos que levaram à eleição tardia de um representante dos habitantes da comarca de Paracatu: o Vigário de Desemboque D. Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick. A pesquisa analisa as dificuldades vividas na condução da crise política durante esses anos na província de Minas Gerais e na comarca de Paracatu. Com esta análise, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da transição do regime absolutista ao liberal na província de Minas Gerais e no Brasil. Para isto, observam-se os diferentes momentos do processo eleitoral em Minas, procurando compreender a construção da unidade na província e no país durante o processo que levou à separação do Reino Unido de Portugal, Brasil e Algarves.
The present study analyses the election of the fourteenth representative from Minas Gerais to the Extraordinary General and Constitutional Cortes (Courts) of the Portuguese Nation, assembled in Lisbon during the years of 1821 and 1822. The aim is to determine the motives which led to the late election of a representative amongst the inhabitants of the Paracatu comarca (district): Sir Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick, vicar of Desemboque. The research analyses the difficulties lived in the conduction of the political crisis during these years in the province of Minas Gerais and in the comarca (district) of Paracatu. With this analysis, the intention is to contribute to the comprehension of the transition from an absolutist to a liberal regime in the province of Minas Gerais and in Brazil. Thus, different moments of the electoral process in Minas are observed to comprehend the construction of the provincial and national unity which led to the separation of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil e Algarves.

Purpose/Aim: The purpose of this essay is to examine the ways two Swedish tabloid newspapers portray and describe the non-Socialist parties during the Swedish election of 2006.

Material/Method: We have been studying 388 articles about the non-Socialist parties, derived from the two largest tabloid newspapers in Sweden, Aftonbladet and Expressen, during the month before the election. The method for the study is quantitative content analysis.

Main results: The main conclusions drawn from this study are that Aftonbladet had twice as much written material about the non-Socialist parties, despite the fact that the paper is traditionally Socialist, while Expressen had consistently larger headlines. Both tabloids function to a higher degree as political actors than arenas for politics. The results are in accordance with earlier research, which shows that the degree of attention the non-Socialist parties acquired as a whole in the 2006 election, is remarkable. More than half of the articles in both tabloids portrayed the non-Socialist parties as a single political actor. The results indicate that both tabloids were in accordance with their respective traditional political “colours”.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4715.pdf: 16730774 bytes, checksum: d768455056e10756be408d6e470403c0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-22
Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos
The objective of this thesis was to discuss the election of 2010 under the bias of print journalism. The analysis was made by the editorial in the Folha de S.Paulo and O Estado de S.Paulo. We had as hypothesis that newspapers represent concepts and ideas of the reading public medium that would influence the editorial published in the coverage of the three major presidential candidates. Then, we compare the final result of the election with the different approaches of the editorials in relation to candidates in order to know whether an editorial could influence the election or not. The theory was founded on the philosophy of language, concept and method created by Mikhail Bakhtin and based on ideological correctness of the text and context, relating the socio-historical moment. The theory was founded on the philosophy of language, concept and method created by Mikhail Bakhtin and based on the correlation of the text and ideological context, relating the socio-historical moment. The qualitative results showed that O Estado de S.Paulo quoted 14.02% of 442 collected texts cited presidential candidates, while the Folha de S.Paulo quoted presidential candidates in 22.8% of 285 texts - with the name appearing Rousseff on average 59 times, Jose Serra quoted 37.5 and Marina Silva quote 10.5. The qualitative result proved the trajectory of incandescent Election: Nine themes were prevalent in newspaper articles and revealed a complex scenario of the race to the presidency. We observed that the effect of former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and political scandals have earned high relief - generating protests from editorial writers - highlighting the role of the press watchdog - to the point of the O Estado de S.Paulo first take position in an election. In the other one was related issues directly with the electoral rules, the relationship with government plans while the other (FARC, Abortion/religion and Privatization) resumed discourses that traditionally appear at critical moments in which it is called when it is necessary to trigger the review public.
O objetivo desta tese foi abordar a Eleição de 2010 sob o viés do jornalismo impresso. A análise foi feita pelos editoriais da Folha de S.Paulo e O Estado de S.Paulo. Tínhamos como hipótese primeira que os jornais representam conceitos e ideias do público leitor médio, o que influenciaria no que os editoriais publicaram na cobertura dos três principais candidatos à presidência. Depois, buscamos comparar o resultado final do pleito com as diversas abordagens dos editoriais em relação aos candidatos a fim de saber se um editorial poderia influenciar ou não a eleição. A base teórica foi fundada na Filosofia da Linguagem, conceito e método criado pelo russo Mikhail Bakhtin que se apoia na correlação ideológica do texto e contexto, relacionando o momento sócio-histórico. O resultado qualitativo mostrou que O Estado de S.Paulo citou 14,02% de 442 textos coletados citavam os presidenciáveis, enquanto a Folha de S.Paulo citou os presidenciáveis em 22,8% dos 285 textos com o nome de Dilma Rousseff aparecendo em média 59 vezes, José Serra 37,5 citação e Marina Silva com 10,5. O resultado qualitativo mostrou a trajetória candente da Eleição: nove temas foram preponderantes nos textos jornalísticos e revelaram um cenário complexo da corrida ao Palácio do Planalto. Pudemos constatar que o efeito do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e os escândalos políticos ganharam alto relevo gerando protestos dos editorialistas ressaltando o papel da imprensa cão de guarda até o ponto do O Estado de S.Paulo pela primeira vez assumir posição em uma eleição. Nos demais temas um foi relacionado diretamente com as regras eleitorais, a relação com os planos de governo enquanto os outros (FARC, Aborto/religião e Privatização) reassumiram discursos que aparecem tradicionalmente nos momentos críticos em que se é convocado quando é preciso acionar a opinião pública.

O estudo das relações e práticas políticas no Legislativo Paulista, no período de 1890 a 1920, sobretudo no que se refere aos acordos e disputas entre os parlamentares das diferentes zonas econômicas e distritos eleitorais pelos recursos orçamentários, durante o processo anual de elaboração do orçamento estadual
This research is about the study of political relationships and practices in the Paulista Legislative, in between 1890 to 1920, specially on what it refers to the agreements and dispute among parliamentarians from different economic zones and election stations by the budget resources, during the annual process about the State budget planning

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-07-14T15:03:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 vanessasilvadefaria.pdf: 3105968 bytes, checksum: 606fd7d0ade08ff4ac27aa3f7b15cd94 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-19T15:29:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 vanessasilvadefaria.pdf: 3105968 bytes, checksum: 606fd7d0ade08ff4ac27aa3f7b15cd94 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-19T15:29:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 vanessasilvadefaria.pdf: 3105968 bytes, checksum: 606fd7d0ade08ff4ac27aa3f7b15cd94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-28
Esta dissertação é fruto da curiosidade em compreender melhor os meandros da ação política no Brasil do século XIX – período marcado por constantes embates entre o tradicional e o moderno – e todas as problemáticas inerentes a ele, sobretudo, as eleições e a dinâmica social por trás desses eventos políticos. O nosso objetivo com esse estudo é examinar as dimensões da experiência eleitoral no Brasil Império, a partir da análise das informações contidas nas listas que compõem os livros de qualificação de votantes pertencentes ao município de Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais, entre os anos de 1872 a 1876, e traçar o perfil dos qualificados votantes e eleitores desta municipalidade. Nesse ínterim, serão analisadas as listas referentes ao Distrito Sede do município, composto por vinte quarteirões. Buscamos agregar a utilização de novas fontes documentais a uma proposta metodológica que associa o uso da quantificação na análise qualitativa dos dados, visando entender em que medida as mudanças feitas na legislação eleitoral do Império do Brasil afetaram e moldaram as práticas eleitorais no país, e o que isso significou, em termos práticos, quando do alistamento eleitoral.
This dissertation is the result of curiosity to better understand the intricacies of the political action of Brazil in the 19th century – period marked by frequent collisions between traditional and modern - and all the problems inherent in it, above all, elections and the social dynamics behind these political events. The purpose of this study is to examine the dimensions of electoral experience in Empire of Brazil, from the analysis of the information contained in the lists that compose the books of qualification of voters belonging to the outline the profile of qualified voters and electors of this municipality. Meanwhile, the lists were analyzed lists concerning to the District Headquarters of the municipality, composed of twenty blocks. Assembled the use of new documentary sources to a methodology that combines the use of quantification in the analysis of qualitative data in order to understand how far the changes made in electoral legislation of the Empire of Brazil affected and shaped the election practices in the country, and what that signified in practical terms, when the electoral registration.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-06-16T14:23:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelgoncalvesdasilva.pdf: 1175433 bytes, checksum: 7983bdf26ec44872fc6f94aec147602f (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-13T14:16:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelgoncalvesdasilva.pdf: 1175433 bytes, checksum: 7983bdf26ec44872fc6f94aec147602f (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-13T14:16:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelgoncalvesdasilva.pdf: 1175433 bytes, checksum: 7983bdf26ec44872fc6f94aec147602f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-22
O presente trabalho objetiva compreender o comportamento dos partidos na formação das coligações eleitorais municipais. As pesquisas sobre coligações partidárias no Brasil se valem, principalmente, de técnicas de análise quantitativa com o objetivo principal de encontrar padrões, regularidades e tendências gerais nas estratégias dos partidos, combinando dois argumentos principais, o pragmatismo e a ideologia. Eles oferecem uma importante contribuição traçando um quadro geral das coligações no nível municipal. Entretanto, tais estudos não permitem compreender a fundo as motivações das elites políticas locais na realização das alianças e em que medida esse processo é afetado por atores que operam em outros níveis, visando outros objetivos. Desse modo, pretende-se nessa pesquisa, compreender um pouco mais desse tema, por meio de uma abordagem qualitativa. Assim, foram realizadas entrevistas junto a lideranças políticas nas eleições de 2012, em dois municípios mineiros, Lambari e Juiz de Fora. Buscou-se investigar três principais dimensões: atores centrais envolvidos no processo, suas percepções, estratégias e os recursos mobilizados por eles, assim como suas motivações, em dois municípios, um de pequeno e um de médio porte. Além disso, procurou-se explorar as articulações entre os diferentes níveis da federação, através da influencia da dinâmica da esfera estadual e nacional no processo de composição das alianças no nível local. Os resultados obtidos corroboram com as hipóteses e revelam que embora o componente pragmático pareça estar presente na maioria dos partidos, nos dois municípios, não se pode ignorar a importância de outros fatores que tornam a decisão dos aliados mais complexa, os quais limitam e constrangem a ação dos agentes.
This paper aims to investigate and understand the partisan behavior in the formation of the municipal electoral coalitions. Research on coalitions in Brazil rely mainly on quantitative analysis techniques with the main objective to find patterns, regularities and general trends in the strategies of parties, combining two main arguments, pragmatism and ideology. They offer an important contribution by drawing a general picture of coalitions at the municipal level. However, these studies do not allow understanding into the motivations of local political elites in the performance of alliances and to what extent this process is affected by actors operating at other levels, aiming at other goals. Thus, it is intended in this research to understand a little more of that theme, through a qualitative approach. Thus, interviews were conducted with political leaders in the 2012 elections in two municipalities of Minas Gerais, Lambari and Juiz de Fora. We sought to investigate three main dimensions: key players involved in the process, their perceptions, strategies and resources mobilized by them as well as their motivations, in two municipalities, one small and one medium size. In addition, it sought to explore the links between the different levels of the federation, through the influence of the dynamics of the state and national level in the writing process of alliances at the local level. The results corroborate the hypothesis and show that while the pragmatic component appears to be present in most parties, in both cities, one can’t ignore the importance of other factors that make the decision of the most complex allies, which limit and constrain action of the agents.

Cette these retrace l'itineraire politique exemplaire de joaquis maurin depuis ses premiers engagements militants au sein du syndicalisme revolutionnaire en 1919 jusqu'au choix communiste dissident des annees 1930. Entre au parti communiste espagnol (p. C. E. ) en 1924. Il s'eloignera progressivement de la politique de l'internationale communiste jusqu'a creer, lors de la proclamation de la republique en 1931, son organisation propre, le bloque obrero y campesino (b. O. C. ). Inspirees du marxisme-leninisme, mais tenant compte des donnees politiques, sociales et economiques specifiques a l'espagne, les theories conceptuelles et strategiques de cette alternative revolutionnaire la situent entre socialisme, stalinisme et trotskysme. Le second volume precise les fondements d'une demarche qui conduit maurin a des propositions originales, tant a l'egard du syndicalisme que de l'antifascisme, assises sur le principe de politique unitaire, syndicale et politique. Ces propositions sont axees, d'une part, sur le front ouvrier unique, concretise en 1934 dans les alliances ouvrieres regies par le principe de democratie ouvriere, et, d'autre part, sur le part, sur le parti marxiste unique, dont le partido obrero de unificacion marxista (p. O. U. M. ) n'aurait du etre que la premiere etape. Constitue en 1935, ce parti represente cependant la plus importante organisation communiste independante des annees 30 au niveau international. Neanmoins, la question du front populaire, auquelle le p. O. U. M. Adhere sans conviction, mais sous l'etiquette duquel maurin est elu depute parlementaire en fevrier 1936, l'influence du communisme stalinien des juillet 1936, le contexte de guerre civile et son emprisonnement empecheront cet intellectuel d'action de concretiser plus avant ses perspectives unitaires
This thesis traces the joaquin maurin's exemplary political itinerary, from his first militant engagements in the bosom of the revolutionary syndicalism in 1919 up to the dissident communism option of the thirties, joining the partido comunista espagnol en 1924, he would differ gradually from the conintem's policy, so far as to create his own organisation, the bloque obrero y campesino in 1931, imbued with leninism, but taking into account the political peculiarities of spain, the conceptual and strategical theories of this revolutionary alternative place it between socialism, stalinisn and trotskyisa, the second book deals with the foundations of a thought which induces maurin to original propositions, with regard to syndicalism as to antifascisa, based upon the revolutionary unity concept. These proposals are centred, first, on the united worker front, effective in 1934 in the workers alliances, and, on the other hand, on the united marxist party, of which the partido obrero de unificacion marxista (p. O. U. M. ) should have been only the first step. Formed in 1935, this party represents the most important independant communist organisation of the thirties in the world. Vet, the popular front question - which the p. O. U. M. Joins without any conviction, but what allows maurin to be elected in february 1936 -, the stalinian communisa influence on and after july 1936, the civil var context and his imprisonnent would prevent maurin from carrying out his unitary prospects any further

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-06-23T18:37:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 danielleteodorosantoscamarota.pdf: 1062198 bytes, checksum: 5004c4eb4251e7f7721ed54547e0b364 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-13T15:41:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 danielleteodorosantoscamarota.pdf: 1062198 bytes, checksum: 5004c4eb4251e7f7721ed54547e0b364 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-13T15:41:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 danielleteodorosantoscamarota.pdf: 1062198 bytes, checksum: 5004c4eb4251e7f7721ed54547e0b364 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-31
Com o intuito de reafirmar a importância da formação no exercício da gestão escolar, este Plano de Ação Educacional (PAE) tem como objetivo a proposição de um programa que visa capacitar os professores, da rede municipal de ensino de Juiz de Fora, MG, que anseiam concorrer ao cargo de gestor escolar, para o exercício da função. Resta claro que, atualmente, com uma sociedade cada vez mais complexa e com o arcabouço de informações que fazem parte do cotidiano escolar, os diretores estão sendo cada vez mais exigidos. Sendo assim, é possível observar que muitos diretores, ainda que eleitos por processos democráticos, encontrem dificuldades para desempenhar as inúmeras demandas advindas do cargo. Tal fato se evidencia, principalmente, no que tange à compreensão das políticas públicas implementadas pelas esferas federais e estaduais, como, por exemplo, as políticas de avaliação. Isso pode ser vislumbrado na forma como os gestores lidam com os indicadores educacionais disponibilizados para suas unidades. Também é possível identificar outras dificuldades, como a falta de habilidade no uso de ferramentas tecnológicas, bem como a dificuldade para lidar com a questão orçamentária e de gestão de pessoas. Isso posto, a proposta é criar um programa de formação e capacitação de gestores escolares para a rede municipal de ensino de Juiz de Fora, tendo o Centro de Formação do Professor como espaço propício para estímulo e aperfeiçoamento das habilidades inerentes ao cargo de gestor educacional.
Aiming to reaffirm the importance of the in-service training of school managers, this Educational Action Plan (PAE, in Portuguese) has as its goal the proposal of a program designed to capacitate teachers from the municipal education network of Juiz de Fora, who aspire to run for school managers, exercising such function. It is clear that nowadays with a society ever growing in complexity, and with the framework of information pertaining to the school daily life, principals are being under increasing demand. As such, it is possible to observe that many principals, even though elected through democratic processes, find difficulty in playing the roles that come with the position. Such fact is made evident, in the scope of understanding public policies implemented by the federal and state spheres, as for example, evaluation policies. This may be observed in the way that managers deal with educational indicators made available to their units. It is also possible to identify other difficulties, such as the lack of skills in utilizing technological tools, as well as difficulty in dealing with the budgetary issue of the people management one. Therefore, the proposal is to create a training and capacitating program to school managers in the municipal educational network of Juiz de For a, having the Center for Teacher Formation as the favourable setting to stimulate and perfect the skills inherent to the position of school manager.

A partir de quatre professions de foi des élections présidentielles de 1981 et des Essais de linguistique générale de Jakobson (1963), on remet ici en cause l'idée selon laquelle les procès métaphorique et métonymique n'opéreraient qu'en analyse politique de textes littéraires : au-delà du binarisme jakobsonien, il convient d'élaborer une grille d'analyse et de tenter l'adéquation entre des concepts - tels que la fonction poétique - davantage proche de la sémiotique, et ceux - plus nombreux - habituellement opérateurs en analyse de discours
Using as a corpus the credos of 4 candidates at the 1981 french presidential elections, we have tried to contest the following idea found in Jakobson Essais de Linguistique Générale (1963) : the metaphoric and metonymic processes would only be valid when doing a poetic analysis of literary texts. One must go beyond jakobson's binarism and produce a grid of analysis ; that will enable us to link such concepts as poetic function, more related to semiotics and those concepts, more numerous, that are usually found functionnal in discourse analysis

A Revolução Federalista e o ideário parlamentarista remonta à história política do Império do Brasil. Com a proclamação da República em 15.11.1889, a vida política e social modificou-se sobremaneira. A forma de Estado deixou de ser Unitária para ser Federativa, o sistema de governo deixou de ser Parlamentarista para ser Presidencialista, a forma de governo deixou de ser Monárquica para se tornar Republicana. Tais reformas lideradas pelo Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca e por Benjamin Constant depositaram grandes expectativas no povo brasileiro. Todos os males do império projetavam-se na república. Com o tempo, o povo foi vendo, pouco a pouco, que as velhas mazelas que assombravam a vida imperial, rondavam, igualmente, a vida republicana. O sistema eleitoral e as reformas eleitorais não garantiam a plena democracia, tanto que Deodoro e os seus garantiram, artificialmente, a maioria na Constituinte de 1891. O alistamento ainda era forjado, a grande naturalização favorecia os Republicanos Históricos, sendo que a vontade da Nação distanciava-se, cada vez mais, da vontade dos proclamadores da República. A instabilidade política e social era acompanhada pelo abalo econômico. As constantes emissões, a jogatina na bolsa, o encilhamento, a substituição do trabalho servil pela mão de obra livre, a substituição dos velhos liberais e conservadores do Império pela mocidade imberbe da República, toda ela inexperiente, toda ela não versada no serviço público é que passou a gerir a vida pública nos mais diferentes estados da nossa federação. A ala jovem republicana, lotada em importantes cargos administrativos e governamentais, trocou os pés pelas mãos, angariando a raiva das forças tradicionais do Império. O Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, por exemplo, assistiu, durante o Governo Provisório, passar pelo Estado, nada menos que seis Governadores. A instabilidade política era total. A diátese revolucionária prenunciava levantes armados em poucos dias. Parafraseando D. Pedro, Deodoro abandonou o poder, momento em que assina o decreto de alforria do verdadeiro escravo do Brasil. Assume o poder o Vice-Presidente, Marechal Floriano Peixoto, o qual presta apoio político ao Governador do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, o Sr. Júlio de Castilhos. Ambos aliam-se contra o exército libertador de Gaspar Silveira Martins, que havia retornado do exílio e fundara o Partido Federalista Rio-Grandense, no Congresso de Bagé, para fazer frente ao Governo autoritário de Júlio de Castilhos. Travou-se no Rio Grande do Sul uma das mais sangrentas guerras de nossa história. A Revolução Federalista foi um guerra fratricida, que matou mais de dez mil homens. Estes revolucionários liderados intelectualmente por Gaspar Silveira Martins e militarmente pelo General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, guerrearam por três estados da federação (RS, SC e PR), fazendo a república tremer. Em certos momentos, a revolução parecia que garanharia contornos nacionais, e o Presidente Floriano temia o futuro da República. No governo de Prudente de Morais foi assinado, na cidade de Dom Pedrito, a paz farroupilha, momento em que os maragatos de Silveira Martins e os Chimangos de Júlio de Castilhos apertaram as mãos: estava consolidade, de vez, a República.
The Federalist Revolution and the ideas of Parliamentarism start from the Political History of the Brazilian´s Empire. With the Republic\'s proclamation in 11.15.1889, the political and social life changed substantially. The state form stopped being unitary to be federative, the government system stopped being parlamentarism to be presidentialism, the government form stopped being a monarchy to be a republic. Such reformations, leaded by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca and by Benjamin Constant created great expectations in the Brazilian people. All the evils of the empire protruded in the republic. Over time, the people started to understand, inchmeal, that the old evils that haunted the empire, also prowled the republican life. The electoral system and the poll reformations do not assured full democracy, so that Deodoro and his cronies achieved, artificially, majority in the 1891´s constituent. The voter registration was wrought, the great naturalization favored the historic republicans, as the nation´s will distinguished increasingly from the will of the republic proclaimers. The social and political instability was accompanied by the economic debacle. The constant issuance of paper money, the gambling on the stock exchange, the encilhamento, the change from the slave work by the free work, the substitution of the old empire´s liberal and conservative politicians by the republic´s beardless youth, all of them lacking experience, without knowledge of the public service, started to manage the public life in the diferent states of the Brazilian federation. The republican´s youth wing, occupying important administrative and governmental positions, created confusion, causing rage by the traditional forces of the empire. The Rio Grande do Sul´s state, for instance, under the Brazilians Provisional government, had no less than six governors. There was a complete political instability. The revolutionary diathesis foreshadowed armed uprisings in few days. Paraphrasing D. Pedro, Deodoro abandoned the power, in the moment in which signs the emancipation decree of the true Brazi´s slave. The vice president, Marshal Floriano Peixoto, assumes the power, and provides political support to the Rio Grande do Sul´s state´s governor, Mr. Júlio de Castilhos. They both allied against the Gaspar Silveira Martins´s liberator army, which had returned from the exile and founded the Rio Grande do Sul´s Federalist Party, in the Bagé´s Congress, to oppose Júlio de Castilhos ´s authoritarian govern. Then happened one of the bloodiest wars of our history. The Federalist Revolution was a fratricidal war, that killed over ten thousand men. These revolutionaries, intellectually leaded by Gaspar Silveira Martins and military commanded by General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, waged war in three states of the federation (RS, SC and PR), making the republic tremble. In certain moments, the revolution seemed to gain national contours, and the President Floriano feared for the future of the Republic. In the Prudente de Morais presidential government was signed, in the town of Dom Pedrito, the farroupilha peace, when the Silveira Martins´s maragatos and the Júlio de Castilhos´s chimangos shaked hands: the Republic was consolidated, once and for all.

En 1848, le Gouvernement provisoire issu des journées de Février proclame le suffrage direct et universel. Cette décision est inédite, elle est aussi impromptue. En effet, le suffrage universel est encore une énigme. Nul ne s'accorde sur un tel concept qui apparaît davantage comme un slogan d'opposition à la monarchie de Juillet. Par ailleurs, la mise en œuvre du suffrage universel quarante-huitard se présente comme une gageure. Comment faire voter des millions de citoyens qui, pour beaucoup, n'ont jamais été électeurs ? Tout reste à faire, et à inventer un corps électoral de masse, une géographie électorale, des pratiques. Toutefois, les quarante-huitards arrivent à relever le défi d'un suffrage de masse. Malgré de multiples difficultés, incidents et fraudes, le processus électoral arrive à son terme. Par l'adhésion qu'il suscite, le suffrage universel quarante-huitard s'impose alors comme un mode d'exercice légitime, fondateur et singulier d'une souveraineté populaire
In 1848, the Provisional government resulting from the events of February proclaims direct and universal suffrage. This is an unprecedented and impromptu decision. Indeed, universal suffrage remains something of an enigma. Nobody knows much about this concept which appears to be rather a slogan of opposition against the July Monarchy. Furthermore, the implementation of universal suffrage in 1848is a challenge. How does one persuade millions of citizens to vote, citizens who, for the most part, have never voted before? There remains much to be done and invented : a mass electorate, electoral geography and methods. However, the 1848 revolutionaries do succeed in the challenge of mass voting. Despite numerous difficulties, incidents and frauds, the electoral process cornes into being. Through the implication it arouses, universal suffrage is not only the founder of popular sovereignty but goes on to become legitimate practice

This thesis examines the federal election of 1896 in Manitoba. It is prompted by the question of why, during a brief period of six months, Manitoba voters retracted their support from the anti-Remedial and anti-coercionist Liberals in the Provincial election of January 1896 to elect the pro-Remedial and coercionist federal Conservatives in the federal election of 1896. The thesis investigates the ways Manitoba candidates and parties developed their positions and priorities on campaign issues and public policy during the federal campaign. It examines candidates' reliance upon both political management and their stance on controversial election issues. The thesis will show that the Manitoba campaign was not the referendum on education that almost all historians have assumed or concluded.

Dissertação de Mestrado em História apresentada à Faculdade de Letras
A Revolução Liberal de 1820, sendo um dos momentos-chave que colocaram Portugal no caminho da contemporaneidade, consegue, ainda hoje, surpreender pelas complexas ramificações e variações que operou nos primeiros anos do liberalismo institucionalizado no país. Os liberais que conduziram a revolução ambicionavam seguir o exemplo dos seus companheiros ideológicos espanhóis, que haviam abolido o absolutismo em 1812 e instituído um governo representativo assente na Constituição de Cádis, publicada no mesmo ano. Um dos requisitos indispensáveis do regime representativo seria a convocação de eleições no reino, de modo a estabelecer um grupo parlamentar que legislasse e atuasse em nome do bem da nação. Sendo verdade que a primeira experiência liberal em Portugal foi curta, com uma duração de três anos, não deixou de experienciar dois importantes momentos eleitorais. O primeiro ocorreu logo em dezembro de 1820, quatro meses volvidos da insurreição no Campo de Santo Ovídio. O segundo momento teve início em agosto de 1822, prolongando-se até 6 de outubro, data em que se nomearam os deputados em segundo escrutínio. Para o estudo historiográfico deste tema, as fontes disponibilizadas no Arquivo Histórico do Parlamento, situado no Palácio de S. Bento em Lisboa, são do maior interesse. As últimas décadas têm-se mostrado produtivas na observação científica do liberalismo português. O seu estudo é fundamental para compreender a entrada de Portugal no período da contemporaneidade. É fundamental para entendermos o efeito-dominó da queda do absolutismo e o impacto dos ideais herdeiros do iluminismo. Para nós, estudar um processo eleitoral como este é decisivo para compreender o fator político dos novos ventos ideológicos, e para descortinar o pensamento dos representantes da nação portuguesa nos temas e decisões que haviam de orientar o Estado liberal.
The Portuguese Liberal Revolution of 1820, being a key moment in leading Portugal to contemporaneity, remains, to this day, a curious event, due to the complex ramifications and variations it resulted in, in the first years of the country’s institutionalized liberalism. The Liberals which led the revolution aspired to follow the example of their fellow Spanish partisans, who had abolished absolutism in 1812 and established a representative government based on the Constitution of Cádiz, published in that same year. One of the essential requirements of this representative regime would be the call for elections in the kingdom to define a parliamentary group whose aim was to legislate and act to ensure the nation’s welfare. While true that Portugal’s first liberal experience was short-lived, lasting only three years, it led to two important electoral moments. The first one happened in December of 1820, four months after the uprising in Campo de Santo Ovídio. The second started in August of 1822, and continued until the 6th of October, when parliament members were appointed, on a second ballot. The sources available at the Portuguese Parliament’s Historical Archives, in Palácio de S. Bento, in Lisbon, are extremely useful to carry out an historiographic research on this subject. The last few decades haven proven productive in terms of scientific research on the Portuguese liberalism. Its study is crucial to understand the domino effect of the fall of absolutism and the impact of the ideals inherited from Enlightenment. For us, studying an electoral process like this one is crucial to understand the political factor of the new ideological currents, and to continue to uncover Portugal’s representatives’ way of thinking about the subjects and decisions that would govern the liberal State.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2007
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 158-173).

Dissertação de mestrado em Geografia
As eleições são parte fundamental da democracia de um Estado de direito, que no caso da Guiné-Bissau estão a dar os primeiros passos. As eleições são tão importantes para a democracia que existem equipas de observadores dedicadas a observar todo o processo eleitoral. Da observação resulta um relatório final que reflete todo o processo eleitoral e do qual se destacam as conclusões e as diretrizes que devem ser consideradas como guias para melhorar o processo eleitoral e, em último caso, o estado da democracia. Estes relatórios assumem um papel importante a diversos níveis. Por um lado, eles constituem um espelho fidedigno do estado atual da política de um país. Consequentemente, os relatórios podem acarretar implicações em termos geopolíticos. Assim, esta dissertação trata de analisar os relatórios finais das Missões de Observação Eleitoral levadas a cabo pela União Europeia na Guiné-Bissau, entre 2005 e 2014, de modo a perceber a evolução da democracia na Guiné-Bissau e a verificar se, fruto das conclusões dos relatórios, ocorreram alterações ao nível das relações entre a Guiné-Bissau e os restantes Estados. As principais componentes de suporte empírico são, portanto, os relatórios finais das Missões de Observação Eleitoral, mas outras fontes essenciais à compreensão e desenvolvimento da dissertação foram usadas. Do ponto de vista político, a Guiné-Bissau pode ser classificada como instável, com uma democracia frágil. As primeiras eleições democráticas ocorreram 20 anos após a independência e desde então apenas um Presidente da República terminou o mandato presidencial de cinco anos. Desde 1994, o país viveu períodos de violência, como foi o caso da guerra-civil (1998-99), que obrigou a intervenção da ONU. Os Períodos de Transição para a Democracia e o respeito pelas indicações e recomendações das Missões de Observação Eleitoral são passos importantes para a consolidação e maturação da democracia na Guiné-Bissau, algo que será positivo, quer no contexto interno, quer para o externo.
Elections are key to democracy and the rule of law, which in the case of Guinea-Bissau are taking its first steps. Elections are so important to democracy that teams of observers are dedicated to observing entire electoral processes. The observation results in a final report that reflects the complete electoral process and highlights the conclusions and guidelines that should be considered to improve the electoral process and, ultimately, the state of democracy. These reports play an important role at several levels. On the one hand, they constitute a reliable mirror of the current state of a country's policy. Consequently, the reports can have implications in geopolitical terms. Thus, this dissertation seeks to analyse the final reports of the Electoral Observation Missions carried out by the European Union in Guinea-Bissau, between 2005 and 2014, in order to understand the evolution of democracy in Guinea-Bissau and to verify whether, as a result of conclusions of the reports, there were changes in the level of relations between Guinea-Bissau and the other States. The main components of empirical support are, therefore, the final reports of the Electoral Observation Missions, but other sources essential to the understanding and development of the dissertation were used. From a political point of view, Guinea-Bissau can be classified as unstable, with a fragile democracy. The first democratic elections took place 20 years after independence and since then only one President of the Republic has ended the five-year presidential term. Since 1994, the country has experienced periods of violence, such as the civil war (1998-99), which forced the UN to intervene. The Transition Periods for Democracy and the respect for the indications and recommendations of the Electoral Observation Missions are important steps for the consolidation and maturation of democracy in Guinea-Bissau, something that will be positive, both internally and externally.

Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política
Na última década a União Europeia (UE) experimentou múltiplas crises e um dos efeitos foi o desenvolvimento de partidos eurocéticos e populistas. Entendemos que seria importante elaborar uma distinção mais precisa sobre partidos eurocéticos e populistas, uma vez que consideramos que há partidos que são classificados como eurocéticos, mas que, na realidade adotam uma abordagem populista nas suas campanhas eleitorais. Partindo desta constatação, o objetivo desta tese é demonstrar que Nigel Farage, um líder partidário britânico comumente referenciado como ‘eurocético’, ganhou as eleições parlamentares europeias de 2014 e 2019 recorrendo a uma abordagem populista de direita. Para tal, partimos dos pressupostos teóricos da teoria do Issue Salience e procedemos à análise de conteúdo de 16 discursos e 1 manifesto de partido da autoria de Farage na liderança de dois partidos, UKIP (2014) e Brexit (2019). Os resultados desta análise permitiram-nos concluir que este líder partidário soube adequar os seus discursos às especificidades dos contextos vividos em 2014 e 2019 para vencer as duas eleições. Assim, e contrariamente àquilo que a literatura refere, os resultados desta investigação confirmaram que Nigel Farage adotou uma abordagem populista de direita como estratégia para ganhar as eleições parlamentares europeias de 2014 e 2019, embora não tenha descurado totalmente uma abordagem eurocética de direita nos dois momentos eleitorais.
In the last decade, the European Union (EU) has experienced multiple crises which have contributed to instil the proliferation of Eurosceptic and Populist parties. Having said that and because we believe that many parties that are traditionally known as being Eurosceptic engage in Populist discourses to rip electoral benefits, we have decided to have a closer look at the under-explored relationship between Eurosceptic and populist claims in parties that are labelled as being ‘Eurosceptic’. Based on this assumption, the purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate that Nigel Farage, a British party leader traditionally known as 'Eurosceptic', has relied on right-wing populist claims to win European Parliamentary elections in 2014 and 2019. In order to do so, we will draw on the Issue Salience theoretical framework and we will conduct a qualitative content analysis of 16 speeches and 1 party manifesto of Nigel Farage while in the leadership of two parties, UKIP (2014) and Brexit (2019). The results of this research have allowed us to conclude that Nigel Farage has embraced right-wing populist claims and, hence, adjusted his speeches to the specificities of the contexts experienced in 2014 and 2019 to win both elections. Hence, and contrary to what the literature says, we were able to confirm that Nigel Farage took a right-wing populist stance to win European parliamentary elections in 2014 and 2019, even though he has not totally neglected right-wing Eurosceptic claims.

Дисертація на здобуття наукового ступеня доктора канонічного права. Папський орієнтальний інститут. Рим, 1989. Дисертація являє собою перше комплексне богословсько-канонічне дослідження інституту єпископа на підставі законодавчих джерел – актів архієрейських синодів Київської Церкви. У праці висвітлено багатогранність постаті єпископа як основного об’єднавчого еклезіотворчого чинника Київської Церкви в контексті синодального устрою цієї Церкви. Всебічно проаналізовано сутність і природу єпископської влади як у стосунку до вищої влади, якій єпископ підпорядкований, так і щодо тих, кому він покликаний служити.
Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Canon Law. - Pontifical Oriental Institute. Rome, 1989. The thesis is the first complex scientific study of institute of bishop on the basis of legislative acts of synods of bishops of the Kyivan Church. The study highlights the multidimensional character of the figure of bishop as the main unifying and church-building factor in the Kyivan Church in the context of the Church’s synodal structure. The study comprehensively analyzes the essence and the nature of episcopal authority in its relations both to higher ecclesiastical authorities and to those whom the bishop is called to serve.

Dissertação de mestrado em Sistemas de Informação
Durante o século XX, entre muitas das inovações tecnológicas, assistiu-se ao nascimento da Internet. Desde o seu início, com fins apenas militares, até aos dias de hoje, onde é amplamente divulgada e utilizada para fins de trabalho ou de lazer, conseguiu modificar costumes tradicionais da sociedade como é o caso do relacionamento humano. Se a Internet revolucionou aspectos sociais basilares como o relacionamento humano, então, há que usufruir dos seus benefícios e aplicá-la em áreas que possam necessitar de modernização e evolução como forma de acompanhar as alterações de que a sociedade tem sido alvo, nomeadamente, o processo que existe em redor das eleições. Com a modernização desta área, pretende-se colher proveitos das vantagens associadas à tecnologia, nomeadamente, a diminuição do tempo do apuramento, impedimento da pequena fraude eleitoral e tornar o acto de votar mais cómodo e mais acessível para os cidadãos em geral. A intenção deste trabalho é compreender o processo eleitoral tradicional e os conceitos a ele associados e analisar trabalhos existentes de sistemas de votação electrónica, que façam uso da Internet, desenvolvidos por diferentes autores. Efectuado, academicamente, o trabalho de estudo na área de votação electrónica tem, simultanemanente, o objectivo e o resultado de apresentar uma proposta de um modelo para a certificação de sistemas de votação electrónica, que façam uso da Internet, com o intento de avaliar esses sistemas, fundamentando-se para tal num guião. O propósito de aplicar a proposta deste modelo a um sistema de votação electrónica será o de averiguar se este está apto para ser usado em eleições que se venham a realizar, a nível local ou nacional, sem perda de garantias absolutas, como o anonimato.
During the 20th century, among many others technological inovations, we have seen the birth of the Internet. Since it’s beginnings, initially for military purposes only, until nowadays, where it is widely divulged and used at work and for leisure purposes, the Internet has managed to transform some of the most traditional habits in our society, such as the human relationship. If the Internet transformed such social aspects we must then take advantage of it’s benefits and apply it in areas which indeed need to evolve and at the same time, these areas, should be able to follow the changes that have been occuring in society, one of these areas is the electoral process. With the modernization of the elections we want to benefit from the advantages that come with technology, such as diminuish the counting time, hind the small electoral frauds and turn the voting a comfort and accessible act to all citizens. This work intent to understand the traditional electoral process and the associated concepts and analyse existing works on electronic voting systems, using the Internet, developed by different authors. The academic study done on electronic voting systems, the proposal of a certification model of electronic voting systems, using the Internet, based on a script, simultaneously constitute the goal and the final outcome of this work, intending to evaluate those electronic voting systems. The purpose of applying the proposal of this model to an electronic voting system is to observe if it is ready for use in future elections, wether in local or nation wide elections, without the loss of assurances such as anonymity.

Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política
O presente estudo de caso analisa o uso da rede social Facebook por parte dos movimentos independentes (ou Grupos de Cidadãos Eleitores) durante o período de campanha eleitoral para as eleições autárquicas a 1 de outubro de 2017. O objetivo é avaliar o estádio da comunicação política e do marketing político em Portugal, no que ao uso das redes sociais diz respeito, com a particularidade de olhar para uma eleição ao nível local. Partindo de uma amostra de trinta e cinco candidaturas, esta investigação apresenta uma tipologia de candidatos independentes (dividida em três grupos: independentes com tradição, independentes recandidatos e “puros independentes”) bem como uma tabela de análise à rede social que contempla quatro dimensões distintas: caracterização geral, envolvimento, conteúdo e sofisticação. Os dados obtidos neste estudo foram recolhidos em tempo real durante o período oficial de campanha através da observação direta às páginas oficiais de campanha no Facebook. Com base nos resultados da investigação, podemos concluir que o uso dado pelos candidatos independentes ao Facebook não é homogéneo consoante os diferentes grupos de independentes e que existe ainda um longo caminho a percorrer no sentido da profissionalização quanto à utilização das redes sociais enquanto ferramentas de campanha eleitoral, assim como, no do efetivo envolvimento e interação com o eleitorado e ainda da criação de uma visão estratégica de comunicação política que saiba integrar o mundo digital, em particular as redes sociais.
The present case study analyses the use of the social networking website Facebook by Independent Movements (or Citizen’s Groups) during the election campaign period for the October 1st, 2017 local elections. The goal is to evaluate the stage of political communication and political marketing in Portugal, in which the use of social networks is concerned, with the particularity of looking for an election at the local level. From a sample of thirty-five nominations this research presents a typology of independent candidates: independents with tradition, independent recandidates and “pure independents” as well as a codebook for this social networking site that encompasses four dimensions: general characterization, involvement, content and sophistication. The data obtained in this study were collected in real time during the official campaign period through direct observation of the official campaign pages on Facebook. Based on the results of the research, we can conclude that the use given by independent candidates to Facebook is not homogeneous according to the different groups of independents and that there is a long way to go towards professionalization in relation to the use of social networks as tools of electoral campaigns, as well as towards an effective involvement and interaction with the electorate and also the creation of a strategic vision of political communication that is related to the digital world, in particular the social networks.

As investigações sobre o caciquismo em Portugal durante a Monarquia Constitucional são praticamente inexistentes, ao contrário de Espanha, onde, graças aos estudos levados a cabo há várias décadas, é possível traçar um quadro bastante preciso sobre a importância dos caciques na vida política da Restauração borbónica (1874-1923). Pelo contrário, em Portugal os trabalhos sobre as elites políticas da periferia têm sido enquadrados no âmbito dos municípios, recaindo a análise, essencialmente, sobre a origem social das vereações, negligenciando a atuação dos seus membros como influentes políticos e eleitorais. A dissertação que aqui se apresenta tenta romper com esta situação e tem como objetivo estudar a atividade política dos chefes de duas famílias - os Vaz Preto Geraldes e os Tavares de Almeida Proença - influentes na Beira Baixa, na segunda metade do século XIX. A estas duas famílias é tradicionalmente reconhecida uma grande preponderância política, constituindo duas fações, conhecidas por pretos e brancos, a quem são atribuídas o controlo das câmaras municipais, a indicação de governadores civis, a manipulação dos atos eleitorais, a escolha de deputados e o condicionamento da ação governativa nas suas zonas de influência. Apesar disso não há nenhum estudo sobre o seu real poder pelo que, aquilo que se propõe é analisar as origens desse poder, a forma como o exerciam, as redes clientelares que estabeleceram, as relações com o poder central, a evolução destas tendências políticas beirãs e as particularidades da vida política local.
Research on caciquismo in Portugal during the Constitutional Monarchy is practically inexistent, whereas in Spain it is possible to draw a fairly accurate picture of the importance of the caciques in the political life during the Borbonic Restoration period (1874-1923), thanks to studies that have been carried out for several decades. On the contrary, in Portugal the works about the political elites of the periphery have been framed in the context of the municipalities, essentially falling upon the analysis of the social origin of town-councillors, neglecting their role as political and electoral influents. The dissertation presented here tries to break with this situation and has the aim of studying the political activity of the chiefs of two families – the Vaz Preto Geraldes and the Tavares de Almeida Proença – influents in the Beira Baixa region, in the second half of the nineteenth century. Traditionally a major political preponderance is recognised to these two families which gave rise to two factions known as «pretos» (Blacks) and «brancos» (Whites), to whom the control of the municipal councils, the indication of the civil governor, the manipulation of the electoral acts, the choice of national members of parliament and the conditioning of government action in their areas of influence are attributed. In spite of the apparent evidences, there has not been published any study on their real power. Furthermore, what is proposed is the analysis of the origin of this power, how they exerted it, the patronage networks they established, the relations with the central power, the political evolution of these tendencies and the particularities of the local political life.