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Journal articles on the topic 'Elections, 1901'
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1
Dalvean, Michael. "Changes in the style and content of Australian election campaign speeches from 1901 to 2016: A computational linguistic analysis." ICAME Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icame-2017-0001.
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Abstract There have been significant social and political changes in Australian society since federation in 1901. The issues that are considered politically salient have also changed significantly. The purpose of this article is to examine changes in the style and content of election campaign speeches over the period 1901-2016. The corpus consists of 88 election campaign speeches delivered by the Prime Minister and Opposition leader for the 45 elections from 1901 to 2016. I use natural language processing to extract from the speeches a number of linguistic variables which serve as independent variables and use the year of delivery as the dependent variable. I then use machine learning to develop a regression model which explains 77 per cent of the variance in the dependent variable. Examination of the salient independent variables shows that there have been significant linguistic changes in the style and content of election speeches over the study period. In particular speeches have become less linguistically complex, less introspective, more focused on work and the home, and contain more visual and social references. I discuss these changes in the context of changes in Australian society over the study period.
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Cruickshank, Joanna. "Race, History, and the Australian Faith Missions." Itinerario 34, no. 3 (December 2010): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000677.
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In 1901, the parliament of the new Commonwealth of Australia passed a series of laws designed, in the words of the Prime Minister Edmund Barton, “to make a legislative declaration of our racial identity”. An Act to expel the large Pacific Islander community in North Queensland was followed by a law restricting further immigration to applicants who could pass a literacy test in a European language. In 1902, under the Commonwealth Franchise Act, “all natives of Asia and Africa” as well as Aboriginal people were explicitly denied the right to vote in federal elections. The “White Australia policy”, enshrined in these laws, was almost universally supported by Australian politicians, with only two members of parliament speaking against the restriction of immigration on racial grounds.
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Sorokin, A. A. "Reform of the Zemstvo Representation: Development and Adjustment of P. A. Stolypin Project in 1906—1907." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 12 (December 31, 2020): 322–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-12-322-334.
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The article is devoted to the little-studied issue of the development and adjustment of the reform provisions of the zemstvo representation of P.A. Stolypin in 1906—1907. The main programmatic requirements of liberal circles to change the procedure for elections to zemstvo assemblies, developed by zemstvo assemblies, zemstvo congresses, as well as local committees of the Special Meeting on the needs of the agricultural industry. For the first time, on the materials of the Russian State Historical Archive, the evolution of the provisions of the draft and their criticism in the Council of Ministers, as well as at the Congress of the United Nobility in 1907, is shown. It is emphasized that the development of the reform was a consequence of the Manifesto adopted in 1903 and 1904 and the decree on the need to transform local government and self-government. The author states that initially P. A. Stolypin sought to increase the share of representatives from cities and commercial and industrialists in zemstvo assemblies, however, at the insistence of the Council of Ministers, he was forced to retain the majority for landowners. The criticism of the united nobility in relation to the reform in connection with the expansion of the circle of voters and the organization of elections at the beginning of the non-class is highlighted in the article. It is concluded that the transformation of elections into zemstvo assemblies, planned by P. A. Stolypin was aimed at involving broad strata of the population in the representative institutions of local self-government at the expense of an unclassified beginning and the organization of elections based on a tax qualification.
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SHARMAN, CAMPBELL. "Swings and Roundabouts? Patterns of Voting for the Australian Labor Party at State and Commonwealth Lower House Elections, 1901-96." Australian Journal of Political Science 33, no. 3 (November 1998): 329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149850507.
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Teorell, Jan. "Partisanship and Unreformed Bureaucracy: The Drivers of Election Fraud in Sweden, 1719–1908." Social Science History 41, no. 2 (2017): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.8.
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This paper explains election fraud historically in the case of Sweden, drawing on original data from second-instance election petitions filed in 1719–1908. These petitions reveal systematic procedural violations committed by local election officials toward the end of the Age of Liberty in the eighteenth century. By the mid-nineteenth century, however, fraud had been largely purged from Swedish elections, and most petitions instead concerned unclear regulations pertaining to suffrage and eligibility criteria. I argue that this development cannot be explained by changes in electoral rules, the degree of competitiveness, or shifts in economic development or inequality. Instead, the ebb and flow of electoral fraud in Sweden could best be understood as stemming from the professionalization of the bureaucracy in combination with the extent to which elections were partisan. This novel mechanism for generating election fraud is corroborated qualitatively in a within-case longitudinal analysis and from quantitative data on city elections in 1771. I argue that similar processes may explain the rise and fall of election fraud historically in other established Western democracies, such as Britain and the United States.
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Kalyuzhnaya, Olga V. "Deputies of Vladimir Governorate in the State Duma of the Russian Empire (1906–1907)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, no. 2 (2021): 459–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-2-4.
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The article is devoted to the activities of the deputies who represented the Vladimir Governorate in the First and Second State Dumas of the Russian Empire. The existing research base on this issue is analyzed. Special features of the local elections in the territory of the governorate are revealed. The data on the influence of the local authorities’ policy on the course of elections in the peasant curia are presented. The regional peculiarities of the tactics of individual parties (the bloc of the monarchist party and the Union of October 17) in the elections to the Second Duma are indicated. The attempts of the local authorities to disqualify the most popular opposition candidates from the elections to the Second Duma (K. Chernosvitov) are presented. The collective portrait of the Vladimir Governorate deputies is given, and the main information about their social status, age, party affiliation, and education is cited. Based on this information, the article shows the similarities and differences of the Vladimir Governorate deputies of the first and second convocations from the all-Russian indicators. The statistics on the membership of the deputies from the Vladimir Governorate in the Duma commissions are indicated, and their participation in the legislative activities of the State Duma is considered. The author highlights the key issues which were of interest to the deputies of Vladimir Governorate, such as social policy, political and civil rights, elections to the State Duma, and judicial reform. The speeches of the deputies on these issues are analyzed, and the most active parliamentarians are identified (I. Aleksinskii, K. Chernosvitov, N. Zhidelev, and M. Komissarov).
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Batakovic, Dusan. "On parliamentary democracy in Serbia 1903-1914 political parties, elections, political freedoms." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748123b.
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Parliamentary democracy in Serbia in the period between the May Coup of 1903 and the beginning of the First World War in 1914 was, as compellingly shown by the regular and very detailed reports of the diplomatic representatives of two exemplary democracies, Great Britain and France, functional and fully accommodated to the requirements of democratic governance. Some shortcomings, which were reflected in the influence of extra-constitutional (?irresponsible?) factors, such as the group of conspirators from 1903 or their younger wing from 1911 (the organisation Unification or Death), occasionally made Serbian democracy fragile but it nonetheless remained functional at all levels of government. A comparison with crises such as those taking place in, for example, France clearly shows that Serbia, although perceived as ?a rural democracy? and ?the poor man?s paradise?, was a constitutional and democratic state, and that it was precisely its political freedoms and liberation aspirations that made it a focal point for the rallying of South-Slavic peoples on the eve of the Great War. Had there been no firm constitutional boundaries of the parliamentary monarchy and the democratic system, Serbia would have hardly been able to cope with a series of political and economic challenges which followed one another after 1903: the Tariff War 1906-11; the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina 1908/9; the Balkan Wars 1912-13; the crisis in the summer of 1914 caused by the so-called Order of Precedence Decree, i.e. by the underlying conflict between civilian and military authorities. The Periclean age of Serbia, aired with full political freedoms and sustained cultural and scientific progress is one of the most important periods in the history of modern Serbian democracy.
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Chernozhukov, Aleksey S. "The activity of the Union of Unions in the period of the Russian Revolution of 1905." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 4 (2019): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-4-37-40.
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The article deals with the activities of the Union of Unions during the Russian revolutionary unrest in 1905-1907. The author focuses on the fact that the organisation consisted of united various socio-political unions and was aimed at the fighting for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly and for universal suffrage. The main attention in the article is paid to the decisions of the delegate congresses of the Union, which took place during 1905-1906. The association was headed by Pavel Milyukov, who had always regarded the Union as a prototype of the future party of constitutional democrats. The author gives a generalised description of the Union’s initiatives to boycott the elections to the first State Duma, to participate in the all-Russia political strike and the December armed uprising in the fall of 1905. The article traces the difficult relationship of zemstvos and the Union of Unions, which failed to determine its position in relation to them. As a result, the author makes a conclusion that during the recession of the revolution, the Union of Unions ceased to carry out active work and gradually disintegrated, it had failed to find its place among revolutionary organisations.
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Zayarniuk, Andriy. "OFF-YEAR PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 1908: DETAILS OF MYKOLA HANKEVICH BIOGRAPHY AND THE HISTORY OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT IN LVIV." City History, Culture, Society, no. 5 (November 8, 2018): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mics2019.05.073.
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The article describes the character of Mykola Hankevich in the context of the early parliamentary elections of 1908 in Galicia. The author sets out his task, by shifting the usual historiographical accents, to consider the general election culture in the provincial capital in the early twentieth century, the theory and practice of the international socialist movement in a multinational urban environment. The well-established point of view of K. Jobst and other researchers, who believe that the conflict over Hankevich's face in the 1907 elections, when the executive leadership of the PPSD did not support his candidacy, is the beginning of the path that ultimately led the Polish and Ukrainian Social Democrats parties in the bosom of "their" national camps, and the ephemeral international socialist movement in Galicia disintegrated. The author believes that such a narrative simplifies the processes that took place in the environment of the Galician socialist parties. Cooperation between Ukrainian, Polish, and Jewish socialists did not stop until the outbreak of the First World War. In the USDP, M. Hankevich himself did not cease to cooperate closely with Polish and Jewish socialists. During the snap election of 1908, the PPSD leader agreed with the candidacy of Mykola Hankevich, who, however, lost this election by winning 734 votes against 1011. However, in the anti-Ukrainian hysteria that had not yet subsided after the assassination of Andrzej Potocki, more than 40% of the vote, loyal to the Ukrainian and socialist candidates in the bourgeois Lviv district, looked like a tremendous success for Hankevich. Having identified the main reasons for this success, namely: his impeccable personal reputation, eloquence, popularity among the Lviv workers and intellectuals, genuine internationalism and willingness to represent different ethnic groups and different social strata, the author, referring to the memories of the Polish socialist Yevhen Morachevsky, calls another circumstance that explains the results of the vote quite differently. It is about 450 votes that Morachevsky bought in favour of Gankevich. The author notes that Morachevsky considers his dubious act as a peculiar feat - to pollute his hands to achieve a noble political goal, in which, in his opinion, he manifests the instinct and ability of a politician, thereby opposing himself to "dreamers" and idealists who did not compromise own principles.
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Andreev, A. A. "Organization of elections among the native and foreign population in the first State Duma." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 3 (March 30, 2020): 298–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-3-298-316.
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The study is devoted to the elections to the first Russian parliament among the representatives of the so-called “native” and “foreign” population of the Russian Empire. It is shown that in the conditions of the revolutionary events of 1905-1906 at the highest bureaucratic level for Russian absolutism, the fundamental issue was the issue of delegating part of the legislative initiative to elected representatives of society. It is noted that under pressure from local administrations - the Turkestan Governor-General and Caucasian Viceroyalty - it was decided to entrust voting right in a truncated form to the peoples of the Caucasus (Caucasian Viceroyalty), Turkestan Territory (Semipalatinsk Oblast), the Steppe Territory and the nomadic foreigners of Russian provinces and regions. It is indicated that a comparative analysis of official documentation on elective production and periodicals on the outskirts allows us to consider in detail the very process of the first elections, its differences and similarities in parts of the empire. The author concludes that the election rules proposed by the center made it possible for people who are not connected with the local administration to be represented by their people in the first State Duma. The analysis of the biographies of the candidates showed that the ethnic factor played a greater role than their political views.
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Barry, Carolina. "Girls from Argentine provinces: notes about the inclusion and representation of women in constitutional legislatures and conventions between 1951 and 1955." Quinto Sol 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/qs.v25i1.4163.
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This article analyzes the numbers of women elected to hold positions in the provincial legislatures and the constitutional conventions of three new provinces since the first election in which they voted until the fall of the Juan Domingo Perón government. The elections of 1951, 1953, 1954 and 1955 are examined. At the same time, the figures obtained in these elections are compared with the national ones and those stipulated years later with the Quota and Gender Parity law.
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Zagidullin, Ildus K. "ON THE RESOLUTION OF THE 3rd ALL-RUSSIAN CONGRESS OF THE MUSLIMS IN 1906 DEVOTED TO THE REORGANIZATION OF CO-RELIGIONISTS’ SPIRITUAL AFFAIRS MANAGEMENT." Historical Search 1, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2020-1-4-28-36.
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The article lists the main activities of 1905–1906, within the framework of which discussion of the Muslims’ public problems took place. Basing on the results of analyzing the program of the All-Russian party of Muslims “Ittifaq al-Muslim” (1906) concerning religious and national issues, it is summarized that it reflected the basic demands set out in the petitions of the Muslims in 1905 – demands for civil equality and advantage in status of Islamic religious institutions and the Spiritual Assembly.
The main place in the article is devoted to the analysis of one of the most important resolutions of the III All-Russian Congress of the Muslims in 1906, devoted to the topic of reforming the management of co-religionists’ spiritual affairs in the all-Russian scale. It turned out that similar issues were discussed at the meeting of Ulemas held in Ufa on April 10–16, 1905, and at that time the answers to some of them were externalized in the draft charter of the religious management. However, the authorities ignored the draft charter of Orenburg Mohammedan spiritual assembly.
During the analysis of the document’s text, sources of certain paragraphs of the congress resolution were revealed. It was found that some of the provisions were borrowed from the draft charter of Orenburg Mohammedan spiritual assembly and the ideas expressed at the meetings of Ufa Quriltai. This was also facilitated by the election of Kazan Mudarris Galimdzhan Barudi, a participant of Ufa Quriltai, as the chairman of the commission, which drafted this document, and availability of printed draft charter of Orenburg Mohammedan spiritual assembly for the participants of the congress. The article concludes that this document is a monument to the public thought of the Muslims of the period of the First Russian Revolution of 1905–1907, which represented the results of discussions of the Turkic peoples’ elites on this issue and identified the ways to reform the management of co-religionists’ spiritual affairs management.
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Leesland, Aslak. "The Norwegian Workers’ Education Association: A Midwife of Labor's Breakthrough in Norway." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 176–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000181.
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Norway in the year 1900 would be more easily recognizable to a person from the global South than to a citizen of present-day Norway. One of Europe's smallest countries, with a population of 2.2 million, it was also one of the poorest. Still a predominantly agrarian country, it suffered from the side effects of early industrialization that other European countries had known for decades. Under pressure from a growing labor movement and an increasingly restive citizenry, the Liberal Party was spearheading reformist social policies and further democratization in Norway, whereas the Conservative Party resisted such reforms. A third party—the Norwegian Labour party—was founded by some local trade unions in 1887, but remained a marginal influence at the turn of the century even if the party won sixteen percent of the votes cast in the election of 1900. However, it was about to begin its meteoric rise from obscurity to political dominance. In 1899 a number of trade unions came together to found a national superstructure—the LO—with 1,500 registered members. This prompted employers to do the same. The Employers’ Association dates back to the year 1900. Next, the right to vote was extended to new groups of voters. Before 1898 only men with an income above a certain minimum could participate in elections, but universal suffrage for men was introduced in 1898. Women were then given the right to vote in local elections in 1910 and in parliamentary elections in 1913. These reforms were introduced by the Liberal Party.
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Dudek, Tomasz. "Konserwatyści galicyjscy wobec kwestii ukraińskiej w okresie rządów namiestnika Leona Pinińskiego (1898-1903)." Krakowskie Pismo Kresowe 12 (December 1, 2020): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/kpk.12.2020.12.03.
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Galician Conservatives on the Ukrainian Question during the Time of Governor Leon Piniński (1898-1903)
The article examines the attitude of Galician conservatives towards the Ukrainian question during the time of Governor Leon Piniński. It discusses the issue of establishing new schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction and a Ukrainian University in Lviv, and the problem of the 1902-1903 farmers’ strikes in the East Galician countryside, which had not only national but also social grounds. The author also draws attention to the course of the elections to the National Parliament and the Council of State, and their impact on Polish-Ukrainian relations. The author argues that the actions taken during this period by both the governor and part of the broadly understood conservative camp contributed to the deterioration of the mutual relations.
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Monnox, Chris. "“Men, money, and motors”: The motor car as an emerging technology in Australian Federal Election Campaigns, 1903–31." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 2 (February 27, 2019): 232–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619831396.
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The appearance of the car in early twentieth-century Australia significantly re-shaped election campaigns. Political parties used cars to bring voters to polling places, and some voters took advantage of elections by making their voting contingent on these free rides. Politicians and other campaigners took exception to the cost of supplying cars and to the attitudes evident in demands for rides. Some saw compulsory voting as a way of forcing voters to provide for their own transportation. Introduced mostly in the 1920s, compulsory voting’s impact was initially muted. But over time it did change how cars were used in Australian politics. One hundred years on compulsory voting remains in force in Australia, and cars are still seldom used on election day. This serves as an enduring example of how new technologies could have a disruptive impact on campaigning prior to the advent of radio and television.
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Simonelli, Jeanne. "Introduction: Anthropology During Difficult Times." Practicing Anthropology 31, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.31.1.d1640l4223360524.
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It was the best of times, it was the worst of times… Charles Dickens wrote this about the era in which he set A Tale of Two Cities. That book was set in difficult times, an era when the grassroots found its voice, and forced revolutionary change. This issue of Practicing Anthropology is also being compiled during wonderful and difficult times. With the November elections just over, we saw a greater percentage of Americans exercise their right to speak through the vote than in any election since 1908. But the economy is encased in difficulties that push at the ideology that drives it, unemployment is rising, and the challenge of raising the national phoenix faces new President Barack Obama.
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Melancon, Michael. "The Socialist Revolutionaries From 1902 To 1907: Peasant and Workers' Party." Russian History 12, no. 1 (1985): 2–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633185x00026.
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AbstractTradition has long held that the Socialist Revolutionary Party (PSR) was primarily peasant-oriented. Titles of important studies of the party suggest that the respective authors adhere to-the traditional view.1 Awareness of Socialist Revolutionary. (SR) successes among the peasantry in 1917, culminating in their sweep of provincial Russia in the Constituent Assembly elections in November, has heightened the perception of the SRs as a predominantly peasant party. Whatever the origin of the misapprehension, primary sources indicate that along with their interest in the peasantry (at times intense, at other times surprisingly muted) SRs took a great interest in the urban proletariat and, in return, received strong support from workers. The primary task of this study, then, is to examine the relationship between SRs and urban workers from about 1902 to 1907.2 This of course raises the question of SR and populist revolutionary programs before 1902.
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Ivanyuk, Oleh, and Yana Martianova. "INFRASTRUCTURE PROJECTS OF THE KYIV CITY DUMA IN 1906–1910s: ACCORDING TO THE MATERIALS OF PERIODICALS." Kyiv Historical Studies 11, no. 2 (2020): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2020.2.2.
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The article reviews the infrastructure projects of the Kyiv City Duma, which were implemented during 1906–1910s. Special attention is paid to the most ambitious programs: the development of sewers, public transport, arrangement of the streets, which contributed to the transformation processes in urban space. It has been established that the principle of development of not only the downtown, but also Kyiv suburbs, declared in the election programs, ultimately failed. The infrastructure projects announced by the City Council sometimes did not take into account the financial capabilities of the city, the bureaucratic red tape inherent in the Empire, lobbying and the influence of business on decision-making. The political struggle, the low level of technical awareness of the vowels, the dishonesty and indifference of some of the elected officials to the performance of duties, which were transformed into non-attendance and frequent disruption of meetings, significantly slowed down their implementation. The most informative source, which allows to cover in detail and quite emotionally the decision-making process and the main stages of implementation of infrastructure projects are Kyiv periodicals — “Kyivlianyn”, “Hromadska Dumka”, “Rada”, in particular.
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Аникиенко, Сергей Викторович. "Honorary Members of the Ekaterinodar Branch of the Imperial Russian Musical Society: On the History of the Issue." Музыкальная академия, no. 4(772) (December 21, 2020): 184–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.34690/121.
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В статье рассматриваются предпосылки, приведшие к открытию в Екатеринодаре (ныне - Краснодар) отделения ИРМО (1900), возобновлению его деятельности после прекращения работы в связи с финансовыми трудностями (1905) и избранию в 1907 году шести выдающихся русских музыкантов - Н. А. Римского-Корсакова, М. А. Балакирева, Ц. А. Кюи, Э. Ф. Направника, А. К. Глазунова и С. В. Рахманинова - его почетными членами. Это событие широкой огласке не предавалось и упоминалось только в официальных изданиях ИРМО. В основу исследования легли документы из фондохранилищ Отдела рукописей Российской национальной библиотеки, Центрального государственного исторического архива Санкт-Петербурга, Государственного архива Краснодарского края, а также материалы центральной и региональной периодической печати начала ХХ века. В статье представлены ответные благодарственные письма Римского-Корсакова, Балакирева, Кюи и Направника и грамота на звание почетного члена отделения Кюи; впервые публикуются их факсимиле. В настоящее время ответные письма выдающихся русских музыкантов хранятся в Государственном архиве Краснодарского края, куда поступили из Краснодарского музыкального училища. Не оформленные соответствующим образом, они на протяжении более трех десятилетий находятся в одном из сейфов и являются недоступными. Их факсимиле, представленные в статье, воспроизводятся с копий из личного архива автора, сделанных в 1981 году. The article examines the preconditions that led to the opening of the IRMO branch in Ekaterinodar (now Krasnodar) (1900), the resumption of its activities after the termination of work due to financial difficulties (1905) and the election in 1907 of six outstanding Russian musicians-Ri msky-Korsakov, Balakirev, Cui, Napravnik, Glazunov and Rachmaninov as its honorary members. This fact was not widely publicized and were mentioned only in the official documents of the IRMO. The study is based on documents from the depositories of the Department of Manuscripts of the Russian National Library, the Central State Historical Archive of St. Petersburg, the State Archive of the Krasnodar Territory, as well as materials from the central and regional periodicals of the early 20 century. The article presents letters of thanks from Rimsky-Korsakov, Balakirev, Cui and Napravnik and Cui's certificate for the title of honorary member of the branch and for the first time reproduces facsimiles of these historical sources. At present, the letters of reply from outstanding Russian musicians are kept in the State Archive of the Krasnodar Territory, where they were received from the Krasnodar Music School. Not properly executed, these documents have been stored in one of the safes for more than three decades and are not available. The facsimiles of the documents presented in the article are reproduced from copies from the author's personal archive, made in 1981.
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Lee, Edward G., and Edward McWhinney. "The 1987 Elections to the International Court of Justice." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 25 (1988): 379–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006900580000326x.
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The Statute of the International Court of Justice specifies that the nominations of candidates for election to the Court shall be made by “national groups” constituted either by the national groups in the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PGA), or by national groups appointed for this purpose “under the same conditions” as those prescribed for members of the PCA under the Hague Convention of 1907. As of May 1987, about half the member states of the United Nations — seventy-six out of one hundred and fifty-eight — were members of the PCA, but among these only sixty-two had functioning national groups. Official United Nations documents show that a great many national groups from other states, perhaps created on an ad hoc basis for the regular elections to the Court, submit nominations as provided under Article 4(2) of the Statute. Once a candidate has been nominated by one or more national groups, the state of which he is a national is free to decide whether formally to sponsor his candidacy and to seek the support of other states in the elections to be held in the General Assembly and the Security Council.
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Grimshaw, Patricia. "Comparative Perspectives on White and Indigenous Women's Political Citizenship in Queensland: The 1905 Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899." Queensland Review 12, no. 2 (November 2005): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600004062.
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The centenary of the passage in early 1905 of the Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899, which extended the right to vote to white women in Queensland, marks a moment of great importance in the political and social history of Australia. The high ground of the history of women's suffrage in Australia is undoubtedly the passage of the 1902 Commonwealth Franchise Act that gave all white women in Australia political citizenship: the right to vote and to stand for parliamentary office at the federal level. Obviously this attracted the most attention internationally, given that it placed Australia on the short list of communities that had done so to date; most women in the world had to await the aftermath of the First or Second World Wars for similar rights.
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Richter, Hedwig. "TRANSNATIONAL REFORM AND DEMOCRACY: ELECTION REFORMS IN NEW YORK CITY AND BERLIN AROUND 1900." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no. 2 (April 2016): 149–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000821.
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“Disenchantment with democracy” is Sven Beckert's diagnosis for the United States around 1900. According to Beckert, the era's elites paid little regard to the ideals of democracy and worked to exclude the lower classes from the electoral process. But was acceptance of democracy really that low? Previously overlooked elite discourses and efforts—particularly discussions that dealt with the practice of elections—show that this explanation does not tell the whole story. By drawing on endeavors concerning election reform in New York City, I argue that at the turn of the century a new understanding of democracy became a kind of modern consensus. This was the case not only in New York, a city in a republic, but also in Berlin, in the Prussian constitutional monarchy. These findings support the interpretation that around 1900 the understanding and acceptance of democracy underwent a seminal change in the transatlantic world. The consensus held that state legitimacy required mass participation and, even more, that mass participation was connected to “everybody” and to a meaning of “universal”— though this ideal of “universal” was constructed and exclusive in important ways.
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Schneer, Matthew. "The Markovo Republic: A Peasant Community during Russia’s First Revolution, 1905-1906." Slavic Review 53, no. 1 (1994): 104–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500327.
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On 31 October 1905, at the height of Russia’s first revolution, the peasant assembly (skhod) of Markovo, a village in the northwestern corner of Moscow province, issued a resolution (prigovor) marking the birth of the “Markovo Republic” and the election of P.A. Burshin, the village elder (starosta), as its first president. This manifesto announced that henceforth the peasants would refuse to obey the established authorities, pay taxes or rents, or provide any conscripts for the draft. Eight months later, when provincial Governor Dzhunkovskii arrived in Markovo on an inspection tour of the rebellious countryside, local peasants, hoping to plead their case, greeted him with the traditional welcome of bread and salt. Dzhunkovskii rebuffed both the welcome and the pleas. Instead, he rode off to a prominent local landlord’s estate and agreed to send in troops to forcibly replace the communal leaders and end on-going rent strikes. Two weeks later cossacks arrested the elders and effectively dissolved the Markovo Republic.
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Chamberlain, Adam, Alixandra B. Yanus, and Nicholas Pyeatt. "The Connection Between the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union and the Prohibition Party." SAGE Open 6, no. 4 (October 2016): 215824401668437. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244016684373.
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Scholars have long been interested in the complementary relationships forged by membership groups and political parties. The post-bellum period presents an opportunity to consider these connections using a case study of two groups concerned with the ills of alcohol, the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) and the Prohibition Party. Our analysis of presidential elections from 1876 to 1900 reveals that—although women were disenfranchised at the time—the WCTU’s organization and infrastructure was essential to early Prohibition Party success. In 1884, the first election after the two created a formal alliance in 1882, the strength of the WCTU helped the party grow its voter base. However, the two slowly diverged over how to achieve prohibition, and this relationship dissipated; there is little evidence of any significant connection between the groups after 1884. This supports the proposition that a shared means of accomplishing goals is an essential element of an effective group–party partnership.
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Olgun, Kenan. "By-elections in the 1908-1912 Ottoman Assembly of Deputies." Journal of Human Sciences 16, no. 2 (April 21, 2019): 505–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v16i2.5702.
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The 1908 Assembly of Deputies (Meclis-i Mebusan), which opened on December 17th 1908 after the proclamation of the second Constitutional Monarchy, witnessed a colorful parliamentary life. While the things happened in this assembly created the first examples in terms of the democracy adventure of Turkey, the applications to be performed or the ongoing ones later served as a model for the Turkish Republic. Particularly the things that happened in the assembly after 1910 have the characteristics of setting an example for the following periods. The Assembly of Deputies in the Ottoman State, which opened in 1908 after a long period of thirty years, had a solemn opening ceremony on December 17th. The opening ceremony was prepared days before by considering even the smallest details, and the ones who would attend the ceremony, the places where the invitees would stand and the marches to be sung were all determined. Many domestic and foreign viewers came to the opening ceremony to which Sultan Abdulhamid II also attended and due to the crowd, there were no vacancies left in the hotels and inns in Istanbul. Therefore, many mosques and schools were assigned to the visitors as places to stay. 230 deputies were present at the opening ceremony of the 1908 Assembly of Deputies, where 281 deputies were elected. 281 deputies were elected as members of the 1908-1912 Assembly of Deputies and about 324 different deputies took part in the Assembly during the four working periods. In this study, within the scope of the statistical information, we will lay emphasis on the 43 deputies that differed. Before proceeding to the by-elections, it would be beneficial to emphasize the election system in the Ottoman State and the working period of the Assembly of Deputies in this period in order to better understand the subject matter.
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Borbor, Dariush. "A Comparative Overview of the Iranian Constitutions of 1906-07 and 1979." Iran and the Caucasus 10, no. 2 (2006): 263–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338406780345943.
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AbstractThe history and the essential and important articles of the constitutional laws of Iran and its immediate neighbours are elucidated and compared. The article includes an analytical comparison of the 1906-07 and 1979 Constitutions of Iran. A brief analytical synoptic overview of world constitutions is also presented in order to obtain a balanced view of the process of constitutionalism and popular suffrage for men and women.In 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran became the first country in the world to include a declaration for the preservation of the environment in its Constitution.Having compared the 1906-7 Constitution of Iran with a good number of others, it is very evident that the transformation of an autocratic monarchy into a constitutional one was in itself a great leap forward, at a time, when most of the world still lived under dictatorship.In Iran, a number of civil institutions have played their role for a whole century thanks to the 1906-07 Constitution, though far from perfect, nevertheless more or less accepted and functioning. These include a hundred years of direct parliamentary elections, and several years of presidential, municipal and other popular suffrage.The propagation of the 1906-07 Constitutional Movement of Iran has been paramount; it had greatly influenced the awakening of many other peoples of the neighbouring and regional countries. The 1908 re-institution of parliament in the Ottoman Empire, the 1911 Chinese Revolution, and the 1917 Revolution in Tzarist Russia were undoubtedly influenced by the Constitutional Movement of Iran.
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READMAN, PAUL A. "THE 1895 GENERAL ELECTION AND POLITICAL CHANGE IN LATE VICTORIAN BRITAIN." Historical Journal 42, no. 2 (June 1999): 467–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008322.
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Since the 1960s, the politics of the period 1860 to 1906 have received much attention, particularly by historians of the Conservative party. On the whole, it has been argued that Conservative electoral success during this period was a ‘negative’ achievement. Through an examination of the election of 1895 this article questions this argument. It suggests that both the nature of the Unionists' appeal and the factors behind their performance in general elections in this period have to an extent been oversimplified since the pioneering quantitative work of James Cornford. A content analysis of Liberal and Unionist candidates' election addresses is presented in order to make sense of the issues of the campaign, full details of which can be found in the appendix to this article. The Liberal message is shown to be more coherent, and that of the Unionists more positive, than is usually assumed. Cornford's methodology is also challenged, and an alternative (and simpler) approach is suggested. It is argued that in 1895 there was in general no inverse correlation between Conservative vote and turnout, or between Conservative vote and changes to the electoral registers. And although party organization was very important to the Unionists' success there seems little evidence of any over-arching plan to keep both turnout and the number of registered electors down.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "Storm over Serbia the rivalry between civilian and military authorities (1911-1914)." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 307–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344307b.
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As a new force on the political scene of Serbia after the 1903 Coup which brought the Karadjordjevic dynasty back to the throne and restored democratic order, the Serbian army, led by a group of conspiring officers, perceived itself as the main guardian of the country?s sovereignty and the principal executor of the sacred mission of national unification of the Serbs, a goal which had been abandoned after the 1878 Berlin Treaty. During the ?Golden Age? decade (1903-1914) in the reign of King Peter I, Serbia emerged as a point of strong attraction to the Serbs and other South Slavs in the neighbouring empires and as their potential protector. In 1912-13, Serbia demonstrated her strength by liberating the Serbs in the ?unredeemed provinces? of the Ottoman Empire. The main threat to Serbia?s very existence was multinational Austria-Hungary, which thwarted Belgrade?s aspirations at every turn. The Tariff War (1906-1911), the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina (1908), and the coercing of Serbia to cede her territorial gains in northern Albania (1912-1913) were but episodes of this fixed policy. In 1991, the Serbian army officers, frustrated by what they considered as weak reaction from domestic political forces and the growing external challenges to Serbia?s independence, formed the secret patriotic organisation ?Unification or Death? (Black Hand). Serbian victories in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) enhanced the prestige of the military but also boosted political ambitions of Lt.-Colonel Dragutin T. Dimitrijevic Apis and other founding members of the Black Hand anxious to bring about the change of government. However, the idea of a military putsch limited to Serbian Macedonia proposed in May 1914 was rejected by prominent members of the Black Hand, defunct since 1913. This was a clear indication that Apis and a few others could not find support for their meddling in politics. The government of Nikola P. Pasic, supported by the Regent, Crown Prince Alexander, called for new elections to verify its victory against those military factions that acted as an ?irresponsible factor? with ?praetorian ambitions? in Serbian politics. This trial of strength brings new and valuable insights into the controversial relationship between the Young Bosnians and the Black Hand prior to the Sarajevo assassination in June 1914.
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Ivanyuk, Oleh, and Yana Martianova. "ELECTIONS TO THE KYIV CITY COUNCIL IN 1906: BASED ON PERIODICALS." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 1 (2020): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2020.1.9.
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The article is devoted to the elections to the Kyiv City Council in 1906, which unfolded on the backdrop of revolutionary events and were characterized by a fierce struggle between two political projects — the “New Duma” and “Old Duma” parties. Particular attention is paid to the main stages of elections’ conduct and violation of electoral law by the race participants. On the background of the revolutionary events, the citizens formed a request for “new faces” and fundamental changes in management methods. The expression of dreams of the residents of Kyiv was the “New Duma Party”, which positioned itself as a team of executives who understand the needs of the city. During the elections, significant violations of the current legislation were registered that did not allow to form the fully the all members of the Kyiv City Council. In the course of the research, it is found that the most informative materials, in terms of Kyiv City Council elections, were the materials of the newspapers “Gromadska Dumka” and “Kievlianin”. These periodicals, while supporting the ideologically opposed political forces, covered the race in detail. Newspapers’ editorial staff paid particular attention to sensational materials related to electoral law violations, which were of most interest to readers. If the “Gromadska Dumka” tried to cover the race objectively, “Kievlianin” published not only facts, but also insults and campaign materials, retranslating the ideologues of Russian nationalists.
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Petronis, Vytautas. "Radikalios rusų monarchistinės organizacijos ir jų veikla Vilniuje 1906–1914 metais." Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2020/2 (December 2, 2020): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386549-202002004.
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RADICAL RUSSIAN MONARCHIST ORGANISATIONS AND THEIR ACTIVITIES IN VILNIUS IN 1906–1914 The article analyses the branches of imperial radical political parties that operated in Vilnius between 1906 and 1914, their history, members, ideology and activities. The research is divided into two periods of activity, 1906 to 1912, and 1912 to 1914. The first period saw the formation of branches of political parties, their political activities, and differentiation; whereas in the second period, after the 1912 elections to the Fourth Duma, radical monarchists withdrew from the political arena, and focused mostly on social, economic and religious spheres of urban life. The nucleus of the political movement was formed by the Orthodox clergy, teachers in public and private schools, junior civil servants, reservists, and railway workers. An important role when establishing branches of radical monarchist movements was played by certain members of the Old Believer community. With no support in the city, which was dominated by a foreign-born infidel population, they tried to penetrate the local Russian community and promote the old, monarchist, traditionalist and patriarchal dogmas declared in the ideologeme they advocated: ‘Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationalism’. When participating in the political struggle for a place in local dumas, radical monarchists in Vilnius not only distanced themselves from their more liberal counterparts, the nationalists, but also became involved in internal conflicts. The end of the 1905 revolution, the turn towards more secular Russian nationalism by Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin, and disagreements between local monarchists, resulted in the torpidity of monarchism on the eve of the First World War.
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Greene, Julia. "“The strike at the Ballot Box”: The American Federation of Labor's entrance into election politics, 1906–1909." Labor History 32, no. 2 (March 1991): 165–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00236569100890121.
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Kilpatrick, Alexander Bruce. "A Lesson in Boosterism: The Contest for the Alberta Provincial Capital, 1904-1906." Urban History Review 8, no. 3 (November 13, 2013): 47–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019362ar.
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Although 1905 marked a major transition in the political life of the old Northwest Territories, attention in Alberta's urban centres was focused not upon the larger questions raised by the granting of provincial status to the area, but rather upon the issue of which of the several competing communities would capture the title of provincial capital. Ambitious boosters in Red Deer, Calgary, Edmonton, Medicine Hat and a host of smaller settlements (such as Banff) coveted capital status for their particular city, town or even village as a symbol of its swelling importance and as an aid to further promotion. Many elements were called into play during the bitter capital campaign that followed the 1904 federal election including the geographical location, the future prospects and the business activities of the various aspirants. None of these factors proved to be critical in the final decision. The victor, Edmonton, emerged triumphant due in almost equal part to the persistent and aggressive actions of its boosters and to the inadequacy or failure of the urban promoters in rival centres. As boosters in Red Deer, Banff, Medicine Hat and Calgary discovered, success in the capital quest was dependent on much more than desire. By utilizing their advocates in both the federal and provincial political arenas and by thrusting their city into the public eye, Edmonton's community boosters gave their competitors an instructional session they would not soon forget.
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Kayali, Hasan. "Elections and the Electoral Process in the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1919." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 3 (August 1995): 265–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800062085.
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The 1876 constitution and its reinstitution in 1908 have been acknowledged as landmarks in the historiography of the late Ottoman Empire. The promulgation of a constitution signified a critical political transformation despite the brevity of the First Constitutional Period (1876–78). During the next three decades of Sultan Abdülhamid's autocratic rule, the ultimately successful struggle to restore the constitution against the Sultan's relentless resistance became central to the political life of the empire. In 1908, the Young Turk Revolution inaugurated a decade of social and political change, the Second Constitutional Period.
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Jackson, Alvin. "The failure of unionism in Dublin, 1900." Irish Historical Studies 26, no. 104 (November 1989): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010129.
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The election contests of 1900 in St Stephen’s Green and South County Dublin were covered in detail by newspapers throughout the British Isles and have been treated as a political watershed by more recent and scholarly commentators. This interest has had a partly personal and biographical inspiration since one of the unionist candidates for South Dublin was the agrarian reformer and junior minister, Horace Plunkett; but the significance, symbolic and actual, of these contests has been seen as extending beyond the participation of one prominent Edwardian Irishman. The defeat of two unionist M.P.s, Plunkett and Campbell, in a fairly static Irish electoral arena would in itself have been worthy of comment. But the association of these men with a constructive administrative programme for Ireland, combined with the fact of their defeat by dissident unionists, gave the contests a broader notoriety and a significance for policy formulation which they would not otherwise have had. With the benefit of hindsight it has also been suggested that the repudiation of Plunkett and Campbell was a landmark in the gradual decline of southern unionism in Ireland. For, though South Dublin briefly returned to the unionist party between 1906 and 1910, the defeats of 1900 effectively marked the end of unionism as a significant electoral movement outside Ulster. After 1900, as the historian W.E.H. Lecky observed, ‘Ulster unionism is the only form of Irish unionism which is likely to count as a serious political force’.
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Gayda, F. A. "The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy." Orthodoxia, no. 1 (September 4, 2021): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2021-1-1-111-124.
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This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.
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Стрыгина and Marina Strygina. "The right of citizens to participate in government." Journal of Public and Municipal Administration 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/19013.
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The article discusses the possibility of implementing the rights of citizens in managing the state through participation in elections of heads of administrations of municipal entities (city managers). The author analyzes the real possibilities and limits of realization of the right of citizens to participate in managing the Affairs of the state; the system of appointment by competition of heads of local administrations.
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Vorontsov, V. S. "LEAFLETS OF THE KAMA AND PERM SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC ORGANIZATIONS OF THE PERIOD OF THE FIRST RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1905-1907." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 30, no. 4 (August 25, 2020): 695–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2020-30-4-695-717.
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The presented publication includes an introductory article and campaign materials from the period of the first Russian revolution, published by the Kama and Perm social-democratic organizations. The published documents were found during the analysis of a private house in Sarapul and transferred for storage to the Udmurt Institute of history, language and literature of the Udmurt Federal Research Center UB RAS. The find includes 10 leaflets and a flying leaf published by printing, as well as handwritten notes (separate pages) with text about the actions of workers during the armed uprising against the police and army units. The leaflets are written in plain, understandable language, with a pronounced focus on target groups (urban residents, workers, soldiers, recruits, students). They contain information explaining the actions of the government and revolutionaries, call for an armed uprising, demand the convocation of the all-Russian Constituent Assembly and the boycott of elections to the State Duma, and tell about significant regional events. Leaflets of regional social-democratic organizations are an important source for studying the history of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907.
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Peterson, Sarah Jo. "Voting for Play: The Democratic Potential of Progressive Era Playgrounds." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 3, no. 2 (April 2004): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400003327.
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For Massachusetts children, including those in the city of Lynn, December 8, 1908 was a date of particular importance. That day their fathers voted whether their city would accept the new state playground law. The law required cities and towns with over 10,000 residents to provide and maintain playgrounds for the “recreation and physical education of minors.” In Lynn, as in other cities, a high level of publicity surrounded the referendum. Editorials and front-page advertisements ran in the local papers, and posters hung in business windows. Even children participated. On election day, members of the Lynn Boys' Club paraded the streets wearing banners that proclaimed, “Vote for playgrounds for me.” The triumphant “yes” vote of 11,122 to 1,083 set a Lynn record for the first time the citizens had ever turned in a vote that reached five figures. By March 1909, thirty-nine Massachusetts cities and towns had held referendums; all but two agreed to impose the new law on themselves.
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Waldron, Peter. "The Birth of Democratic Culture in Late Imperial Russia: Reforms and Elections to the First Two National Legislatures, 1905–1907." Revolutionary Russia 27, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2014.912742.
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CARSON, JAMIE L., ERIK J. ENGSTROM, and JASON M. ROBERTS. "Candidate Quality, the Personal Vote, and the Incumbency Advantage in Congress." American Political Science Review 101, no. 2 (May 2007): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070311.
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Most political observers agree that incumbent legislators have a considerable advantage over nonincumbents in modern congressional elections. Yet there is still disagreement over the exact source of this advantage and the explanation for its growth over time. To address this debate we utilize a unique set of historical elections data to test for the presence of an incumbency advantage in late-nineteenth-century House elections (1872–1900). We find a modest direct effect of incumbency and a substantial candidate quality effect. Moreover, the cartel-like control of ballot access by nineteenth century political parties created competition in races that the modern market-like system simply does not sustain. Our results suggest that candidate quality is a fundamental piece of the puzzle in understanding the historical development of the incumbency advantage in American politics.
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Chien, Wen-Wen, Roger W. Mayer, and Zigan Wang. "Stock Market, Economic Performance, And Presidential Elections." Journal of Business & Economics Research (JBER) 12, no. 2 (March 29, 2014): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jber.v12i2.8530.
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Using stock market and economic data from 1900 to 2008 from 27 separate presidential administrations in the United States (U.S.), including 15 Republican and 12 Democratic, this paper examines the relationships between the market return after each Election Day and economic performance during the presidential term. Using the theoretical framework of political economy, the authors examine how Wall Streets reaction to a presidential election acts as a predictive measure of future economic performance. The analysis shows that the after-election market movement has progressively been more accurate in predicting the future Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth but not the future unemployment rates. Given that the results show a higher correlation over time, the model appears to provide a good starting point for judging the economic potential of future presidential administrations.
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Coleman, Stephen. "The Effect of Social Conformity on Collective Voting Behavior." Political Analysis 12, no. 1 (2004): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpg015.
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This article investigates the effect of social conformity on voting behavior. Past research shows that many people vote to conform with the social norm that voting is a civic duty. The hypothesis here is that when conformity motivates people to vote, it also stimulates conformist behavior among some voters when they decide which party to vote for. This produces a distinctive relationship between voter turnout and the distribution of votes among parties—a relationship not anticipated by rational choice theory. I test a mathematical model of this behavior with linear and nonlinear regression analyses of state-level data for presidential elections in the United States from 1904 to 1996, longitudinal data on parliamentary elections in Western Europe over most of the twentieth century, and cross-sectional data for recent elections in Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and Russia. The results generally validate the model.
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Wang, Yi-ting, Valeriya Mechkova, and Frida Andersson. "Does Democracy Enhance Health? New Empirical Evidence 1900–2012." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 3 (September 7, 2018): 554–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918798506.
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This study tests the relationship between democracy and population health. Some studies argue that democracies are more likely than authoritarian regimes to provide public goods and, thus, enhance health. However, recent research has challenged this argument and identified good governance as the crucial determinant of human development. Using a newly collected dataset covering 173 countries from 1900 to 2012, our analyses show that across models with various specifications, democratic elections have consistent effects on health outcomes even when other important factors, including good governance, are taken into account. There are some nuances in this relationship. First, the impact of electoral democracy tends to persist over time. Furthermore, the positive effects are particularly salient once the quality of elections has achieved a certain threshold. Our results also suggest that previous studies yielded mixed results in part because the commonly used governance indicators are only available for relatively short time periods, and the sample does not reflect the entire range of variation in measures of both democracy and governance.
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Steinwedel, Charles. "The 1905 Revolution in Ufa: Mass Politics, Elections, and Nationality." Russian Review 59, no. 4 (October 2000): 555–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0036-0341.00141.
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Edgell, Amanda B., Valeriya Mechkova, David Altman, Michael Bernhard, and Staffan I. Lindberg. "When and where do elections matter? A global test of the democratization by elections hypothesis, 1900–2010." Democratization 25, no. 3 (September 7, 2017): 422–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2017.1369964.
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Fairbairn, Brett. "The Limits of Nationalist Politics: Electoral Culture and Mobilization in Germany, 1890-1903." Victoria 1990 1, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031014ar.
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Abstract With Germany's unification, nationalism became an entrenched part of the political culture, until its role was challenged by the rise of social “fairness” issues in the 1890s. In the first decades of the Reich, campaigns against minorities like Catholics, Poles, and Social Democrats helped cement the progovernmental forces, especially in intense “national” elections. The Kartell elections of 1887, in particular, created a patriotic coalition that remained a significant factor in electoral politics for over twenty years. But in the 1890s, nationalist coalition-building became increasingly difficult as the Kartell parties lost support, drifted apart, and competed more and more with one another. The government made efforts to shore up its allies, but these efforts failed to halt the disintegration. Significantly, while some argued the government should use the naval issue or the tariff issue (Sammlungspolitik) to influence the elections of 1898 and 1903, the government was unable to do so. Instead, increasing electoral support went to the parties that were perceived as '“mass” parties, especially the Catholic Centre and Social Democrats. These parties organized social-interest constituencies by appealing to “fairness” issues like suffrage, civil liberties, and fair taxation.
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Rasmussen, Amanda. "The Rise of Labor: A Chinese-Australian Participates in Bendigo Local Politics at a Formative Moment, 1904–1905." Journal of Chinese Overseas 9, no. 2 (2013): 245–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341261.
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Abstract Chinese-Australian and son of an entrepreneur, Edward Ni Gan, a successful lawyer and would-be politician, was, in 1904, the first candidate in a Bendigo municipal election to tie his campaign to the Labor Party platform. Labor had just achieved the significant victory of three months in power at a federal level, and, although Ni Gan did not win in 1904, his support for the movement was well-received in Bendigo. When he tried to stand the following year as the endorsed Labor candidate, however, he was quickly disillusioned by procedural rules and his inadequate trade union networks. His speeches as an independent candidate showed his political position recast as a radical liberal in the Deakinite mode. In both campaigns, Ni Gan’s colour was a difference which could be accommodated since he otherwise so happily embodied the young, white, “fair and square” sportsman who was an ideal progressive Bendigonian. His engagement with Labor politics in the first decade of the twentieth century shows that the drive for “White Australia” which often dominated the national conversation, could be less powerful at local levels.
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Сарнацький, О. "THE FIGHTING OF THE CARALIAN AUTHORITIES OF CZARISM WITH THE UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE ADVENTURES IN THE YEARS OF THE FIRST THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 15 (February 5, 2020): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/11930.
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The actions of the juridicalbranch of power of the autocracyin relationto the activity of oppositional political parties founded at the end of the 19-th – beginning of the 20-th centuries in Russian Empire and headed liberatoryand national-liberatorymovement in the country, whichwere aimed at ceaseof their politicalactivity and occurred simultaneously with administrative repressions over political opponents of the existing system.After all, the law in force in the empire until October 1905 did not allow the existence and activity of any political partiesin the country. In the conditions of the lawfulness proclaimed by tsarism (even with all its limitations), the authorities were forced to resort to court assistance. The accusatory verdict was the most severe punishment.During the First Russian Revolution, which began at this time, the judiciary in every way promoted the local administrative authorities in defining its properties of the committed «criminal acts» and punishing the perpetrators. More or less «condescending» sentences of judges against representatives of the revolutionary and national liberation movements in 1905 forced the tsarist judiciary to review such a judicial procedure and strengthen its harshness on defendants who committed crimes against the authorities. Subsequently, the Ministry of Justice issued a variety of secret circulars, aimed at intensifying the struggle of the courts against the revolutionary movement, and the court machine of the tsar began to increase pressure. The law of March 18, 1906, restricted the publicity of the court and the timeframe for hearing cases, abolished the requirement to record witnesses’ statements in the minutes and to motivate sentences. On May 11, 1906, the Ministry of Justice issued a circular to the courts No. 2015, which stated that cases of the most serious state crimes should be heard in the special presence of the court chamber behind closed doors. It consisted of a provincial nobleman, a mayor, and state representatives. The judicial power of the autocracy was actively “working”, punishing representatives and supporters of Ukrainian political parties when their activities were related to elections to the Second State Duma. At the same time, the royal court severely punished representatives of Ukrainian political parties, even if they were considered underage by the laws of the Russian Empire, without even considering some of them as guilty.
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Yaroslav, Tsetsyk. "Participation of the Black Hundreds in the elections in Volyn in 1906 – 1912." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History. 124, no. 28 (2019): 14–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2019-28-14-19.
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Olgun, Kenan. "1912 Parliamentary elections Armenians and Armenian deputies1912 Meclis-i Mebusan seçimlerinde Ermeniler ve Ermeni milletvekilleri." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 3 (September 17, 2017): 2688. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i3.4570.
Full textAbstract:
As soon as 1908 Parliament was extingwished in the result of struggle for power the preparations for the new parliamentary elections began. The elections of 1912 between the Party of Union and Progress and their political opponent Party of Liberty and Mutual Agreement have been known as “elections of clubs”. Before the elections the majority of Armenians and Tashnaktsutyun supported Party of Union and Progress while Hinchak stood for Party of Liberty and Mutual Agreement. Armenian patriarchate informed the Ottoman Government that according to the low number of Armenians according to the total population of the Empire they had little chance to become deputies and asked for separation. İn the result of the elections 10 Armenians took place in the list of Party of Union and Progress were chosen deputies in 1912 Parliament.Extended English abstract is in the end of PDF (TURKISH) file.Özet1908 Meclis-i Mebusan’ı, iktidar mücadelesi yüzünden feshedilmiş, yeni meclis için seçimlere hemen başlanmıştır. İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası ile ittihatçılar karşısındaki muhalefetin tamamını bünyesinde toplamış olan Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası arasında geçen 1912 seçimleri, tarihte “sopalı seçim” olarak da anılmaktadır. Seçimler öncesi Ermenilerin çoğunluğu ve Taşnak, İttihat ve Terakki’yi desteklerken, Hınçak, Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası ile anlaşmıştır. Ermeni Patrikhanesi, nüfuslarına göre Ermeni milletvekili sayısının az olacağını ifade ile Başbakanlıktan ayrıcalık istemiştir. Seçimler sonucunda İttihat ve Terakki listesinde yer alan 10 Ermeni, milletvekili olarak 1912 Meclis-i Mebusan’ına seçilmiştir.