Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections, 1942

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections, 1942'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Elections, 1942.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Elections, 1942"

1

Caughey, Devin, and Jasjeet S. Sekhon. "Elections and the Regression Discontinuity Design: Lessons from Close U.S. House Races, 1942–2008." Political Analysis 19, no. 4 (2011): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpr032.

Full text
Abstract:
Following David Lee's pioneering work, numerous scholars have applied the regression discontinuity (RD) design to popular elections. Contrary to the assumptions of RD, however, we show that bare winners and bare losers in U.S. House elections (1942–2008) differ markedly on pretreatment covariates. Bare winners possess largeex antefinancial, experience, and incumbency advantages over their opponents and are usually the candidates predicted to win byCongressional Quarterly's pre-election ratings. Covariate imbalance actually worsens in the closest House elections. National partisan tides help explain these patterns. Previous works have missed this imbalance because they rely excessively on model-based extrapolation. We present evidence suggesting that sorting in close House elections is due mainly to activities on or before Election Day rather than postelection recounts or other manipulation. The sorting is so strong that it is impossible to achieve covariate balance between matched treated and control observations, making covariate adjustment a dubious enterprise. Although RD is problematic for postwar House elections, this example does highlight the design's advantages over alternatives: RD's assumptions are clear and weaker than model-based alternatives, and their implications are empirically testable.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Molina, José E., and Carmen Pérez. "Evolution of the Party System in Venezuela, 1946–1993." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166372.

Full text
Abstract:
The 1946 election for Venezuela's National Constituent Assembly marked the beginning of democratic electoral processes and the modern party system in that country. Although interrupted by ten years of dictatorship (1948-1958), nine national elections for president and parliament have been held since 1946. In conjunction with these elections, the Venezuelan party system has passed through four stages: a predominant party system (1945-1948), a limited multiparty system (1958-1973), an attenuated two-party system (1973-1993), and recently, the return to a limited multiparty system (1993-) (Sartori 1976).
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Wilson, Matthew J. "E-Elections: Law in Asia & Online Political Activities." Wyoming Law Review 12, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 237–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.59643/1942-9916.1276.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Norton, Helen. "What Bush v. Gore Means for Elections in the 21st Century." Wyoming Law Review 2, no. 2 (January 1, 2002): 419–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.59643/1942-9916.1045.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Rupasov, Alexander I. "Organization of the First Post-War Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in Leningrad in October 1945 – February 1946: Documents from the Central State Archive of St. Petersburg." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2020): 836–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-3-836-847.

Full text
Abstract:
By decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of October 5, 1945, the first post-war elections to this supreme body of state power were scheduled for February 10, 1946. The political leadership attached exceptional importance to the election campaign launched in autumn 1945. The election campaign and its results could have been an indicator of the mood of Soviet society, permitting to estimate whether the victory in the war had been able to neutralize the accumulated fatigue from the hardships of the war and prevent the growth of negative feelings among the population towards the communist party and Soviet leadership. Thus, the authorities paid special attention to the organization of the elections to the Supreme Soviet in Leningrad, the city which survived the siege. Political and ideological support for the election campaign of autumn 1945 – winter 1946 was not the only task that the Soviet and party structures in Leningrad were concerned about. Purely organizational and technical aspects of the elections required coordination between a large number of departments and organizations. One of the most serious organizational problems was lack of trained personnel to work in election commissions. The Central State Archive of St. Petersburg has some limited number of documents that allow us to study the organizational and technical side of the elections in Leningrad in 1945-1946.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Selinger, William. "Schumpeter on democratic survival." Tocqueville Review 36, no. 2 (January 2015): 127–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.36.2.127.

Full text
Abstract:
Joseph Schumpeter’s Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy, first published in 1942, has been called “the most influential twentieth-century approach to the democratic management of power relations.” In that text, Schumpeter famously denies that democracy has any intrinsic value. There is no necessary association between democratic government and the values of equality and liberty. Democracy is merely one method of political organization among many. It means nothing more than that “the people have the opportunity? of accepting or refusing the men who are to rule them,” via “competitive elections” (CSD, 284-285).
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Jankowski, Michael, and Stefan Müller. "The incumbency advantage in second-order PR elections: Evidence from the Irish context, 1942–2019." Electoral Studies 71 (June 2021): 102331. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102331.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Ansolabehere, Stephen, and James M. Snyder. "The Incumbency Advantage in U.S. Elections: An Analysis of State and Federal Offices, 1942–2000." Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 1, no. 3 (September 2002): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/153312902760137578.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Dalhar, M., Yety Rochwulaningsih, and Dhanang Respati Puguh. "Kiai Fauzan: Pemikiran dan Peranannya di Kabupaten Jepara 1942-1972." Indonesian Historical Studies 3, no. 1 (July 7, 2019): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v3i1.5095.

Full text
Abstract:
This study focuses on the life, ideas, and role of Kiai Ahmad Fauzan in developing Islamic teachings and national values. Islam and nationalism are two things that interconnected and not contradictory. In Indonesian history, the two of them caused turmoil, even opposition. The purpose of this study is to prove the return of the Moslem spirit which is in line with the development of local religious leaders, primarily through case studies of local scholars in Jepara, such as Kiai Ahmad Fauzan. This study used a historical method, including heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was a leader of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) who fought through education and politics to uphold the AhlussunahwalJamaah(Aswaja) ideology in Jepara. Fauzan's Islamic and national ideas can be seen from syair[poems] conveyed to the public. Syairbecame a media for propaganda for Kiai Ahmad Fauzan in spreading the religious understanding of Islam Aswaja. It is delivered to the community as reminder and awareness of harmonious religious and national values. His role in the religious and socio-political fields was seen when Japan began occupying Jepara in 1942. He was the target of arrest because of his role as a cleric. Its leadership formed from religious roles carried out mainly through madrasa and da'wah by traveling from one village to another. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was involved in socio-religious organizations such as the Indonesian Islamic Assembly (MIAI), Indonesian Muslim Council (Masyumi), and NU, especially during the 1955 elections. Kiai Ahmad Fauzan was also trusted by the government to be the first leader of the Ministry of Religion in Jepara after independence revolution.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Salim, Hardy, and Cut Memi. "KEWENANGAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DALAM MENGADILI PERKARA PERSELISIHAN HASIL PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH (SUATU KAJIAN TERHADAP PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 97/PUU-XI/2013 JO. PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 072-073/PUU-II/2004)." Jurnal Hukum Adigama 1, no. 2 (January 21, 2019): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.24912/adigama.v1i2.2847.

Full text
Abstract:
Acccording to the Arrticle 24C paragaaph (1) the Constttution of thr Republic of Indonesia of 1945, the Constitutional Court of thr Republic of Indonesia have thr power to decide upon disputes over the results of general election. The general election referred to here is elections to elect members of the legislature, regional representative councils, regional legislatures, president amd vice president. Both of thr provisions have been limitative, so there will no be any other elections that included. However, in its development, the Constittutional Court of the Republc of Indonesia is given the power to decide upon disputes ovrr the results of regional hed elections with a legal basis of the Constittutional Court Ruling Number 072-073/PUU-II/2004. However, a litle later the Constttution Court of the Republic of Indonesia issued a Consttttuional Court Ruling Number 97/PUU-XI/2013 which said tht the Constitusional Court of the Republic of Indonesia can’t have the power to decide upon disputes over the resuls of regional hed elections. This reaises problems regarding whether regional head elections are included in thr general election regime? And whether the Constitutional Court of the Republic Indonesia has thr authorty to decide upon disputes over the results of regional hed elections? Thr Author examined the issue by normative method. The results of thr resrarch show tht thr regional hesd elections is not a part of the general electiins regime and the Constututional Corrt of the Republic Indonesia can’t have thr power to decide upon disputes ovrr thr resulls of the regional hesd elections.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections, 1942"

1

Kang, Kyung-Tae. "Korean Electoral Behavior: The 1992 and 1997 Presidential Elections." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53965233.html.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Emons, Thomas. "Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /." Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.

Full text
Abstract:
Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Jefferys, Matthew Thomas. "Florida : presidential elections and partisan change, 1952-2004." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001344.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Bénichou, Marcel. "Une destruction d'idees recues : le viet nam 1972-1982." Montpellier 3, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986MON3A056.

Full text
Abstract:
Une vision manicheenne a domine tres largement durant toute la guerre du viet nam : d'un cote, un sud amolli, corrompu, illegitime parce que separatiste et lie a l'etranger, d'abord francais puis americain; de l'autre cote, un nord pur, dur, heroique, unitaire, national, ect. Simplistes et souvent caricaturales, ces images ne correspondaient pas au regime installe a saigon, infiniment plus complexe et contraste. Idylliques, elles ignoraient volontairement que le nord viet nam avait un regime totalitaire, que son communisme se reclamait d'une pratique et d'une inspiration stalinienne ; que les fronts nationaux crees sous son egide ne devaient etre que camouflage et moyen de domination pour le parti, "force unique qui dirige l'etat et la societe". Dans l'examen de ces questions, ce travail s'est efforce d'apporter : - une reflexion sur les composantes du nationalisme vietnamien ( la geopolitique dominee par la chine, la force du sentiment unitaire, la vigueur des regionalismes et les frequentes cassures de l'etat, les rapports entre communisme et nationalisme dans un contexte domine tour a tour par la france, le japon et les etats unis ) ; - un dossier sur la republique du viet nam de 1972 a 1975, des accords de paris a la chute de saigon ( le regime de nguyen van thieu et l' evolution de la situation politique, economique et militaire ) ; - une analyse du parti communiste vietnamien ( le langage, l'ideologie, les pratiques interieures, la politique exterieure. . . ) tel qu'il appa- rait au travers de la politique suivie par la republique socialiste du viet nam d'avril 1975 (prise de saigon) a mars 1982 ( ve congres et iii e plan quinquennal ); - quelques jalons sur le probleme d'une information qui s'est tenue aussi eloignee des realites. Comment, et avec quelles repercussions cette dissymetrie constante en faveur de hanoi et au detriment de saigon s'est-elle developpee ?
A widespread manichean vision prevailed during the viet nam war : on the one hand, an emollient, corrupted, illegitimate south because it was secessionist and tied up to foreign countries, first france, then the united states ; on the other hand, a pure, hard, heroic, unitarian, national, ect. . . North. Simplistic and often caricatural, those pictures did not correspond to the infinitely more complex and contrasted saigon political system. Idyllic, they voluntarity ignored that north viet nam had a totalitarian regime, that its communism refered to stalinian inspiration and practice ; that the national fronts created under its leadership could only be camouflaging and a means of domination for theparty, " the unique power that runs the state and the society ". Considering those questions, we endeavoured to bring : - a reflexion on the components of vietnamese nationalism ( its geopolitics ruled by china, the strength of the unitarian feeling, the vigor of the various regionalisms and frequent breaks of the state, the relationships between communism and nationalism in an environment alternately dominated by france, japan, during a short but decisive time, and the u. S. A. ) ; - a record on the viet nam republic from 1972 to 1975, from the paris accords to the fall of saigon ( the nguyen van thieu regime and the evolution of the politi- cal, economic and military situation ) ; - an analysis of the vietnamese communist party ( the language, the ideology, the internal practices, the foreign policy. . . ) as it apperars through the policy followed by the socialist repubic of viet nam ) from april 1975 ( the taking of saigon ) to march 1982 ( vth congress and third quinquennal plan ) ; - some steps on the problem of an information which was standing so far from the realities. How, and with which repercussions did that constant dissymetry in favour of hanoi and to the detriment of saigon spread out ?
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Stray, S. J. "British parliamentary by-elections, 1950-1982 : An empirical investigation." Thesis, University of Essex, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373212.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Levine, Samantha Rose. "A comparison of the presidential elections of 1896 and 1912 and their lasting impact on modern elections." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1166.

Full text
Abstract:
Thesis advisor: Marc Landy
This thesis examines the presidential elections of both 1896 and 1912 from all angles and their lasting impact on modern elections. It looks deeply into the platforms of the Democrat and Republican parties' platform, the influence of third Parties, the importance of the candidate-centered organized campaign, the necessity of fundraising and the use of technology and media. It also attempts to explain the fact that political capital was no longer located in the Northeast and parts of the South, but in the Midwest, Deep South, and parts of the Far West. Primary and secondary sources were used to explore these two elections and then to help compare them to modern day political contest. This thesis attempts to prove that the lessons of 1896 and 1912 can be applied to modern day elections
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Lewis, Ted Adam. "The Effect of American Political Party on Electoral Behavior: an Application of the Voter Decision Rule to the 1952-1988 Presidential Elections." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc503830/.

Full text
Abstract:
The purpose of this study is to examine two major psychological determinants of the vote in presidential elections - candidate image and party orientation. The central thesis of this study is that candidate image, as measured here, has been a greater determinant of electoral choice in the majority of presidential elections since 1952 than has party orientation. One of the vices as well as virtues of a democratic society is that the people often get what they want. This is especially true in the case of electing our leaders. Political scientists have often concentrated their efforts on attempting to ascertain why people vote as they do. Studies have been conducted focusing on the behavior of voters in making that important decision-who should govern?
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Chung, Ting-yiu Robert. "Traditionality amidst modernity : a study of two Legislative Council by-elections in New Territories west (1991-1992) /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21543641.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Mellen, Robbin B. "Presidential campaign appearances in midterm U.S. House elections, 1982-2006." Pullman, Wash. : Washington State University, 2010. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Spring2010/R_Mellen_040610.pdf.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Sarawgi, Shreya. "Caste, social cleavages, place and leaders in Indian elections : 1962-2004." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.568755.

Full text
Abstract:
Focussing on India, this thesis examines whether long-term 'social structural' determinants of vote choice are in decline whereas 'contextual' and short-term 'leadership' effects associated with individual rationality are on the rise. It also asks whether these processes are associated with the changing party system and the nature of social cleavages in India. I show that there is a declining but significant effect of caste and other social cleavages in India, and that there is substantial cross-regional variation in voting behaviour. I also show that, against expectations, leadership effects and particularly leadership evaluations are significant determinants of vote choice. This suggests that rather than modernising forces affecting developing countries in the same way, country specific economic, social and political context has a role to play for explaining over time patterns in voting behaviour. Moreover, social cleavages and leadership effects on vote choice do not conform to the standard expectations. The social cleavages in India have not produced a static party system, which has instead been evolving in the last 60 years since independence. Social cleavages have remained significant, responding to the changing party system. This runs contrary to the arguments that modernization results in a decline in identity voting. Also, region has gained increased importance in recent years in India and the axis of political competition has devolved to the level of the state. Finally, a short-term factor-leadership effects- associated with a decline in social cleavage voting is also significant for voting behaviour. The analyses indicate that Indian politics over the past fifty years. can be best understood using all three of the sociological, contextual and the individual rationality frameworks. Some of the predictors of electoral choice- social cleavages, region and leaders- are the key elements of these frameworks.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Books on the topic "Elections, 1942"

1

Lesueur, P. Quand le Haut-Rouergue devenait bonapartiste et le Bas-Rouergue républicain et orléaniste: Autour des enjeux électoraux de 1876. Villefranche-de-Rouergue: Société des amis de Villefranche et du Bas-Rouergue, 1989.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

1934-, Beyle Thad L., ed. Re-electing the governor: The 1982 elections. Lanham [Md.]: University Press of America, 1986.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

1924-, Butler David, ed. The British general elections 1945-1992. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Organization of American States. Unit for the Promotion of Democracy., ed. Observaciones electorales en Perú, 1992-1993. Washington, D.C: Organization of American States, 1996.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Conord, Fabien. Les élections sénatoriales en France: 1875-2015. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2016.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Brazil. Congresso Nacional. Senado Federal. Subsecretaria de Edições Técnicas. and Brazil. Tribunal Superior Eleitoral. Serviço de Documentação e Informática., eds. Eleições municipais 1992: Legislação e instruções. Brasília: O Senado, 1992.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

I, Isijola, and Nigerians for Democratic Ideals, eds. Presidential race, 1992. New Brunswick, N.J, U.S.A: Nigerians for Democratic Ideals, 1992.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Umum, Indonesia Lembaga Pemilihan, ed. Pemilihan Umum 1992. [Jakarta]: Lembaga Pemilihan Umum, 1992.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs., ed. An Assessment of the October 11, 1992 election in Cameroon. [Washington, D.C.]: National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, 1993.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Miewald, Robert D. Nebraska gubernatorial elections, 1866-1982. [Lincoln, Neb: Dept. of Political Science, University of Nebraska, 1986.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Elections, 1942"

1

Sims, R. L. "National Elections and Electioneering in Akita Ken, 1930–1942." In Modern Japan, 89–112. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003243489-7.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Holli, Melvin G. "1932 Presidential Election." In The Wizard of Washington, 39–55. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-09547-3_3.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Gibbs, A. M. "The US Elections, 1948." In Shaw, 484–85. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-05402-2_288.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Tóth, István. "Fényképek mint a társadalom kor-képe, 1900‒1944." In Fontes et Libri, 223–37. Szeged, Hungary: Szegedi Tudományegyetem, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/btk.2023.sje.20.

Full text
Abstract:
For my paper I selected photographs of social movements and political elections taken by photographers from Szeged. These pictures have been mainly chosen from the 20th century’s photographers, especially relating to József Sipos’s research interests. Therefore, I use the photos of Emil Keglovich, the Auer family (Hungarian glasshouse; Auer brothers; Lajos Auer; Auer) and Béla Liebmann. The focus was on elections, boulevards, social events (laying of the foundation stone of the university, inauguration of the Dóm Square, Levente days, funerals). I intend to analyse these pictures by using the contemporary press publications with different orientations. The topics concern the election of Dezső Bánffy as ambassador, the takeover of Miklós Horthy’s house regiment, the visits of Klebelsberg and Horthy in Szeged, the funeral of Gyula Verhovay (Christian-nationalist representative), the recordings of the Levente days at the great border of Szeged, the queues of the First World War, the military hospitals in Szeged, and the significant social and political events of the 1920s’, 1930s’ and 1940s’.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Kotlowski, Dean J. "The Election of 1948." In A Companion to Harry S. Truman, 222–45. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118300718.ch11.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Ritchie, Donald A. "The Election of 1932." In A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt, 77–95. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444395181.ch5.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1912." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 98–101. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-29.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1924." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 108–10. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-32.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1932." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 114–16. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-34.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1940." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 121–23. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-36.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "Elections, 1942"

1

Gerni, Cevat, Özge Buzdağlı, Dilek Özdemir, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Elections and The Real Exchange Rate Volatility In Turkey (1992-2014)." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01553.

Full text
Abstract:
Sudden fluctuations that occur as results of politicians’ manipulation on the macroeconomic variables during the election period are called as Political Business Cycle. In recent years, exchange rate also has become an important subject of many studies in this framework. Before the elections, to gain the public’s votes, politicians firstly put pressure on the exchange rates to prevent currency depreciation, and then this can lead to manipulative fluctuations. In this respect, during the 1992:01-2014:12 periods in Turkey, the impact of the entire local and general elections on the real exchange rate volatility is examined using E-GARCH method. On the other hand, political variables such as independence of Central Bank, exchange rate regime, the number of representatives of the ruling party in the parliament and coalition are included to the model while the pre and after election period from the 1st to the 6th month as dummy variables. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be said that the elections and the political variables affect the real exchange rate and its volatility in Turkey. However, there is no significant evidence whether the politicians act opportunistic behavior to be reelected. Since the uncertainty during the election period cause outflow of the capital and deferral of the investment decisions of the investors until after the election, it may well be said that the politicians fail to influence the real exchange rate for their self-interests.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Boamfa, Ionel. "ELECTORAL PROCESSES IN THE OLT COUNTRY (1300-2020)." In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2022/s01.003.

Full text
Abstract:
The article aims to highlight the chrono-spatial distribution of electoral processes in the Olt Country (southern Transylvania, Romania), in the last seven centuries. For the medieval era we have information related to the election of members (boyars) of the Superior Seat of Fagara?, an institution of regional autonomy preserved by both the Muntenian rule (before 1462) and the Transylvanian (XVI-XVII centuries), and in the first phase (XVIIIth century), by the Habsburg Court in Vienna too. For the middle of the XIXth century, we have information related to the district elections of the revolutionary year 1848, the municipal elections of 1861, or those related to the Transylvanian Diet of 1863. From the period of the Austro-Hungarian dualism (1867- 1918) the available data are related to legislative and local elections. After the Union of Transylvania with Romania (December 1, 1918), the electoral data refer, both for the interwar period (1919-1939), for the communist regime (1946-1989) and for the years of post-communist democracy (after 1989), both to parliamentary and local elections. The last interval also includes detailed electoral data, at communal level, related to both legislative and local elections. In conclusion, the analysis of the electoral results for the entire interval highlights the presence, mainly among the winners of electoral competitions, of Romanian representatives � including for the period before 1918 � and the "alignment" of the Olt Country, in the last century, to Romanian national trends.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

Full text
Abstract:
Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Kudryashov, Vasily. "The Journal «Siberian Questions» About the Elections in the State Duma in the Siberia (1907–1912)." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.27.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Rozi, Agus, Ahmad Redi, and Azis Budianto. "Legal Review Of Simultaneous Elections From The Perspective Of The 1945 Basic Act." In Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Law, Social Science, Economics, and Education, ICLSSEE 2023, 6 May 2023, Salatiga, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.6-5-2023.2334516.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Mithans, Gašper. "The beginnings of anti-fascism in Venezia Giulia and the Marezige uprising." In Decade of decadence: 1914–1924 spaces, societies and belongings in the Adriatic borderland in historical comparison. Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Annales ZRS, Slovenija, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/978-961-7195-46-0_02.

Full text
Abstract:
Fascism in the border region of Venezia Giulia/Julija krajina was confronted with the unfamiliar social and political conditions, ‘tradition’ and multiculturalism of the former territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In this territory, the beginnings of the heterogeneous resistance to the violence of the Italian authorities date back to the period between 1918 and 1920 and consisted mainly of the expression of ‘Slavic’ sentiments, various demonstrations, anti-Italian propaganda, and informing Yugoslavia about the situation in the area. In the pre-election period, the fascist squads attacked and destroyed everything that seemed hostile to them. On the day of the national elections on 15 May 1921 throughout the region incidents occurred, trying to turn the result in their favour by force. In particular, the Socialists and Communists were under attack in all of Italy. In Slovenian Istria, the best-known response to the violence is the local revolt in Marezige. A group of 11 fascists arrived in the village in the morning and immediately started provoking and forcing voters to vote for Blocco Nazionale. When the fascists started to shoot, the locals reacted spontaneously, attacking the fascists first with stones, and the fascists responded with shots. The outraged people killed three and seriously wounded one man. From Koper the available force of carabinieri and soldiers were sent, joined by fascists and three republicans. The latter immediately resorted to violence, but the soldiers and carabinieri soon restored order. However, in the marches that followed, the fascist squads took revenge on the nearby village of Čežarji. The Marezige uprising culminated in a highly publicised trial in Trieste. The fascists were acquitted based on the amnesty decree, which did not apply to the Slovenians. Those affected by the fascists’ rampage have never been compensated nor were they held responsible for their actions.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Candra, Dien, Faisal Santiago, and Rineke Sara. "Contestation of Candidates for Regional Head: Juridical Review of Regional Head Elections According to the 1945 Constitution." In Proceedings of the 2nd Multidisciplinary International Conference, MIC 2022, 12 November 2022, Semarang, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.12-11-2022.2327373.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Zemlyanskiy, Vadim. "ELECTION OF MEMBERS OF THE PRIAMURSKY ZEMSKY SOBOR IN THE FAR EAST OF RUSSIA IN 1922." In История Гражданской войны на Дальнем Востоке и история русской эмиграции. Благовещенск: Благовещенский государственный педагогический университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.48344/bspu.2021.52.24.012.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Suhardiman, Cecep. "Election Law Politics in 2024 Transition of Leadership Towards the Golden Indonesia 2045." In International Seminar and Call for Paper Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0011976400003582.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Israhadi, Evita, and Dien Candra. "Design of The Institutional Position of The General Election Organizer Based on Article 22E Paragraph (5) of the State Law of Republic of Indonesia 1945." In Proceedings of the 3rd Multidisciplinary International Conference, MIC 2023, 28 October 2023, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.28-10-2023.2341836.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Elections, 1942"

1

Šiljak, Dženita. Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Wind of Change between War and Peace? Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.54.

Full text
Abstract:
Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) held presidential and parliamentary elections on 2 October 2022, amid the most severe political crisis since the 1992-1995 war. Inefficient institutions and problems created by political leaders led the country to the bottom of economic and political statistics in Europe. While citizens were hoping for a change, it did not come as the nationalist parties won the majority again. The change of the election law imposed by the High Representative during the election night did not bring much hope either. The country is still stuck in its nationalist rhetoric and the lack of dialogue among the decisionmakers. It is difficult to see how the newly elected political leaders will be the ones finally taking responsibility for bringing change.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Kump, Mary. Truman's election in 1948. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2468.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Buchanan, Riley, Daniel Elias, Darren Holden, Daniel Baldino, Martin Drum, and Richard P. Hamilton. The archive hunter: The life and work of Leslie R. Marchant. The University of Notre Dame Australia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/reports/2021.2.

Full text
Abstract:
Professor Leslie R. Marchant was a Western Australian historian of international renown. Richly educated as a child in political philosophy and critical reason, Marchant’s understandings of western political philosophies were deepened in World War Two when serving with an international crew of the merchant navy. After the war’s end, Marchant was appointed as a Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia’s Depart of Native Affairs. His passionate belief in Enlightenment ideals, including the equality of all people, was challenged by his experiences as a Protector. Leaving that role, he commenced his studies at The University of Western Australia where, in 1952, his Honours thesis made an early case that genocide had been committed in the administration of Aboriginal people in Western Australia. In the years that followed, Marchant became an early researcher of modern China and its relationship with the West, and won respect for his archival research of French maritime history in the Asia-Pacific. This work, including the publication of France Australe in 1982, was later recognised with the award of a French knighthood, the Chevalier d’Ordre National du Mèrite, and his election as a fellow to the Royal Geographical Society. In this festschrift, scholars from The University of Notre Dame Australia appraise Marchant’s work in such areas as Aboriginal history and policy, Westminster traditions, political philosophy, Australia and China and French maritime history.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Chaves, Isaías, Leopoldo Fergusson, and James Robinson. He Who Counts Elects: Determinants of Fraud in the 1922 Colombian Presidential Election. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w15127.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Wheelock, David C., and Matthew Jaremski. Theodore Roosevelt, the Election of 1912, and the Founding of the Federal Reserve. Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20955/wp.2023.008.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Gingerich, Daniel. Can Institutions Cure Clientelism?: Assessing the Impact of the Australian Ballot in Brazil. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011486.

Full text
Abstract:
This paper examines how the adoption of the Australian ballot (AB), and ipso facto, the transition from the nominal to effective secret vote, shaped the nature of party politics in Brazil. Engaging the literature on political clientelism, the impact of the AB on three outcomes is studied: 1) the ideological leanings of voters at the ballot box; 2) the degree of electoral control enjoyed by local vote brokers; and 3) the capacity of citizens to effectively participate in the electoral process. In order to get leverage on these issues, the paper utilizes an original dataset -painstakingly assembled from regional electoral archives- which contains municipal-level vote returns for federal deputy and senate contests during the period before and after the AB's introduction in Brazil (1958-1962). The dataset exploits the fact that the AB was introduced at different times in different states and for different offices in the country, thereby creating an unprecedented opportunity to assess the impact of this institution. Using a triple difference-in-difference procedure, the study finds that the AB: 1) shifted the ideological balance of power from Right to Left; 2) did not greatly weaken the hand of vote brokers; and 3) greatly increased the proportion of wasted votes cast in elections.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Huffman, Robin. An Analysis of the Interrelationship Between the Oregon School Law of 1922, the Press of Oregon, the Election of Walter Pierce and the Ku Klux Klan. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2042.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Presidential elections, 1972-1984; Presidential elections, 1789-1968. US Geological Survey, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.3133/32550.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Elections, 1942' for particular source types:
Journal articles Dissertations / Theses Books
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography