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Kang, Kyung-Tae. "Korean Electoral Behavior: The 1992 and 1997 Presidential Elections." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53965233.html.
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Emons, Thomas. "Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /." Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.
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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).
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Jefferys, Matthew Thomas. "Florida : presidential elections and partisan change, 1952-2004." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001344.
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Bénichou, Marcel. "Une destruction d'idees recues : le viet nam 1972-1982." Montpellier 3, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986MON3A056.
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Une vision manicheenne a domine tres largement durant toute la guerre du viet nam : d'un cote, un sud amolli, corrompu, illegitime parce que separatiste et lie a l'etranger, d'abord francais puis americain; de l'autre cote, un nord pur, dur, heroique, unitaire, national, ect. Simplistes et souvent caricaturales, ces images ne correspondaient pas au regime installe a saigon, infiniment plus complexe et contraste. Idylliques, elles ignoraient volontairement que le nord viet nam avait un regime totalitaire, que son communisme se reclamait d'une pratique et d'une inspiration stalinienne ; que les fronts nationaux crees sous son egide ne devaient etre que camouflage et moyen de domination pour le parti, "force unique qui dirige l'etat et la societe". Dans l'examen de ces questions, ce travail s'est efforce d'apporter : - une reflexion sur les composantes du nationalisme vietnamien ( la geopolitique dominee par la chine, la force du sentiment unitaire, la vigueur des regionalismes et les frequentes cassures de l'etat, les rapports entre communisme et nationalisme dans un contexte domine tour a tour par la france, le japon et les etats unis ) ; - un dossier sur la republique du viet nam de 1972 a 1975, des accords de paris a la chute de saigon ( le regime de nguyen van thieu et l' evolution de la situation politique, economique et militaire ) ; - une analyse du parti communiste vietnamien ( le langage, l'ideologie, les pratiques interieures, la politique exterieure. . . ) tel qu'il appa- rait au travers de la politique suivie par la republique socialiste du viet nam d'avril 1975 (prise de saigon) a mars 1982 ( ve congres et iii e plan quinquennal ); - quelques jalons sur le probleme d'une information qui s'est tenue aussi eloignee des realites. Comment, et avec quelles repercussions cette dissymetrie constante en faveur de hanoi et au detriment de saigon s'est-elle developpee ?A widespread manichean vision prevailed during the viet nam war : on the one hand, an emollient, corrupted, illegitimate south because it was secessionist and tied up to foreign countries, first france, then the united states ; on the other hand, a pure, hard, heroic, unitarian, national, ect. . . North. Simplistic and often caricatural, those pictures did not correspond to the infinitely more complex and contrasted saigon political system. Idyllic, they voluntarity ignored that north viet nam had a totalitarian regime, that its communism refered to stalinian inspiration and practice ; that the national fronts created under its leadership could only be camouflaging and a means of domination for theparty, " the unique power that runs the state and the society ". Considering those questions, we endeavoured to bring : - a reflexion on the components of vietnamese nationalism ( its geopolitics ruled by china, the strength of the unitarian feeling, the vigor of the various regionalisms and frequent breaks of the state, the relationships between communism and nationalism in an environment alternately dominated by france, japan, during a short but decisive time, and the u. S. A. ) ; - a record on the viet nam republic from 1972 to 1975, from the paris accords to the fall of saigon ( the nguyen van thieu regime and the evolution of the politi- cal, economic and military situation ) ; - an analysis of the vietnamese communist party ( the language, the ideology, the internal practices, the foreign policy. . . ) as it apperars through the policy followed by the socialist repubic of viet nam ) from april 1975 ( the taking of saigon ) to march 1982 ( vth congress and third quinquennal plan ) ; - some steps on the problem of an information which was standing so far from the realities. How, and with which repercussions did that constant dissymetry in favour of hanoi and to the detriment of saigon spread out ?
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Stray, S. J. "British parliamentary by-elections, 1950-1982 : An empirical investigation." Thesis, University of Essex, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373212.
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Levine, Samantha Rose. "A comparison of the presidential elections of 1896 and 1912 and their lasting impact on modern elections." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1166.
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Thesis advisor: Marc LandyThis thesis examines the presidential elections of both 1896 and 1912 from all angles and their lasting impact on modern elections. It looks deeply into the platforms of the Democrat and Republican parties' platform, the influence of third Parties, the importance of the candidate-centered organized campaign, the necessity of fundraising and the use of technology and media. It also attempts to explain the fact that political capital was no longer located in the Northeast and parts of the South, but in the Midwest, Deep South, and parts of the Far West. Primary and secondary sources were used to explore these two elections and then to help compare them to modern day political contest. This thesis attempts to prove that the lessons of 1896 and 1912 can be applied to modern day elections
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Lewis, Ted Adam. "The Effect of American Political Party on Electoral Behavior: an Application of the Voter Decision Rule to the 1952-1988 Presidential Elections." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc503830/.
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The purpose of this study is to examine two major psychological determinants of the vote in presidential elections - candidate image and party orientation. The central thesis of this study is that candidate image, as measured here, has been a greater determinant of electoral choice in the majority of presidential elections since 1952 than has party orientation. One of the vices as well as virtues of a democratic society is that the people often get what they want. This is especially true in the case of electing our leaders. Political scientists have often concentrated their efforts on attempting to ascertain why people vote as they do. Studies have been conducted focusing on the behavior of voters in making that important decision-who should govern?
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Chung, Ting-yiu Robert. "Traditionality amidst modernity : a study of two Legislative Council by-elections in New Territories west (1991-1992) /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21543641.
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Mellen, Robbin B. "Presidential campaign appearances in midterm U.S. House elections, 1982-2006." Pullman, Wash. : Washington State University, 2010. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Spring2010/R_Mellen_040610.pdf.
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Sarawgi, Shreya. "Caste, social cleavages, place and leaders in Indian elections : 1962-2004." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.568755.
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Focussing on India, this thesis examines whether long-term 'social structural' determinants of vote choice are in decline whereas 'contextual' and short-term 'leadership' effects associated with individual rationality are on the rise. It also asks whether these processes are associated with the changing party system and the nature of social cleavages in India. I show that there is a declining but significant effect of caste and other social cleavages in India, and that there is substantial cross-regional variation in voting behaviour. I also show that, against expectations, leadership effects and particularly leadership evaluations are significant determinants of vote choice. This suggests that rather than modernising forces affecting developing countries in the same way, country specific economic, social and political context has a role to play for explaining over time patterns in voting behaviour. Moreover, social cleavages and leadership effects on vote choice do not conform to the standard expectations. The social cleavages in India have not produced a static party system, which has instead been evolving in the last 60 years since independence. Social cleavages have remained significant, responding to the changing party system. This runs contrary to the arguments that modernization results in a decline in identity voting. Also, region has gained increased importance in recent years in India and the axis of political competition has devolved to the level of the state. Finally, a short-term factor-leadership effects- associated with a decline in social cleavage voting is also significant for voting behaviour. The analyses indicate that Indian politics over the past fifty years. can be best understood using all three of the sociological, contextual and the individual rationality frameworks. Some of the predictors of electoral choice- social cleavages, region and leaders- are the key elements of these frameworks.
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Witmer, Richard Clarence. "Partisan turnover in congressional elections, 1972-1996: A district level approach." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284021.
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Prior research on congressional elections is decidedly candidate centered. While candidates are important to the electoral process, the individual is but one of a number of factors in congressional elections. In this research I expand the debate on congressional elections to include how political parties survive across time in congressional districts. To do this I model party turnover from 1972 to 1996 using a number of district level attributes. This includes whether an incumbent candidate is seeking reelection, competitiveness of the district in the previous election, length of time a district has supported the incumbent party, district context (and district context change) and region of the country. The probability of a quality challenger emerging in a congressional district is also estimated given the aforementioned district level attributes. Presence of a quality challenger is then added to the district level model and the probability of party turnover is estimated. To estimate the effects of district level attributes on party turnover, an event history analysis with a logit specification is used. This allows for the inclusion of duration dependence given a binomial dependent variable. The implications for this research are numerous, including the effects of party turnover on representation and redistributive benefits for a congressional district. A second implication focuses on how political context affects the survival of political parties in congressional districts given the redistricting process. Finally, the possible effects of district level attributes and party turnover on party mobilization and voter turnout are discussed.
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Norcross, Baxter. "War, Race, and Gender in American Presidential Elections in 1964 and 1972." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/80.
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This paper examines the partisan shift that took place in American Presidential elections during the Vietnam War. Specifically, I examine the landslide elections of 1964 and 1972 and how race, gender, and American casualties played a part in the shift.
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Roussin, Della Shirley. "Political legitimacy and regime change : the 1972 British Columbia election." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43282.
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The 1972 British Columbia general election marked the end of the twenty-year dominance of the Social Credit Party and Premier W.A.C. Bennett. Dave Barrett led the New Democratic Party to its first majority government ushering in the first Social Democratic government in the province's history. The reversal of Social Credit fortunes in 1972 should not be seen, however, as a rejection of the core values of the Social Credit party, but rather as a crisis of legitimacy faced by the party and its aging leader. As a case study, the 1972 election provides an opportunity to examine the agenda-setting function of media during an election campaign and the effects of declining political legitimacy and trust on voter behaviour.
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Kessing, Christopher. "Macroeconomic Indicators of Working Class Voter Abstention in US Presidential Elections, 1948-2004." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1322.
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In this paper I explore the causal relationship between the strategic economic interdependence advanced by Western democracies after WWII and the "puzzle of participation" in US presidential elections. More specifically, I seek to illustrate first how economic convergence within the West and then the transition from Keynesian to monetarist policy rhetoric reflexively diminish the degree to which US working class voters can realistically petition their elected officials regarding the most salient matters of economic self-interest. My results indicate that from 1948-2004, the working public became more isolated from their most salient economic decisions, voted less often due to heretofore unexplored macroeconomic indicators.
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Domper, Lasús Carlos. "Elections under dictatorship: Francoism and the New State in comparative perspective, 1945-1975." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201175.
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This dissertation analyses the elections with a highest census that were held by the Portuguese New State and the Francoism between 1945 and 1975. Social scientists have analysed this type of elections from a functionalist perspective by using the concept of "political competition". On the contrary, historians have paid little attention to them since they consider them to be mere propagandistic farces. Our hypothesis is that these elections not only had a role in the process of institutionalization of both dictatorships. On the contrary, since the mid-sixties, they were part of the failed strategies of those groups that wanted to renew both regimes by adopting liberalizing measures. By using comparative history, we get the following conclusions. Both dictatorships used these elections to facilitate their integration into the International Community emerged after WWII. These votings were an evolution, influenced by fascisms, of the electoral mechanisms emerged in Europe during the 19th century. The single party of each country was responsible for controlling their organization. Even when they did not affect executive positions, they became a useful mechanism for forming second-line political elites in which representatives of all groups that supported them were integrated. From the mid-sixties, the desire to show their ability to evolve, on the one hand, and the real impossibility of liberalizing electoral mechanisms for fear of opening the door to pluralism, on the other, generated strong contradictions within these dictatorships.
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Chang, Ka-mun, and 張家敏. "Democratization and urban economic change in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1987. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975008.
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Carter, John. "Post-Materialism: Its Impact on Presidential Election Year Issues, 1972-2000." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32740.
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This thesis examines the measurable effects of changing cultural values on American presidential election year issues from 1972 to 2000.
Topics discussed: the long-term shift in cultural values and their impact on political parties, party support, and political priorities. There is congruence between the content of the two major political party platforms from 1972-2000 and the cultural priorities of party supporters as defined by their presidential vote. This relationship also holds true for the 'most significant issue facing the nation' variable in the National Election Studies and presidential vote choice. These results are reproduced in a completely different data set of active political participants (follow the news closely, participate in political campaigns, vote consistently) assembled by Sydney Verba.
Both political parties must contend with the tensions that arise from differing cultural priorities of their supporters. This applies both within the parties as they must assemble winning electoral coalitions and between the parties which have taken on the cultural and political priorities of their strongest supporters. As the cultural priorities of major political party supporters shift, so have their quadrennial party platforms.Master of Arts
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Chung, Ting-yiu Robert, and 鍾庭耀. "Traditionality amidst modernity: a study of two Legislative Council by-elections in New Territories west (1991-1992)." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31240094.
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Braud, Daniel. "Fulfilling the Drive: Dutch Morial and the 1982 New Orleans Mayoral Election." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2007. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/839.
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This study examines the impact of racial politics on the New Orleans mayoral election of 1982. Ernest "Dutch" Morial, the city's first black mayor, sought re-election against a popular white candidate, Ron Faucheux, and a well-liked black candidate, William Jefferson. Race played an integral role throughout the campaign as Morial continually battled attacks from both the conservative white community and the traditional black politicians, all of whom resented the oftentimes brash mayor and his push for change. Controversy also surrounded his handling of the police strike of 1979 and the Fischer Housing Project shootings of 1980. This study argues that despite these obstacles, Ernest "Dutch" Morial was able to win a second term in 1982 by appealing to a broad racial coalition of voters who approved of his vigorous efforts to apply the ideals of the Civil Rights Movement to municipal reform in New Orleans.
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Atlan, Catherine. "Elections et pratiques électorales au Sénégal (1940-1958) : histoire sociale et culturelle de la décolonisation." Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0093.
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Mairry, Louis. "La vie politique dans le departement du doubs sous la troisieme republique (1870-1940)." Paris 4, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA040075.
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Sous la iiieme republique, de 1970 a 1940, le departement du doubs a eu une evolution politique originale. Il choisit d'abord la republique et la gauche: en 1885, tous les parlementaires sont republicains et les radicaus dominent la vie politique du departement de 1898 a 1914. Mais, en 1936, le doubs est un des rares departements qui se donne uniquement des deputes de droit (cinq( alors que les trois senateurs le sont deja depuis 1921. Quand, comment, pourquoi ce passage de la gauche a la droite? contrairement a l'opinion courante ce renversement politique n'est pas du a la guerre de 1914-1918 qui, dans le domaine de la politique pure, n'a ete qu'une parenthese ("union sacree"). En fait, la reconquete electorale par la droite debute des 1900-1901 en partant des scrutins locaux (cantonaux et municipaux) pour deboucher logiquement sur les succes senatoriaux et legislatifs. Trois raisons: une droite moderee unie et disciplinee autour de fortes personalites (r. De moustier, g. Pernot, g. Japy); le declin des radicaux (divises et sans programme); le refus de l'extremisme politique (de gauche comme de droite)Under the third republic, from 1870 to 1940, the departement of the doubs had a singular political evolution. First, it chose the republic and the left: in 1885 every parlementary is republican and the radicals dominate politival life in the departement from 1898 to 1914. But in 1936 it's of the few departements which provides it self solely with members of parliament form the right (five), when its three senators have been from the right since 1921. When, how, why this change from legt to right? contrary to the popular opinion, this turnaround isn't due to the great war (1914-1918) which in the political world was nerely a parenthesis ("sacred union"). In fact, the electoral reconquest by the right begins as early as 1900-1901, based on local ballots (country and municipal) first, to lead to senatorial and legislative successe. To this, three reasons: a moderate right, united and disciplined around strong personalities (r. De moustier, g. Pernot, g. Japy); the decline of the radicals, divides and with no programme; the refusal of political extrimism, from the left as from the right
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Ventresca, Robert A. "In God's country, state, society and democracy in the Italian election of 1948." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ49908.pdf.
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McCluskey, Nathan. "A Policy of Honesty: Election Manifesto Pledge Fulfilment in New Zealand 1972-2005." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2648.
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The 1980s and 1990s was a period in which dramatic changes occurred in New
Zealand’s political landscape. These changes affected many aspects of the way
democracy in New Zealand was understood and operated. In the 10 years from 1984-
1994, New Zealand moved from being a highly protected reasonably insular mixed
economy with significant levels of state intervention in most areas of the socioeconomic
framework to one with permeable borders that was quickly globalising
based on a market-model for both domestic and international business functions. This
was accompanied by a change in the electoral system from a simple majoritarian
plurality first-past-the-post system to a mixed member proportional representation
system that led to the breakdown of single-party government as it gave way to
coalition politics.
The causes of this latter shift related to a feeling that the previous system was both
unfair and gave too much power to a few individuals in one party who seemed to have
limited accountability. It was the belief of a substantial portion of the electorate that
successive governments had breached the people’s trust by ignoring unwritten
conventions around implementing an electoral mandate based on campaign manifesto
promises.
This thesis seeks for the first time to answer how real these perceptions were by
assessing pledge fulfilment before 1984, during the 1984 to 1996 period, and after the
advent of MMP, in order to reveal any changes that have occurred across this critical
period in New Zealand’s political history in relation to the application of the mandate
theory of democratic government. It will also provide insight for the first time into the
impact changing an electoral system has on election policy implementation for major
parties and raises important questions about popular ideas of democracy, electoral
support for election promise-keeping and methods of accountability as traditional
notions of democracy are challenged by the revealed reality of both government
action and voter reaction.
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Hovind, Mark Burkett. "The Observer model : a media reformation for covering the 1992 presidential election campaign /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1996.
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Kabler, Brent. "Class in context : the spatial dimensions of class consciousness evidence from the English elections, 1979-1992 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9974998.
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Leader, Andrew Jon. "The role of imagery in campaign commercials of the 1992 United States presidential election /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arl4343.pdf.
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Hanafiah, Abdul Malek Mohamad. "Communalism and electoral politics in peninsular Malaysia : the 1982 general election in historical perspective." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.304525.
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Handtmann, Henry H. "The Evolution of Political Marketing: 1952 to Present." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/360.
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According to the American Marketing Association (AMA), marketing is defined as the activity, set of institutions, and processes for creating, communicating, delivering, and exchanging offerings that have value for customers, clients, partners, and society at large.[1] To do this, marketing institutions have developed systematic processes for evaluating the wants and needs of the masses, and designed mechanisms to persuade large groups of people, as well as smaller targeted markets. If the "product" is a presidential candidate…. The marketing objective of a political party / candidate is to communicate, deliver, and exchange offerings (policies for votes). Hence, political campaigning and traditional marketing have similar objectives. For clarity, the term candidate and political party are synonymous when applied to marketing concepts.
In the 1950s, marketing experts realized the potential of selling the value of their candidate, party, and specific initiatives, through a systematic process now known as "political marketing."[2] This study will review the evolution of political marketing, evaluate how several presidential candidates gained a competitive advantage over their opponents by both utilizing traditional marketing practices, and, with social marketing, gained leverage with the Internet. It concludes with the significance of the Internet, online campaigning, social media, and their collective effects on the current and future of the political system.
[1] "Definition of Marketing," The American Marketing Association, http://www.marketingpower.com/AboutAMA/Pages/DefinitionofMarketing.aspx.
[2] Dominic Wring, "The Marketing Colonization of Political Campaigning," in The Handbook of Political Marketing, ed. by Bruce I. Newman. (London: Sage Publications, Inc, 1999), 44-45.
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Min, Byung-O. "Electoral change and voting behaviour of independent voters in South Korea, 1992-2002 : are independent voters rational in voting choice?" Thesis, Online version, 2004. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/26005.
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Niemi, Michael Frederick Hart. "REMAKING REPUBLICANISM: JOBS, TAXES AND SUBURBIA IN MICHIGAN, 1954-1962." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1470302817.
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Lakes, Ross Allen. "The making of a hero : Franklin Roosevelt's preparation for a third-term presidential election." Virtual Press, 1988. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/544137.
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This study offers a mythical examination of the addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt during his first two terms of presidency. The direction of the study is to determine the use of the hero persona in Roosevelt's goal of gaining an unprecedented third-term presidential reelection.The study overviews the historic American public attitude toward the concept of a president being elected for a third consecutive term. Close attention is given to the fears of Americans during the late thirties generated from both the Great Depression and the current war in Europe and Asia. Drawing upon comments from various authorities and particularly those of Roosevelt's 1940 election opponent Wendal Willkie, the study establishes that many Americans were afraid that a third-term election would give Roosevelt too much power, and that many compared this power to/ dictatorships like those in Italy and Nazi Germany.-.Examination of numerous addresses by Roosevelt before the 1940 election reveals that FDR established a dramatistic rhetorical framework in which he cast a variety of players including the American people, Congress, the financial leaders of the Nation, foreign countries and dictatorships. These were cast as villains, victims and heroes.Two of the victims were democracy and the American Dream, both being threatened from without and from within America. The study looks at ways Roosevelt cast himself in this drama as the hero and defender of these two myths.Department of Speech Communication
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Garreau, Bernard. "Femmes et politique : le cas des femmes élues en Sarthe de 1945 à 2010." Phd thesis, Université du Maine, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00714657.
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Tout en s'inscrivant dans le cadre général de l'histoire des femmes et de l'histoire électoralecontemporaine, la thèse se veut d'abord une thèse d'histoire locale quantitative et fait appel égalementà quelques données relevant d'autres disciplines (science politique, droit public, sociologie). Tout endonnant lieu à une comparaison avec l'évolution constatée au plan national, la thèse s'intéresse àl'histoire d'une population donnée (toutes les catégories de femmes élues), dans un espacegéographique donné (le département de la Sarthe), sur une période donnée (1945-2010).L'augmentation du nombre de femmes élues et la diversification des fonctions auxquelles elles ontaccédé sont appréhendées au travers d'une interrogation qui exprime la problématique de la thèse, àsavoir : quelle est la portée de cette progression et quelle signification peut-on y donner ? En réponsela thèse s'efforce de montrer que cette progression quantitative des femmes élues s'est accompagnéed'un certain nombre de pratiques réglementaires ou comportementales qui en limitent la portée et ennuancent la signification. Le plan chronologique adopté permet de mettre en relief les trois phases quiont marqué l'histoire des femmes élues en Sarthe de 1945 à 2010 en reliant chacune à la problématiquegénérale. Cette articulation générale de la thèse débouche ainsi sur un plan en 3 parties intituléesrespectivement : Les années 1945/1970 : une présence tolérée, un statut inchangé ; Les années1970/1990 : une présence acceptée, une pression contenue ; Les années 1990 / 2010 : une présencereconnue, une inégalité maintenue.
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Olsson, Jan. "A crucial watershed in Southern Rhodesian politics : The 1961 Constitutional process and the 1962 General Election." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-923.
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The thesis examines the political development in Southern Rhodesia 1960-1962 when two processes, the 1961 Constitutional process and the 1962 General Election, had far-reaching consequences for the coming twenty years. It builds on a hypothesis that the Constitutional process led to a radicalisation of all groups, the white minority, the African majority and the colonial power. The main research question is why the ruling party, United Federal Party (UFP) after winning the referendum on a new Constitution with a wide margin could lose the ensuing election one year later to the party, Rhodesian Front (RF) opposing the constitution. The examination is based on material from debates in the Legal Assembly and House of Commons (UK), minutes of meetings, newspaper articles, election material etc. The hypothesis that the Constitutional process led to a radicalization of the main actors was partly confirmed. The process led to a focus on racial issues in the ensuing election. Among the white minority UFP attempted to develop a policy of continued white domination while making constitutional concessions to Africans in order to attract the African middle class. When UFP pressed on with multiracial structural reforms the electorate switched to the racist RF which was considered bearer of the dominant settler ideology. Among the African majority the well educated African middleclass who led the Nationalist movement, changed from multiracial reformists in late 1950‟s to majority rule advocates. After rejecting the 1961 Constitution they anew changed from constitutional reformists to supporter of an armed struggle. Britain‘s role was ambivalent trying to please all actors, the Southern Rhodesian whites and Africans but also the international opinion. However, it seems to have been its own neo colonial interests that finally determined their position and its fault in the move towards Unilateral Declaration of Independence and the civil war was huge. On the main research question the analysis points to two reasons. Firstly, the decision by the Nationalists to boycott the election and the heavy-handed actions they took to achieve this goal created a white back-lash against the ruling party and the loss of the second vote advantage. Secondly, when the ruling party decided to make the repeal of the Land Apportionment Act a key election issue they lost not only indifferent voters but also a major part of its normal electorate. They threatened the Settler State‟s way of life for the white minority.
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Todd, Erin K. "Ballots Against the Backlash: Second-Wave Feminism, the Conservative Backlash Against it, and the 1992 Election." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1368102769.
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Mihatsch, Moritz Anselm. "Stories of a failed nation : Sudanese politics 1945-69." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:96421286-02ab-49bd-92be-31f74526110d.
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Between 1945 and 1969 the Sudanese achieved independence and overthrew a military junta with a popular uprising. Nevertheless both democratic periods were quickly ended by military coups. At the same time a civil war divided the country. The thesis asks why the democratic structures were so unstable, and unable to end the conflict between north and south. It argues that the ideas about the Sudanese nation by different groups were so contradictory, that no nation could be built. As a result, the political system failed to find a stable form and to deliver policy results to the constituents. The thesis is using political parties as units of analysis and primarily the constitutional process and, secondarily, questions of independence and sovereignty, as prisms. It discusses the history of the political parties within the context of the political history of Sudan. The discussions about the constitution are understood as one form of expressing ideas about the nation. The thesis presents the different suggestions for the constitution by different parties, especially in regards to governance, federalism, and religion. These contradictory ideas led to the failure of the constitution writing process. The thesis argues that the contradictory positions of the parties created a dual deadlock, which led to a breakdown of democracy. Firstly, due to reciprocal distrust, widely diverging platforms, and generally the difficulty of forming coalition governments, especially in the absence of a democratic tradition, coalitions became extremely unstable and politicians were forced to invest a lot of time and effort to keep coalitions alive and in consequence concrete political actions did not receive enough attention. Secondly, the divergent perceptions of the nation led to a situation where they stopped to see each other as part of the same nation and therefore stopped to recognise others as legitimately participating in the political process.
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Alcantara, Jose Carlos [UNESP]. "O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.
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O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.
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Vernet, Laurène. "L'Europe à l'aune des élections présidentielles françaises, 1965-2012." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL187.
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Alors que les citoyens français se montrent plutôt enclins à la communauté européenne, et que la France poursuit son intégration et sa coopération régionales, les candidats aux élections présidentielles parlent peu de l’Europe comme d’un véritable enjeu électoral. Cette thèse étudie la place de l’Europe comme enjeu, thème et sujet électoral dans les différentes structurations du débat médiatico-politiques. Au cœur des programmes, des allocutions et des débats des candidats de diverses familles politiques, elle démontre que l’Europe est un sujet glissant, souvent relégué à la dernière place des préoccupations électorales. Un sujet qui dérange le candidat et le citoyen car son traitement politique présuppose une définition stricte du rôle de la France dans l’Europe et de la finalité de l’Europe elle-même. Un sujet qui est aussi au cœur de clivages politiques flottants. A la croisée des notions de souveraineté, d’indépendance, de grandeur voire d’identité, les analyses de la place de l’Europe dans les élections présidentielles démontrent un espace de confrontation politique quasi vide, non investi par les candidats et les électorats. Cette étude démontre que cette immersion au cœur de la problématique de la place de l’intérêt national rend compte d’un processus de désidéologisation du thème européen latent et, au regard de l’écologie électorale aux référendums européens et aux élections présidentielles suivantes, d’un repli populiste en puissance dont le traitement politique du sujet européen n’est peut-être pas le dernier responsable. Quelle France souverainiste ou européiste s’exprime dans les élections présidentielles françaises de la Ve République, pour quelle Europe ?French citizen since the 1960s have seemed to be generally in favour of the idea of a European community, and later, the European Union. However, French politicians who have run for presidential elections did not feel the need to include Europe as an electoral topic in their campaigns. If in the 1990s, Europe did become a programmatic data, it was still not considered as a topic that could create political cleavages. This thesis studies the place of Europe as an electoral issue and as a programmatic data inside the political debates. Through the analysis of the electoral programmes, the campaign speeches, and the debates, this essay demonstrates that Europe was a delicate topic and a political space of confrontation that candidates have invested very little. Europe disturbed the candidates as well as the citizen because its political treatment presupposed a strict definition of France’s role in Europe and the purpose of Europe itself. At the crossroads of the notions of sovereignty, independence, grandeur and identity, this thesis analyzes the place of Europe in the national presidential elections. Our immersion in the heart of the issues of national interests reveals a process of desideologisation of the European theme. It also shows, in regard to the electoral ecology, that there was, during the following European referendums and presidential elections, a potential populist tendency which the political treatment of the European issue was maybe not the only culprit. Which of soverainist France or europeanist France expressed itself in the French presidential elections from the Ve republic, for which Europe?
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Broussard, James Allen. "A champion for the disaffected: Ross Perot's 1992 presidential crusade." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187056.
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In 1992, Ross Perot, billionaire entrepreneur from Texas, headed the most powerful independent presidential candidacy of the twentieth century, garnering nearly 19 percent of the popular vote. Perot's rhetoric demanded fundamental reform through a seemingly contradictory message calling for both individual responsibility and collective patriotism and sacrifice: corporate populism, a traditional, albeit profoundly paradoxical ideological appeal. Perot spoke of rekindling the "American Dream" for the next generation, whose prospects appeared bleak because of a post-Cold War credit crisis and withering of the United States' industrial base. He saw linkages between this crisis and a host of social problems, and advocated controversial solutions that made coalition-building difficult. Perot looked to his followers to develop consensuses on many issues of the day. Heading a "grassroots" movement organized from the top down, with disciples from all points on the ideological compass, however, Perot found consensus a rare commodity. As a result, his campaign lacked cohesion. Perot's methods, personality, and wealth raised disturbing questions about the future of representative democracy, but his unfolding campaign also highlighted shortcomings in American electoral institutions and processes. Perot's treatment by the press, for example, provides a case study of the mass-production of political portraits and the impact of those images. That so many citizens voted for a man often portrayed as a suspicious, morally rigid, unscrupulous, vengeful demagogue indicates how widely disaffection with American political institutions had spread. Tapping this discontent, Perot created the potential for a new kind of politics in the United States. He catalyzed discourse on policy issues like foreign trade, welfare reform, military policy, and Executive branch responsibility. He focused attention on chronic problems like the national debt, the annual budget deficit, and the insolvency of "entitlement" programs like Social Security and Medicare. His presence seems to have provoked an unusually high turnout on election day. He helped pioneer a new era of direct dialog between candidates and citizens through the use of interactive and electronic media. Finally, Perot's candidacy symbolizes the emergence of a new centrist political movement--a force which in 1994 began to dramatically reshape the American political landscape.
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Cruz, João Batista Carvalho da. "Da formação ao desafio das urnas: o PTB e seus adversários nas eleições estaduais de 1947 no Rio Grande do Sul." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2010. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/1879.
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A criação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) marcou profundamente a política no Rio Grande do Sul no período 1945-64. Com uma tradição de bipolaridade, a política gaúcha daquele contexto se caracterizou pela oposição entre um campo mais progressista, representado pelo PTB, e outro conservador, liderado pelo Partido Social Democrático (PSD). Neste estudo buscamos analisar a atuação do PTB nas eleições estaduais de 1947, recorrendo para isso a elementos da teoria do campo político desenvolvida por Pierre Bourdieu. Procuramos compreender a trajetória inicial e o tipo de capital político que o partido então acumulou. As fontes utilizadas são os periódicos da época, artigos, entrevistas e depoimentos de lideranças partidárias, bem como um conjunto de cartas trocadas entre as mesmas. Uma possível contribuição do presente trabalho será evidenciar a importância que aquela disputa eleitoral assumiu no processo de formação do PTB gaúcho, especialmente por se tratar de um momento privilegiado para a criação de símb
The foundation of the Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) – “Brazilian Labor Party” – deeply marked the politics in Rio Grande do Sul from 1945 to 1964. With bipolarity tradition the gaucha politics of those decades was defined by the conflict between a more progressive posture, represented by the PTB, and a more conservative one, leaded by the Partido Social Democrático (PSD) – “Social Democratic Party”. The present study intends to analyze the role PTB played at the gubernatorial elections of 1947, based on aspects from Pierre Bourdieu’s political field theory. This study also seeks understanding the initial trajectory and the political capital the party accumulated at that time. The sources were periodic newspapers, articles, interviews and declarations of leading parties and a set of letters traded between them as well. A possible contribution of this study might be proving the importance of that particular political dispute had in the foundation process of the “gaucho” PTB mainly for being such a propi
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Erickson, Benjamin M. "A Rhetorical Criticism: Bill Clinton's A Man from Hope; Bringing Together Myth, Identification and Civic Engagement." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2006. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/EricksonBM2006.pdf.
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Brennan, Paul. "L'etat en irlande. Aspects de son developpement. 1801-1949." Paris 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA030071.
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Entre 1801 et 1949 l'irlande connait deux etats successifs : l'etat britannique et l'etat irlandais. Afin de les etudier cette these se divise en quatre grandes parties. La premiere, intitulee l'irlande dans l'etat britannique, traite de la mise en place de l'union, des trois grands enjeux : la religion, la constitution et l'economie, si importants pour le developpement de l'etat, et des modalites d'organisation nationaliste. La deuxieme partie, intitulee l'etat britannique en irlande, etudie le fonctionnement de l'etat a travers le gouvernement, l'administration, le pouvoir local, le systeme electoral et les elections. A son tour, elle contient une interrogation sur la differenciation de l'eta par rapport a la societe civile et pose le probleme de l'integration de l'irlande dans l'etat. La naissance de l'etat irlandais est le titre de la troisieme partie. On y etudie l'effrondrement de l'ancien ordre dans un contexte de violence; a la violence politique des irlandais repond la violence de l'etat britannique. La quatrieme partie, les developpements de l'etat irlandais, examine les fondements du nouvel etat et cherche a en decrire la nature par une analyse de ses constitutions, des effets de la guerre civile, de son institutionnalisation, de son lien avec la grande-bretagne et de sa quete de reconnaissance internationaleBetween 1801 and 1949 there were two successive states in ireland, the british state and the irish state. In order to study them this thesis is divided into four main parts. The first, entitled ireland in the british state, deals with the setting up of the union, the three major issues : religion, the constitution and the economy, which were of such importance for the development of the state. The second part, entitled the british state in ireland, studies the workings of the state through its government, administration, local government, electoral system and elections. In turn it questions state differentiation from civil society and considers the integration of ireland in the state. The birth of the irish state is the title of the third part. The collapse of the old order in a context of popular and state violence is its object. In the fourth part, the developments of the irish state are investigated. The nature of the new state is studied through an analysis of its constitutions, the effects of the civil war, the creation of its new institutions, its links with great britain and its quest for international recognition
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André, Patrick. "Les parlementaires bonapartistes de la Troisième République (1871-1940)." Paris 4, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA040135.
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Après 1870 et l'instauration de la Troisième République, les fidèles du second Empire ne s'avouent pas vaincus. Ils mènent la défense de leur cause sur le thème de la révision des institutions républicaines par le recours au plébiscite. Cependant, les quelques deux-cent-soixante-quatre députés et sénateurs partisans de l'appel au peuple élus de 1871 à 1940 rejoignent l'opposition monarchiste et conservatrice. Cette alliance contre-nature désoriente leur électorat et scelle leur échec définitif. Mais leur erreur stratégique est également le reflet de leur profit sociologique éminemment élitiste. Grands notables de type classique, les cadres bonapartistes sacrifient en effet leurs convictions politiques - réduites à une ultime fidélité dynastique - sur l'autel de leurs intérêts particuliers. Un dictionnaire biographique précise, enfin, les parcours individuels de tous les parlementaires plébiscitairesThose who remained faithful to the second Empire after the installation of the third Republic refused to accept their defeat. To promote their cause, they look up the theme of a revision of the republics institutions by means of the plebiscite. Moreover, the 264 deputies and senators who were elected between 1871 and 1940 (and who supported the idea of the "appel au peuple") identified themselves with the conservative and monarchist opposition. This unnatural alliance confused their electors and led, in the long term, to their collapse. This tactical error was, in itself, a reflection of their social background, which was that of an elite group, these "grands notables" who, at the same time constituted the cadres of bonapartism, sacrificed their political convictions on the altar of personal interest. Ultimately they were left with same a sort of fidelity to the dynasty. The compilation of a biographical dictionary enables on to pin point exactly how the careers of these plebiscitary parliamentarians evolved
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Nunez, Lopez Lidia. "Electoral system stability and change: an analysis of the barriers and incentives to reform in European democracies since 1945." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209101.
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Electoral systems have an enormous importance on how political power is distributed, on governability and the dynamics of representation of any given democratic society. Political science has traditionally considered electoral systems to be stable institutions and has paid more attention to understand how political parties adapt to the electoral rules than to how “electoral institutions themselves are adapted by political parties” (Benoit 2004). However, given their importance, unveiling the factors that influence the change and the choice of electoral rules is crucial and an increasing number of studies has addressed the issue since the 1990s. This dissertation lies at the crossroads between traditional explanations of the stability of electoral systems and the more recent interpretations of electoral system change. Through three empirical parts, this thesis shows how these literatures are reconcilable and complementary. This study encompasses a comprehensive set of explicative factors at the micro, meso and macro levels that shed light on the incentives and barriers to reform electoral systems. Methodologically, the large-N approach of this thesis goes beyond the usual case studies and small-N analyses that characterize the field of electoral system change. Besides, the consideration of cases of reforms and cases of stability contributes to a better understanding of the determinants of electoral system change. While traditional accounts of electoral system change are predominantly based on political parties’ self-interest, this study demonstrates that the context matters. In this regard, this dissertation has three main findings.
Firstly, this study calls into question the body of literature addressing the change of electoral institutions by analyzing the impact of different barriers in the success of reform debates. At the party level, it shows how intraparty division can constitute an important factor to explain institutional inertia. The analysis is based on the responses of Irish Members of Parliament (Teachtaí Dala, or TDs) to a number of survey items designed to measure their evaluations of the current electoral system. The study discusses how the heterogeneity of preferences within parties over this issue may act as a barrier for reform. Besides, at the micro level, it sheds light on the determinants of individuals’ incentives to support reform. Beyond the classical power-seeking motivations, individual legislators also appear to be driven by values and attitudes about the quality of democracy.
Secondly, this thesis focuses on institutional contexts. This study analyzes the capacity of institutions to deter reforms using empirical evidence of the occurrence of reforms and the duration of electoral systems in 17 European countries. Drawing on Lijphart’s framework of the patterns of democracy, this research analyzes the extent to which the elements that differentiate between majoritarian and consensus democracies can hinder electoral reforms. On the one hand, it shows the impact of individual institutions on the occurrence of reform and the duration of electoral systems. It demonstrates that higher numbers of veto players, more proportional electoral systems, limited vested interests of the incumbent parties, constitutional rigidity and the existence of judicial review can reduce the likelihood of reform. On the other hand, this study demonstrates that the different combinations of institutional elements provide important explanatory leverage on the duration of electoral systems. In this regard, contrary to what is often assumed, it is shown that the occurrence of electoral reforms is linked to the incumbents’ capacity to develop their preferred policies. Those systems in which power is more concentrated, that is majoritarian systems, appear to be those in which electoral systems reforms are more frequent.
Finally, the thesis explores the impact of external shocks on the likelihood of reform. On the basis of an analysis of a dataset of electoral reforms that have been enacted in Europe since 1945, this study demonstrates that economic crises and citizens’ dissatisfaction with democracy are related to the introduction of electoral reforms. However, the mechanism is mediated by the existence of new parties that capitalize on this dissatisfaction and that can threaten the established parties. In these circumstances, restrictive reforms – those that aim at hindering the entry of new parties - are more likely to be introduced, though too late to prevent the entry of these newcomers.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Willis, Jonathan Richard. "Explaining the support of the British National Party (BNP) in the 1999, 2004, and 2009 European Parliament elections." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4722.
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In the past decade, there has been a surge of interest in extreme right Western European parties. Well-established parties such as the National Front (FN) in France, Vlaams Belang (formerly Vlaams Blok) in Belgium, and Lega Nord in Italy have been scrutinized. However, extreme right parties that have just recently begun to experience electoral successes such as the British National Party (BNP) have received less evaluation and discussion in the literature. Therefore, this study examines the BNP's electoral fortunes in the European elections of 1999, 2004, and 2009. I explore the support for the BNP using the traditional variables of unemployment, education, income, and immigration. In addition to these variables, I examine how support for other parties present in Great Britain, such as the right-wing United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the center-right Conservative Party affects electoral support for the BNP. I find that support for other right-wing parties in Great Britain do exert an influence on BNP electoral fortunes (the UKIP a positive one, and the Conservative Party a negative one). I also find a strong negative link between BNP support and education and a weak positive one between BNP support and unemployment. However, income and immigration rates appear to have no effect on voter support for the BNP.ID: 030646218; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 62-71).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies Track
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Alcantara, Jose Carlos 1941. "O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local /." Assis : [s.n.], 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.
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Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre MendesBanca: Clodoaldo Bueno
Banca: Áureo Busetto
Banca: Lupércio Antônio Pereira
Banca: Maria Lúcia Bertachini Nosella
Resumo: O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
Abstract: An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.
Doutor
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Vautier, Elaine. "Representations of racial difference and 'white anxiety' in the USA and UK : the 1992 US and 1997 UK election campaigns." Thesis, University of East London, 2005. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/1240/.
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This thesis examines the construction of White anxiety through an analysis of discursive strategies used to marshal racialised fears and resentments within the context of specific political cultures. Here, White anxiety is defined as the imagined threats and displacements felt in response to the presence of those identified as ethnically or racially different, and in particular fears of loss over resources assumed to be scarce. I analyse the way political discourses in the USA and the UK deploy or negotiate such white anxiety in the post-war period with specific case studies focussed on the 1992 US and 1997 UK election campaigns. The topic of 'race' in contemporary politics has proved to be a potent and difficult issue for politicians. On the one hand appeals to 'race' and racialised resentments continue to be assumed as vote winners. On the other hand, in liberal democracies such as the US and the UK, such appeals attract accusations of 'playing the race card' to signify improper politics. These accusations prompt contrasting political responses and media participation in each country. The comparative analysis indicates the importance of specific political cultures in the construction and deployment of White anxieties grounded in assumptions of popular racisms. What is common to both contexts is that politicians with the help of the media rely upon and tacitly collude with White racialised resentments keeping notions of immutable racial differences in play. This is done through appeals that have distinct historical and contingent resonances. I have identified three narrative frames that have been persistently deployed, with contingent modifications, in order to marshal and construct White anxieties within each political culture. In Britain immigration numbers linked to racial harmony has been an enduring theme, supplemented by a second narrative frame of nation and belonging. In the US the dominant theme is tax resentments linked to Affirmative Action, with a second frame of national belonging becoming increasingly important. I show how the development of these historically and culturally specific narrative frames have retained validity and resonance even as they have been modified for new conjunctures.
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Carvalho, Maria José Lopes de. "Mulheres do Araripe: trajetórias de lutas e representatividade política (1982-2004)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2011. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12707.
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The research WOMEN FROM ARARIPE: Struggle paths and political representation (1982-2004) seeks to discuss, ponder and turn into history, based on the relation between history and gender, the role of these women from the Araripe Mountains region, especially from the cities of Araripina-PE and Simões-PI. In Women from Araripe one searches to analyze the political and party engagement from women as social and historical beens looking for elective positions or as part of the election process. This paper‟s greatest objective is to go over the insertion (participation) and involvement process of women in the political arena of both cities here in debate during the period of 1982 to 2004. The second most pertinent goal of this research is the identification of the different ways and strategies used by women candidates when seeking votes in electoral times. At the end, what one hopes to attain by this paper is to understand the struggle paths of the women from Araripe when exercising their participation and political intervention in the electoral processes and at politically decisive public institutions, throughout history
A pesquisa "MULHERES DO ARARIPE: Trajetórias de lutas e representatividade política (1982-2004)" busca, a partir da relação entre história e gênero, discutir, refletir e historicizar sobre o papel dessas mulheres na região da Serra do Araripe, especialmente nas cidades de Araripina-PE e Simões-PI. Em "Mulheres do Araripe" pretende-se analisar o engajamento político-partidário das mulheres como sujeitos históricos e sociais, na conquista de cargos eletivos ou na participação dos processos eleitorais. Com efeito, o alvo maior desse trabalho é discutir o processo de inserção e envolvimento das mulheres na política institucional nas duas cidades em pauta, durante o período de 1982 a 2004. Outro objetivo pertinente para a elaboração da pesquisa é a identificação das diferentes práticas e estratégias utilizadas pelas candidatas para conquistar votos nos processos eleitorais. Enfim, o que se intenta com a investigação proposta nessa pesquisa é compreender, historicamente, a trajetória de lutas das mulheres no Araripe no exercício de participação e intervenção política nos processos eleitorais e nos órgãos públicos de decisões políticas
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Scheessele, Marie E. "The rise of Jesse Jackson : a fantasy theme analysis of his 1988 presidential campaign." Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/722233.
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This study investigated Time's reporters' portrayals of Jesse Jackson throughout his 1988 campaign. Chapter one introduced the study and provided an extensive literature review of. Ernest Bormann's Fantasy Theme Analysis and its uses. Chapter Two presented a biographical profile of Jackson and served as a prelude to the discussion of Jackson's 1988 presidential campaign. Chapter Three included the actual analysis and interpretation of the study. The following themes were discovered in the five 'time periods that emerged from the investigation: the underdog, the free from scrutiny, the preacher, the leader of black people, the poet, and the loser of the nomination themes. Chapter Four summarized this study and provided implications and suggestions for future research.Department of Speech Communication
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Conceição, Bruno da Silva. "Nacionalização partidária em marcha : processo de distanciamento dos partidos brasileiros da regionalização (1945-2014)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/180579.
Full textAbstract:
Dans le long processus de construction du système des partis brésilien, l'incertitude persiste sur la possibilité de faire avancer le processus de nationalisation des partis. Les partis politiques brésiliens avec leurs bases organisationnelles et leurs votes électoraux sont-ils nationalisés ou régionalisés par territoire national? La thèse proposée est qu'il ya une nationalisation progressive des partis brésiliens, depuis la première expérience démocratique (1945-1964), à travers le système des deux partis de la dictature civilo-militaire (1964-1986) à la démocratie (1986-2014), ce qui réduit les effets de régionalisation caractéristique des premières phases des partis du pays. Par conséquent, l'analyse se concentrera sur un indicateur important pour mesurer le degré de nationalisation du parti, à savoir: Parti Nationalisation Score (PNS). Les données empiriques qui seront utilisées pour analyser la nationalisation du parti brésilien proviennent des statistiques électorales des partis politiques pour occuper un siège à la Chambre des représentants et dans les assemblées publiques disponibles dans la base de données de la Cour Supérieure (TSE) ou de la recherche documentaire bibliographique. Les résultats de cette thèse montrent que les partis brésiliens contemporains se situent à un haut niveau de nationalisation, se distanciant du régionalisation.No longo processo de construção do sistema partidário brasileiro, uma incerteza ainda paira sobre a possibilidade de avanço do processo de nacionalização partidária. Por acaso estariam os partidos políticos brasileiros com suas bases organizativas e votações eleitorais nacionalizadas ou regionalizadas pelo território nacional? A tese proposta é de que há uma gradativa nacionalização dos partidos brasileiros, desde a primeira experiência democrática (1945-1964), passando pelo bipartidarismo da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1986) até a redemocratização (1986-2014), diminuindo os efeitos característicos de regionalização das primeiras fases de partidos do país. Para tanto, a análise se concentrará em um importante indicador para mensurar o grau de nacionalização partidária, qual seja: o Party Nationalization Score (PNS). Os dados empíricos que serão usados para analisar a nacionalização partidária brasileira provêm das estatísticas eleitorais dos partidos políticos para ocupação de uma cadeira na Câmara dos Deputados e nas Assembleias Estaduais disponíveis no banco de dados do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE) ou de pesquisa bibliográfica documental. Os resultados desta tese mostram que os partidos brasileiros contemporâneos estão em um patamar elevado de nacionalização distanciando-se da regionalização.
In the long process of building the Brazilian party system, uncertainty still lingers over the possibility of advancing the process of party nationalization. Are the Brazilian political parties with their organizational bases and electoral votes nationalized or regionalized by national territory? The thesis proposed is that there is a gradual nationalization of Brazilian parties, from the first democratic experience (1945-1964), through the bipartisanship of the civil-military dictatorship (1964-1986) to the re-democratization (1986-2014), reducing the effects of the characteristic regionalization of the first phases of the country's parties. To do so, the analysis will focus on an important indicator to measure the degree of party nationalization, namely: Party Nationalization Score (PNS). The empirical data that will be used to analyze the Brazilian party nationalization comes from the electoral statistics of the political parties to occupy a seat in the Chamber of Deputies and in the State Assemblies available in the database of the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) or from bibliographic documentary research. The results of this thesis show that contemporary Brazilian parties are on a high level of nationalization, distancing themselves from regionalization.
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Chérel, Evelyne. "Politique et religion en coree du sud : jeunesse catholique [kat'ollik ch'ongnyon] et les elections generales de mai 1948. un exemple de politisation d'une revue catholique." Paris 7, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA070054.
Full textAbstract:
LES ANNEES 1945-1950 SONT UNE PERIODE CHARNIERE DE L'HISTOIRE DE LA COREE. ELLES CON♭ DUISENT DE LA FIN DE LA COLONISATION JAPONAISE A LA GUERRE DE COREE. EN CE TEMPS OU LE NORD NORD DE LA COREE EST OCCUPE PAR L'ARMEE SOVIETIQUE ET LE SUD PAR L'ARMEE AMERICAINE, L' EGLISE CATHOLIQUE COREENNE DEVELOPPE UN NOUVEAU TYPE DE RELATION AVEC LE POLITIQUE : ELLE OPTE POUR UNE PARTICIPATION ACTIVE AU POLITIQUE. A L'APOGEE DE CE PROCESSUS, SE TROUVE SON ENTREE DANS LA CAMPAGNE ELECTORALE DES ELECTIONS GENERALES DE MAI 1948, ELECTIONS FONDATRICES DE LA REPUBLIQUE DE COREE, AU SUD. QUELLES SONT LES LOGIQUES QUI L'AMENENT A FAIRE CE CHOIX ? AFIN D'APPORTER DES ELEMENTS DE REPONSE A CETTE QUESTION, ON A CHOISI DE PRIVILEGIER L'ETUDE D'UNE REVUE MENSUELLE, JEUNESSE CATHOLIQUE, PUBLIEE PAR LE VICARIAT DE SEOUL. EN ANALYSANT L'EVOLUTION DU CONTENU DE CETTE REVUE, ON TENTE AINSI DE DISCERNER QUELS SONT LES ELEMENTS INHERENTS A LA DOCTRINE SOCIALE CATHOLIQUE QUI INFLUENCENT LA PARTICiPATION DE L'EGLISE CATHOLIQUE COREENNE AU POLITIQUE. DE MEME, ON COMPARE LES PROPOSITIONS POUR LA SOCIETE FORMULEES PAR LA REVUE AVEC CELLES DES ACTEURS DU CHAMP POLITIQUE, CE QUI PERMET DE PRECISER DE QUELS GROUPES POLITIQUES L'INSITUTION RELIGIEUSE EST LA PLUS PROCHE. ON OBSERVE EGALEMENT LES RELATIONS EXISTANTES ENTRE LE PERSONNEL POLITIQUE ET LE PERSONNEL RELIGIEUX. UN DERNIER AXE DE TRAVAIL EST D'ANALYSER LA COMPREHENSION DES ENJEUX NATIONAUX ET INTERNATIONAUX FORMULEE PAR LA REVUE. CES DIRECTIONS DE RECHERCHES PERMETENT DE COMPRENDRE LES LOGIQUES SOUS-TENDANT LE SOUTIEN ACTIF QUE L'INSTITUTION RELIGIEUSE A APPORTE AUX ELECTIONS GENERALES, ELECTIONS POURTANT CONTROVERSEES ET BOYCOTTEES PAR UNE GRANDE PARTIE DE LA CLASSE POLITIQUE COREENNE.