Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections, 1973

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections, 1973'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections, 1973"

1

Molina, José E., and Carmen Pérez. "Evolution of the Party System in Venezuela, 1946–1993." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166372.

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The 1946 election for Venezuela's National Constituent Assembly marked the beginning of democratic electoral processes and the modern party system in that country. Although interrupted by ten years of dictatorship (1948-1958), nine national elections for president and parliament have been held since 1946. In conjunction with these elections, the Venezuelan party system has passed through four stages: a predominant party system (1945-1948), a limited multiparty system (1958-1973), an attenuated two-party system (1973-1993), and recently, the return to a limited multiparty system (1993-) (Sartori 1976).
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Sieg, Gernot, and Irem Batool. "Pakistan, Politics and Political Business Cycles." Pakistan Development Review 51, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v51i2pp.153-166.

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This paper studies whether in Pakistan the dynamic behaviour of unemployment, inflation, budget deficit and real GDP growth is systematically affected by the timing of elections. We cover the period from 1973-2009. Our results can be summarised as follows: (1) Unemployment tends to be lower in pre-election periods and tends to increase immediately after elections, perhaps as a result of politically motivated employment schemes. (2) Inflation tends to be lower in pre-election periods, perhaps as a result of pre-electoral price regulation. (3) We find increase in the governmental budget deficit, financed by heavy government borrowings from the central bank and banking sector during election year. (4) Real GDP growth and real governmental investment growth declines during pre and post election terms possibly as a result of inefficient resource allocation. JEL Classification: D72, D78, H50, H61, E51 Keywords: Opportunistic Political Business Cycle, Fiscal Policy, Macroeconomics, Elections, Pakistan
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Wahman, Michael. "Opposition Coalitions and Democratization by Election." Government and Opposition 48, no. 1 (October 23, 2012): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2012.5.

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This article critically assesses the argument that oppositional coordination creates democratization by elections. It argues that the previously acknowledged democratizing effect of pre-electoral coalitions is better described as an alternation effect, by which coordinated oppositional parties are more likely to win elections. The positive effect of oppositional coalitions is, however, short lived and intimately connected with cases where the election is won by the opposition. Evidence of potential endogeneity is presented, which shows that coalitions are more likely when there is a realistic chance of oppositional victories. These results were derived by utilizing an original dataset of 251 authoritarian elections in 86 countries from 1973 to 2004.
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Olguín, Patricia E. "El peronismo mendocino de cara a las elecciones de 1973." Quinto Sol 17, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/qs.v17i1.596.

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Zelizer, Julian E. "Seeds of Cynicism: The Struggle over Campaign Finance, 1956–1974." Journal of Policy History 14, no. 1 (January 2002): 73–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2002.0006.

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“It is a cesspool, it is a source of infection for the body politic,” Senator Hubert Humphrey (D-Minn.) warned his fellow senators in 1973 about the private financing of elections. “[I]f it doesn't stop, there are going to be good men in this hall right here today who are going down the drain, not that you are guilty, not that you have done anything wrong, but that the public is disenchanted with all of us, and they are going to want somebody new and say I want a fresh one here.” From 1971 through President Nixon's resignation in 1974, Congress enacted the boldest campaign finance reforms in American history, including strong disclosure laws, public financing for presidential elections, contribution and spending limits, and an independent enforcement commission. Despite these reforms, after only a decade under the new laws, citizens still felt that campaign finance was corrupt.
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Demsetz, Rebecca S. "Voting Behavior in Union Representation Elections: The Influence of Skill Homogeneity and Skill Group Size." ILR Review 47, no. 1 (October 1993): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304700108.

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The author analyzes data from survey responses of nonunion workers involved in 29 NLRB representation elections in 1972 and 1973 to test the hypotheses (1) that skill-homogeneous groups of workers are more readily organized than are still-heterogeneous groups and (2) that the workers in an election unit's largest skill groups will have the strongest pro-union tendencies. The results confirm the first hypothesis (though the results are sensitive to the inclusion of the most skill-homogeneous workplaces sampled), but only weakly support the second. The author concludes that this analysis may provide a new explanation for the decline in successful union organizing, if it is true that the workers comprising potential bargaining units have become increasingly skill-heterogeneous over time.
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Saeed, Ahmad, Khan Bakhtiar, and Khalid Ijaz. "Encouraging Trends of Women’s Politics in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa." Global Social Sciences Review I, no. II (December 30, 2016): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2016(i-ii).05.

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Modern democratic age is based on the philosophy of |ONE-MAN ONEVOTE". Women constitute more than 50% of the world population. Pakistan's Constitution of 1973 has guaranteed women's political rights, equally with men. The general elections of 2002 and 2008 witnessed greater women political participations compared to the elections of 20th Century. The 9/11 incident and un-natural death of Benazir Bhutto left society plagued with extremism, fundamentalism and terrorism. In many instances, the war on terror crossed 'Durand-Line' and affected Pakistan, especially Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA, where every second family faced causality. Vested interests and international media focused on the region and sketched it from darkness to table of discussion. The reports of FAFEN, IDEA, PILDAT, European Union Observation Mission and Election Commission of Pakistan also acknowledged the truth that political participation of women has accelerated in Pakistan tremendously by means of casting votes, launching elections campaigns and contesting elections on general seats.
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Rozenas, Arturas, and Sean M. Zeigler. "From ballot-boxes to barracks: Votes, institutions, and post-election coups." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (July 31, 2018): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318779423.

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The military often intervenes in politics shortly after elections. This might be because election results reveal information about the ease with which a coup can succeed. Would-be coup perpetrators use this information to infer whether the incumbent can be removed from office without provoking popular unrest. We argue that the informational content of elections depends on the electoral rules that translate votes into outcomes. In electoral systems that incentivize strategic voting, election returns are less informative about the distribution of political support than in electoral systems that incentivize sincere voting. An extensive battery of statistical tests shows that vote-shares of election winners do not predict coup attempts in plurality systems, which encourage strategic voting, but they do predict coup attempts in non-plurality electoral systems, which do not encourage strategic voting. Thus, incumbents who have performed well in elections face a lower risk of coup attempts, but only in institutional environments where voting results are highly informative about the distribution of political support. We apply this logic to illuminate the decisions of the military to intervene into politics during the famous failed 1936 coup in Spain and the successful 1973 coup in Chile.
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Stone, Clarence N. "Atlanta: Protest and Elections Are Not Enough." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 03 (1986): 618–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500018187.

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Blacks hold governmental power in Atlanta. They have a two-to-one majority on the city council, and Andrew Young is in his second term as the city's second black mayor. Moreover, blacks are a substantial presence in the civic life of Atlanta. They have held the presidency of the Chamber of Commerce, and are to be found among the membership of every important board and commission in the public life of the community. The political incorporation of blacks in Atlanta is now strong enough for Mayor Young to entertain the possibility of city-county consolidation. Even with such a move, blacks presumably would remain at the center of public life in Atlanta.How such a seemingly strong form of political incorporation came about is in part a familiar story. Key facts in the city's political history are widely known:1. In 1946, Georgia's white primary was invalidated. A voter-registration drive in the black community brought nearly 20,000 new voters onto the rolls, making the black community more than a quarter of the city's electorate (Bacote, 1955).2. Atlanta's mayor at the time, William B. Hartsfield, recognized the potential for taking on Atlanta's black community as junior partners in a coalition built around the mutually reinforcing themes of economic growth and racial moderation. He and his successor, Ivan Allen, Jr., profited electorally from that coalition over the next twenty years (see Jennings and Zeigler, 1966).3. Atlanta's black community entered a new and more assertive phase in 1960 as direct-action protests signalled the end of the era of quiet accommodation between established black and white leaders (Walker, 1963).4. The 1970 census reports show that Atlanta's population balance had tilted to a black majority, and, in 1973, Maynard Jackson was elected as Atlanta's first black mayor. Jackson was reelected by a comfortable margin in 1977, and he has been followed by Atlanta's second black mayor, Andrew Young. Mayor Young was reelected in a landslide in 1985.
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Stone, Clarence N. "Atlanta: Protest and Elections Are Not Enough." PS 19, no. 3 (1986): 618–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030826900626334.

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Blacks hold governmental power in Atlanta. They have a two-to-one majority on the city council, and Andrew Young is in his second term as the city's second black mayor. Moreover, blacks are a substantial presence in the civic life of Atlanta. They have held the presidency of the Chamber of Commerce, and are to be found among the membership of every important board and commission in the public life of the community. The political incorporation of blacks in Atlanta is now strong enough for Mayor Young to entertain the possibility of city-county consolidation. Even with such a move, blacks presumably would remain at the center of public life in Atlanta.How such a seemingly strong form of political incorporation came about is in part a familiar story. Key facts in the city's political history are widely known:1. In 1946, Georgia's white primary was invalidated. A voter-registration drive in the black community brought nearly 20,000 new voters onto the rolls, making the black community more than a quarter of the city's electorate (Bacote, 1955).2. Atlanta's mayor at the time, William B. Hartsfield, recognized the potential for taking on Atlanta's black community as junior partners in a coalition built around the mutually reinforcing themes of economic growth and racial moderation. He and his successor, Ivan Allen, Jr., profited electorally from that coalition over the next twenty years (see Jennings and Zeigler, 1966).3. Atlanta's black community entered a new and more assertive phase in 1960 as direct-action protests signalled the end of the era of quiet accommodation between established black and white leaders (Walker, 1963).4. The 1970 census reports show that Atlanta's population balance had tilted to a black majority, and, in 1973, Maynard Jackson was elected as Atlanta's first black mayor. Jackson was reelected by a comfortable margin in 1977, and he has been followed by Atlanta's second black mayor, Andrew Young. Mayor Young was reelected in a landslide in 1985.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections, 1973"

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Ware, Lawrence. "The development of party systems and the determinants of partisan voting in English local government elections 1973-1998." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1658.

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This thesis takes a quantitative approach to the study of the development of party systems in English local government following its reorganisation in the early 1970s. Aggregate data, including local election results and census information, are used to identify the determinants of partisan support and the subsequent effects upon variations in local party systems. The study develops the first major classification of local party systems between 1973 and 1998, focussing principally upon factors accounting for variations in the evolution of such systems. This study provides the first clear evidence that the operation of local electoral systems contributes towards the production and maintenance of two-party dominance. However, in contrast to the national parliamentary situation, the two parties are not restricted to Conservative and Labour. The thesis highlights how third parties, particularly the Liberals, became a significant part of the local party system in a relatively large number of cases. Variations in electoral arrangements between local authorities, including differences in district magnitude and the nature of the electoral cycle, permit examination of their effects upon local party systems within a common national political culture. The effects of these variations are shown to either benefit or discriminate against the Liberals. Using aggregate data and methods of linear regression, the thesis analyses patterns of partisan voting in local government. It shows that socioeconomic factors such as class, housing and employment, theoretically identified as important for parliamentary elections, are related also to local voting for the three main parties, although the relationships are weaker for the Liberals than for the traditional two main parties. Confirmation of these findings is provided by the application of methods designed to solve the problems of ecological inference.
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Riottot, Yveline. "Joaquin Maurin : de l'anarcho-syndicalisme au communiste (1919-1936)." Université Pierre Mendès France (Grenoble ; 1990-2015), 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996GRE29016.

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Cette these retrace l'itineraire politique exemplaire de joaquis maurin depuis ses premiers engagements militants au sein du syndicalisme revolutionnaire en 1919 jusqu'au choix communiste dissident des annees 1930. Entre au parti communiste espagnol (p. C. E. ) en 1924. Il s'eloignera progressivement de la politique de l'internationale communiste jusqu'a creer, lors de la proclamation de la republique en 1931, son organisation propre, le bloque obrero y campesino (b. O. C. ). Inspirees du marxisme-leninisme, mais tenant compte des donnees politiques, sociales et economiques specifiques a l'espagne, les theories conceptuelles et strategiques de cette alternative revolutionnaire la situent entre socialisme, stalinisme et trotskysme. Le second volume precise les fondements d'une demarche qui conduit maurin a des propositions originales, tant a l'egard du syndicalisme que de l'antifascisme, assises sur le principe de politique unitaire, syndicale et politique. Ces propositions sont axees, d'une part, sur le front ouvrier unique, concretise en 1934 dans les alliances ouvrieres regies par le principe de democratie ouvriere, et, d'autre part, sur le part, sur le parti marxiste unique, dont le partido obrero de unificacion marxista (p. O. U. M. ) n'aurait du etre que la premiere etape. Constitue en 1935, ce parti represente cependant la plus importante organisation communiste independante des annees 30 au niveau international. Neanmoins, la question du front populaire, auquelle le p. O. U. M. Adhere sans conviction, mais sous l'etiquette duquel maurin est elu depute parlementaire en fevrier 1936, l'influence du communisme stalinien des juillet 1936, le contexte de guerre civile et son emprisonnement empecheront cet intellectuel d'action de concretiser plus avant ses perspectives unitaires
This thesis traces the joaquin maurin's exemplary political itinerary, from his first militant engagements in the bosom of the revolutionary syndicalism in 1919 up to the dissident communism option of the thirties, joining the partido comunista espagnol en 1924, he would differ gradually from the conintem's policy, so far as to create his own organisation, the bloque obrero y campesino in 1931, imbued with leninism, but taking into account the political peculiarities of spain, the conceptual and strategical theories of this revolutionary alternative place it between socialism, stalinisn and trotskyisa, the second book deals with the foundations of a thought which induces maurin to original propositions, with regard to syndicalism as to antifascisa, based upon the revolutionary unity concept. These proposals are centred, first, on the united worker front, effective in 1934 in the workers alliances, and, on the other hand, on the united marxist party, of which the partido obrero de unificacion marxista (p. O. U. M. ) should have been only the first step. Formed in 1935, this party represents the most important independant communist organisation of the thirties in the world. Vet, the popular front question - which the p. O. U. M. Joins without any conviction, but what allows maurin to be elected in february 1936 -, the stalinian communisa influence on and after july 1936, the civil var context and his imprisonnent would prevent maurin from carrying out his unitary prospects any further
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Huntley, Rebecca. ""Sex on the Hustings" : labor and the construction of 'the woman voter' in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Connect to full text, 2003. http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/adt/public_html/adt-NU/public/adt-NU20040209.113517/index.html.

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Huntley, Rebecca Jane. "Sex on the hustings: Labor and the construction of the woman vote in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/570.

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The basic aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse how �the woman voter� was constructed within Labor discourse during the Hawke/Keating years. My domain of investigation is electoral politics, in particular the federal election campaigns of 1983 and 1993. These elections flank the beginning and the end of the Labor decade, a period of great significance to both the development of Labor politics specifically and Australian politics in general. The elections of 1983 and 1993 were campaigns in which the Party made a concerted effort to attract women�s votes. Through a reading of the various texts associated with these two campaigns, I explore the construction of �the woman voter� as a �new� political subject position within Labor discourse. The dominant influences on the construction of �the woman voter� as a new subject position were Labor discourse and feminism, or more precisely Labor discourse affected by the incursion of feminism from the 1970s onwards. This thesis describes and analyses how this subject position has been produced and reproduced within Labor discourse. The gender gap research developed for the 1983 federal election constitutes one of the more important technologies that work to construct �the woman voter� within Labor discourse. A reading of the texts associated with the 1983 campaign reveals the character of �the woman voter� as a caring figure. However, as the Labor decade progressed, �the woman voter� is articulated in Labor discourse as a more complex figure, focused on her responsibilities both in the home and at paid work. A reading of various texts associated with the 1993 election campaign shows that �the woman voter� is constructed as a carer-worker; this subject position is broadly consonant with the objectives liberal, economic government. Certain modifications within this basic subject position can be observed in Labor�s anti-GST campaign materials, which made an appeal to the woman voter as consumer.
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Huntley, Rebecca Jane. "Sex on the hustings: Labor and the construction of the woman vote in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." University of Sydney. Gender Studies, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/570.

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The basic aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse how �the woman voter� was constructed within Labor discourse during the Hawke/Keating years. My domain of investigation is electoral politics, in particular the federal election campaigns of 1983 and 1993. These elections flank the beginning and the end of the Labor decade, a period of great significance to both the development of Labor politics specifically and Australian politics in general. The elections of 1983 and 1993 were campaigns in which the Party made a concerted effort to attract women�s votes. Through a reading of the various texts associated with these two campaigns, I explore the construction of �the woman voter� as a �new� political subject position within Labor discourse. The dominant influences on the construction of �the woman voter� as a new subject position were Labor discourse and feminism, or more precisely Labor discourse affected by the incursion of feminism from the 1970s onwards. This thesis describes and analyses how this subject position has been produced and reproduced within Labor discourse. The gender gap research developed for the 1983 federal election constitutes one of the more important technologies that work to construct �the woman voter� within Labor discourse. A reading of the texts associated with the 1983 campaign reveals the character of �the woman voter� as a caring figure. However, as the Labor decade progressed, �the woman voter� is articulated in Labor discourse as a more complex figure, focused on her responsibilities both in the home and at paid work. A reading of various texts associated with the 1993 election campaign shows that �the woman voter� is constructed as a carer-worker; this subject position is broadly consonant with the objectives liberal, economic government. Certain modifications within this basic subject position can be observed in Labor�s anti-GST campaign materials, which made an appeal to the woman voter as consumer.
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Fairbairn, Brett. "The German elections of 1898 and 1903." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328439.

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Haag, Victor. "Politische Wahlen in Bonn : 1919-1933." Bonn : Bouvier, 1989. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=001241203&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Wilson, Kevin Arthur. "From memory to history American cultural memory of the Vietnam War /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1153500782.

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Witmer, Richard Clarence. "Partisan turnover in congressional elections, 1972-1996: A district level approach." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284021.

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Prior research on congressional elections is decidedly candidate centered. While candidates are important to the electoral process, the individual is but one of a number of factors in congressional elections. In this research I expand the debate on congressional elections to include how political parties survive across time in congressional districts. To do this I model party turnover from 1972 to 1996 using a number of district level attributes. This includes whether an incumbent candidate is seeking reelection, competitiveness of the district in the previous election, length of time a district has supported the incumbent party, district context (and district context change) and region of the country. The probability of a quality challenger emerging in a congressional district is also estimated given the aforementioned district level attributes. Presence of a quality challenger is then added to the district level model and the probability of party turnover is estimated. To estimate the effects of district level attributes on party turnover, an event history analysis with a logit specification is used. This allows for the inclusion of duration dependence given a binomial dependent variable. The implications for this research are numerous, including the effects of party turnover on representation and redistributive benefits for a congressional district. A second implication focuses on how political context affects the survival of political parties in congressional districts given the redistricting process. Finally, the possible effects of district level attributes and party turnover on party mobilization and voter turnout are discussed.
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Miles, Richard. "South Australian state election 1993 : end of an era? /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm643.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Elections, 1973"

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Historia política electoral de Chile, 1931-1973. [Santiago, Chile?: s.n.], 1986.

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Valenzuela, Germán Urzúa. Historia política electoral de Chile, 1931-1973. [Santiago, Chile?: s.n.], 1986.

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Chile 1970-1973: La democracia que se perdió entre todos. Santiago de Chile: Marenostrum, 2006.

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Woollard, John. Bristol City Council: Results of Local Government Elections since 1973. Chelmsford: John Woollard, 1989.

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1973 y 1983: Dos elecciones que rompieron el cerco que impedía la voluntad popular. Sáenz Peña, Provincia de Buenos Aires [Argentina]: EDUNTREF, Editorial de la Universidad Nacional de Tres de Febrero, 2014.

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Cruz, Guillermo Manuel Márquez. Movilidad política y lealtad partidista en Andalucía, 1973-1991. Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 1992.

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Arcayürek, Cüneyt. Çankayaʼya giden yol: 1971-1973. Yenişehir, Ankara: Bilgi Yayınevi, 1985.

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Bacalhau, Mário. Atitudes, opiniões e comportamentos políticos dos portugueses, 1973-1993: Cultura política e instituições políticas evolução e tipologia do sistema partidário afinidade partidária e perfil dos eleitores. Lisboa: Fundação Luso Americana para o Desenvolvimento, 1994.

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Flores, M. Pilar Rodríguez. Elecciones generales en Badajoz, 1977-1979: Estudio comparativo. Badajoz: Universitas Editorial, 1994.

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Austria. Nationalrats-Wahlordnung 1992: (NRWO) : mit Bundespräsidentenwahlgesetz 1971 und Volksbegehrengesetz 1993 [i.e. 1973] samt Anmerkungen und weiteren Nebengesetzen. 2nd ed. Wien: Manz, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections, 1973"

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Burki, Shahid Javed. "The 1977 Elections." In Pakistan Under Bhutto, 1971–1977, 195–217. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19529-9_9.

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Ortega Ortiz, Reynaldo Yunuen. "Maintaining Elections: 1970, 1976 and 1982." In Presidential Elections in Mexico, 45–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56032-8_3.

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Burki, Shahid Javed. "Preparing for Elections in 1977." In Pakistan Under Bhutto, 1971–1977, 171–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19529-9_8.

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Butler, David, and Gareth Butler. "Elections." In British Political Facts Since 1979, 107–33. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230554764_4.

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Coleman, Marie. "Mobilisation: The South Longford By-election and its Impact on Political Mobilisation." In The Irish Revolution, 1913–1923, 53–69. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-62938-7_4.

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Elliott, Euel W. "The 1984 Election: 1972 Replayed?" In Issues and Elections, 83–99. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429042652-6.

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Freedman, Lawrence. "Two Nuclear Elections." In The Politics of British Defence 1979–98, 131–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14957-5_9.

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Elliott, Euel W. "The 1972 Election: Do Landslides Produce Mandates?" In Issues and Elections, 21–39. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429042652-3.

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Pappas, Takis S. "Parties and Elections, 1974–81." In Making Party Democracy in Greece, 57–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333983614_3.

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Holmes, Martin. "The 1979 General Election." In The Labour Government, 1974–79, 154–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09102-7_9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Elections, 1973"

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Боков, Юрий Александрович. "ASSESSMENT OF THE «CULTURE OF THE VOTER» BY THE OFFICIAL SEAL OF PRUSSIA OF THE XIX CENTURY." In Высокие технологии и инновации в науке: сборник избранных статей Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Январь 2021). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/vt189.2021.70.81.007.

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В Пруссии XIX века не использовался термин "электоральная культура", но акцентировалось внимание на "культурности избирателя". Официальная пресса отмечала, что культурный избиратель консервативен, сдержан, любит свою страну, принадлежит к христианской конфессии и участвует в выборах. Исследование выполнено при финансовой поддержке РФФИ в рамках научного проекта № 20-011-00436. In the Prussia of the XIX century, the term "electoral culture" was not used, but attention was focused on the "culture of the voter". The official press noted that the cultural voter is conservative, reserved, loves his country, belongs to the Christian denomination and participates in elections. Acknowledgments: The reported study was funded by RFBR, project number 20-011-00436 “Electoral legal culture of citizens of Germany (1871-1933).
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Reports on the topic "Elections, 1973"

1

Irwin, Douglas. Industry or Class Cleavages over Trade Policy? Evidence from the BritishGeneral Election of 1923. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w5170.

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Presidential elections, 1972-1984; Presidential elections, 1789-1968. US Geological Survey, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.3133/32550.

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