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Ware, Lawrence. "The development of party systems and the determinants of partisan voting in English local government elections 1973-1998." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1658.
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This thesis takes a quantitative approach to the study of the development of party systems in English local government following its reorganisation in the early 1970s. Aggregate data, including local election results and census information, are used to identify the determinants of partisan support and the subsequent effects upon variations in local party systems. The study develops the first major classification of local party systems between 1973 and 1998, focussing principally upon factors accounting for variations in the evolution of such systems. This study provides the first clear evidence that the operation of local electoral systems contributes towards the production and maintenance of two-party dominance. However, in contrast to the national parliamentary situation, the two parties are not restricted to Conservative and Labour. The thesis highlights how third parties, particularly the Liberals, became a significant part of the local party system in a relatively large number of cases. Variations in electoral arrangements between local authorities, including differences in district magnitude and the nature of the electoral cycle, permit examination of their effects upon local party systems within a common national political culture. The effects of these variations are shown to either benefit or discriminate against the Liberals. Using aggregate data and methods of linear regression, the thesis analyses patterns of partisan voting in local government. It shows that socioeconomic factors such as class, housing and employment, theoretically identified as important for parliamentary elections, are related also to local voting for the three main parties, although the relationships are weaker for the Liberals than for the traditional two main parties. Confirmation of these findings is provided by the application of methods designed to solve the problems of ecological inference.
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Riottot, Yveline. "Joaquin Maurin : de l'anarcho-syndicalisme au communiste (1919-1936)." Université Pierre Mendès France (Grenoble ; 1990-2015), 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996GRE29016.
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Cette these retrace l'itineraire politique exemplaire de joaquis maurin depuis ses premiers engagements militants au sein du syndicalisme revolutionnaire en 1919 jusqu'au choix communiste dissident des annees 1930. Entre au parti communiste espagnol (p. C. E. ) en 1924. Il s'eloignera progressivement de la politique de l'internationale communiste jusqu'a creer, lors de la proclamation de la republique en 1931, son organisation propre, le bloque obrero y campesino (b. O. C. ). Inspirees du marxisme-leninisme, mais tenant compte des donnees politiques, sociales et economiques specifiques a l'espagne, les theories conceptuelles et strategiques de cette alternative revolutionnaire la situent entre socialisme, stalinisme et trotskysme. Le second volume precise les fondements d'une demarche qui conduit maurin a des propositions originales, tant a l'egard du syndicalisme que de l'antifascisme, assises sur le principe de politique unitaire, syndicale et politique. Ces propositions sont axees, d'une part, sur le front ouvrier unique, concretise en 1934 dans les alliances ouvrieres regies par le principe de democratie ouvriere, et, d'autre part, sur le part, sur le parti marxiste unique, dont le partido obrero de unificacion marxista (p. O. U. M. ) n'aurait du etre que la premiere etape. Constitue en 1935, ce parti represente cependant la plus importante organisation communiste independante des annees 30 au niveau international. Neanmoins, la question du front populaire, auquelle le p. O. U. M. Adhere sans conviction, mais sous l'etiquette duquel maurin est elu depute parlementaire en fevrier 1936, l'influence du communisme stalinien des juillet 1936, le contexte de guerre civile et son emprisonnement empecheront cet intellectuel d'action de concretiser plus avant ses perspectives unitairesThis thesis traces the joaquin maurin's exemplary political itinerary, from his first militant engagements in the bosom of the revolutionary syndicalism in 1919 up to the dissident communism option of the thirties, joining the partido comunista espagnol en 1924, he would differ gradually from the conintem's policy, so far as to create his own organisation, the bloque obrero y campesino in 1931, imbued with leninism, but taking into account the political peculiarities of spain, the conceptual and strategical theories of this revolutionary alternative place it between socialism, stalinisn and trotskyisa, the second book deals with the foundations of a thought which induces maurin to original propositions, with regard to syndicalism as to antifascisa, based upon the revolutionary unity concept. These proposals are centred, first, on the united worker front, effective in 1934 in the workers alliances, and, on the other hand, on the united marxist party, of which the partido obrero de unificacion marxista (p. O. U. M. ) should have been only the first step. Formed in 1935, this party represents the most important independant communist organisation of the thirties in the world. Vet, the popular front question - which the p. O. U. M. Joins without any conviction, but what allows maurin to be elected in february 1936 -, the stalinian communisa influence on and after july 1936, the civil var context and his imprisonnent would prevent maurin from carrying out his unitary prospects any further
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Huntley, Rebecca. ""Sex on the Hustings" : labor and the construction of 'the woman voter' in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Connect to full text, 2003. http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/adt/public_html/adt-NU/public/adt-NU20040209.113517/index.html.
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Huntley, Rebecca Jane. "Sex on the hustings: Labor and the construction of the woman vote in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/570.
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The basic aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse how �the woman voter� was constructed within Labor discourse during the Hawke/Keating years. My domain of investigation is electoral politics, in particular the federal election campaigns of 1983 and 1993. These elections flank the beginning and the end of the Labor decade, a period of great significance to both the development of Labor politics specifically and Australian politics in general. The elections of 1983 and 1993 were campaigns in which the Party made a concerted effort to attract women�s votes. Through a reading of the various texts associated with these two campaigns, I explore the construction of �the woman voter� as a �new� political subject position within Labor discourse. The dominant influences on the construction of �the woman voter� as a new subject position were Labor discourse and feminism, or more precisely Labor discourse affected by the incursion of feminism from the 1970s onwards. This thesis describes and analyses how this subject position has been produced and reproduced within Labor discourse. The gender gap research developed for the 1983 federal election constitutes one of the more important technologies that work to construct �the woman voter� within Labor discourse. A reading of the texts associated with the 1983 campaign reveals the character of �the woman voter� as a caring figure. However, as the Labor decade progressed, �the woman voter� is articulated in Labor discourse as a more complex figure, focused on her responsibilities both in the home and at paid work. A reading of various texts associated with the 1993 election campaign shows that �the woman voter� is constructed as a carer-worker; this subject position is broadly consonant with the objectives liberal, economic government. Certain modifications within this basic subject position can be observed in Labor�s anti-GST campaign materials, which made an appeal to the woman voter as consumer.
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Huntley, Rebecca Jane. "Sex on the hustings: Labor and the construction of the woman vote in two federal elections (1983, 1993)." University of Sydney. Gender Studies, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/570.
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The basic aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse how �the woman voter� was constructed within Labor discourse during the Hawke/Keating years. My domain of investigation is electoral politics, in particular the federal election campaigns of 1983 and 1993. These elections flank the beginning and the end of the Labor decade, a period of great significance to both the development of Labor politics specifically and Australian politics in general. The elections of 1983 and 1993 were campaigns in which the Party made a concerted effort to attract women�s votes. Through a reading of the various texts associated with these two campaigns, I explore the construction of �the woman voter� as a �new� political subject position within Labor discourse. The dominant influences on the construction of �the woman voter� as a new subject position were Labor discourse and feminism, or more precisely Labor discourse affected by the incursion of feminism from the 1970s onwards. This thesis describes and analyses how this subject position has been produced and reproduced within Labor discourse. The gender gap research developed for the 1983 federal election constitutes one of the more important technologies that work to construct �the woman voter� within Labor discourse. A reading of the texts associated with the 1983 campaign reveals the character of �the woman voter� as a caring figure. However, as the Labor decade progressed, �the woman voter� is articulated in Labor discourse as a more complex figure, focused on her responsibilities both in the home and at paid work. A reading of various texts associated with the 1993 election campaign shows that �the woman voter� is constructed as a carer-worker; this subject position is broadly consonant with the objectives liberal, economic government. Certain modifications within this basic subject position can be observed in Labor�s anti-GST campaign materials, which made an appeal to the woman voter as consumer.
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Fairbairn, Brett. "The German elections of 1898 and 1903." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328439.
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Haag, Victor. "Politische Wahlen in Bonn : 1919-1933." Bonn : Bouvier, 1989. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=001241203&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Wilson, Kevin Arthur. "From memory to history American cultural memory of the Vietnam War /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1153500782.
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Witmer, Richard Clarence. "Partisan turnover in congressional elections, 1972-1996: A district level approach." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284021.
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Prior research on congressional elections is decidedly candidate centered. While candidates are important to the electoral process, the individual is but one of a number of factors in congressional elections. In this research I expand the debate on congressional elections to include how political parties survive across time in congressional districts. To do this I model party turnover from 1972 to 1996 using a number of district level attributes. This includes whether an incumbent candidate is seeking reelection, competitiveness of the district in the previous election, length of time a district has supported the incumbent party, district context (and district context change) and region of the country. The probability of a quality challenger emerging in a congressional district is also estimated given the aforementioned district level attributes. Presence of a quality challenger is then added to the district level model and the probability of party turnover is estimated. To estimate the effects of district level attributes on party turnover, an event history analysis with a logit specification is used. This allows for the inclusion of duration dependence given a binomial dependent variable. The implications for this research are numerous, including the effects of party turnover on representation and redistributive benefits for a congressional district. A second implication focuses on how political context affects the survival of political parties in congressional districts given the redistricting process. Finally, the possible effects of district level attributes and party turnover on party mobilization and voter turnout are discussed.
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Miles, Richard. "South Australian state election 1993 : end of an era? /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm643.pdf.
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Lambe, Paul James. "Political dealignment in Britain : the local evidence 1959-1979." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2052.
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This thesis challenges the dominant view that municipal elections tell us practically nothing about the preferences and attitudes of the voter to local issues and events, that municipal elections are no more than national referendums. It suggests that the influence of socio-economic environment and political context and indeed structural factors have hitherto been underestimated. It argues that municipal politics and voting behaviour impact upon parliamentary electoral behaviour and outcomes and thereby the politics of place impinge upon the national electoral level. The thesis employs a multi-disciplinary approach that combines the qualitative research methods of the historian and the quantitative statistical analysis of the political scientist to unravel the interactions between the politics of place and voting behaviour in Britain between 1959 and 1979 at a time of dealignment at the parliamentary level and increased politicisation of elections at the municipal level. Patterns and trends in party support at parliamentary elections in four constituencies were analysed using quantitative methods and contrasted with patterns and trends in party support at municipal elections in coterminous electoral units. Significant variance between the two levels of electoral activity was evidenced. The research then employed qualitative methods and evidence from four case studies was presented that local contextual factors could account for much of the disparity between municipal and national patterns of party support in these locations. Quantitative research methods were resumed and the statistical techniques of multivariate regression and logistic regression employed to analyse socio-economic, political and structural variables in relation to party support at municipal and parliamentary elections in the case study areas. The findings of the quantitative analysis corroborated much of the qualitative findings and the conclusion reached that the influence of contextual factors upon party support at municipal elections has been underestimated Furthermore, that the interdisciplinary methodology employed is one that others in both political science and history may fruitfully follow to the advantage of both disciplines.
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Students, National Union of South African. "October elections: a recipe for conflict?" Student Representative Council, University of the Witwatersrand, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773.
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On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
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Pilet, Jean-Benoît. "Réformer le système électoral en Belgique: une mise en cause du modèle consociatif ?l'analyse des fondements de trois réformes électorales débattues entre 1990 et 2005." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210759.
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Norcross, Baxter. "War, Race, and Gender in American Presidential Elections in 1964 and 1972." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/80.
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This paper examines the partisan shift that took place in American Presidential elections during the Vietnam War. Specifically, I examine the landslide elections of 1964 and 1972 and how race, gender, and American casualties played a part in the shift.
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Rawson, Michael F. "Forecasting realignment, an analysis of the 1993 Canadian Federal Election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ28648.pdf.
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Roussin, Della Shirley. "Political legitimacy and regime change : the 1972 British Columbia election." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43282.
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The 1972 British Columbia general election marked the end of the twenty-year dominance of the Social Credit Party and Premier W.A.C. Bennett. Dave Barrett led the New Democratic Party to its first majority government ushering in the first Social Democratic government in the province's history. The reversal of Social Credit fortunes in 1972 should not be seen, however, as a rejection of the core values of the Social Credit party, but rather as a crisis of legitimacy faced by the party and its aging leader. As a case study, the 1972 election provides an opportunity to examine the agenda-setting function of media during an election campaign and the effects of declining political legitimacy and trust on voter behaviour.
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Sullivan, Michael Luke. "Cambodia's political transition 1993-2003 : democratisation, international assistance and the meaning of elections." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424899.
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Carter, John. "Post-Materialism: Its Impact on Presidential Election Year Issues, 1972-2000." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32740.
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This thesis examines the measurable effects of changing cultural values on American presidential election year issues from 1972 to 2000.
Topics discussed: the long-term shift in cultural values and their impact on political parties, party support, and political priorities. There is congruence between the content of the two major political party platforms from 1972-2000 and the cultural priorities of party supporters as defined by their presidential vote. This relationship also holds true for the 'most significant issue facing the nation' variable in the National Election Studies and presidential vote choice. These results are reproduced in a completely different data set of active political participants (follow the news closely, participate in political campaigns, vote consistently) assembled by Sydney Verba.
Both political parties must contend with the tensions that arise from differing cultural priorities of their supporters. This applies both within the parties as they must assemble winning electoral coalitions and between the parties which have taken on the cultural and political priorities of their strongest supporters. As the cultural priorities of major political party supporters shift, so have their quadrennial party platforms.Master of Arts
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Ramsay, Gordon N. "The evolution of election coverage on British television news, 1979-2005." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2982/.
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This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive account of the nature and degree of change in British television news coverage of General Elections. By creating and utilising an in-depth content analysis coding frame, the analysis measures news quantitative and qualitative data across 270 bulletins, approximately 148hrs, of news content across the seven elections from 1979 to 2005. In doing so, it fills two gaps in the existing literature. First, it provides the first dedicated and consistent longitudinal analysis of British election news. Given the acknowledged importance of television news in the modern political process, it is important to develop an understanding of how campaign news content has changed, both as a source of information for the public at moments of democratic renewal, and also in terms of the normative role of journalism in British politics. Second, it develops a toolkit by which political news content can be accurately and reliably measured. Most of the existing empirical research into British television election news content has employed inadequate or non-replicable measures, leaving a fragmentary body of data from which longitudinal conclusions cannot be drawn with confidence. By adapting and applying a series of measures based on other longitudinal media content studies, the thesis sets out a means by which future studies of news content can be guided. The thesis thus generates new data on four aspects of election news content. First, it casts serious doubt on the "tabloidisation" thesis, demonstrating that news in British terrestrial news bulletins has retained both an overwhelmingly serious news agenda, and a substantial commitment to election news coverage. Not only have levels of campaign coverage remained steady, but campaign coverage has been given a consistently prominent place in news bulletins, indicating a lasting commitment to a more „sacerdotal‟ approach to campaign coverage on both BBC and ITV, despite increasing competition in the television environment. Second, an analysis of the balance of substantive policy content and strategic campaign coverage shows that journalists on British television news have adopted aspects of an increasingly adversarial approach to covering campaigns, and have tended to view their role ever more as interpreters of political messages and campaign actions. Third, the research shows comprehensive evidence of a dramatic shrinking of political soundbites over the period of study, and a replacement of disappearing politician speech by journalists who feature more and speak progressively more often over the period of study. Finally, in order to determine the effect of technological changes in television news reporting, the thesis compares campaign and non-campaign news output, determining that, while some aspects of change in election news can be ascribed to technological changes, the rise of the journalist as the most prominent speaker in campaign news items cannot.
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MeÌndez, de Hoyos Irma. "Electoral reforms and the rise of electoral competitiveness in Mexico, 1977-1997." Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327124.
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Staub, Julie Ann. "An analysis of Chaum's voter-verifiable election scheme." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/2553.
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Thesis (M.S.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2005.Thesis research directed by: Applied Mathematics and Scientific Computation Program. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Gouvea, Heitor B. "An Iridescent Dream: Money, Politics, and the American Republic, 1865-1976." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2218.
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Thesis advisor: R. Shep MelnickThe United States now has an extensive, publicly controlled, and bureaucratic system of election regulation. Until roughly a century ago, however, elections were viewed as private party contests subject to minimal state regulation. We examine how this changed, considering in particular the role played by the courts, given that for much of the nineteenth century they viewed the parties as private, constitutionally protected associations. We consider how and why the libertarian argument concerning free speech came to prominence in the campaign debate, and find that at first neither the reformers nor the courts at any level viewed this as a fundamental obstacle to--or even an issue to be considered in--the regulation of money in politics. This shift from a private to a public electoral system had a significant impact on American democracy that has not often been examined. To understand these changes, we examine the arguments put forth by advocates of cam-paign finance reform from the nineteenth to the latter part of the twentieth centuries. We focus on how the proponents justified these laws and how state and federal courts responded to these arguments, paying particular attention to court rulings on the constitutionality of these unprecedented statutes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and to the evolution of their jurisprudence in this regard during the twentieth century
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Hardarson, Olafur Thordur. "Parties and voters in Iceland : a study of the 1983 and 1987 Althingi elections." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1371/.
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This thesis analyses the 1983 and 1987 Althingi elections in Iceland, a micro state with rich literary and historical traditions, including the Althingi which Icelanders claim to be the oldest parliament in the world. Three theoretical approaches - a party identification approach, a rational approcah, and a social-structural approach - are used. A special effort is made to compare the Icelandic findings to voting behaviour in Norway and Sweden. Direct party switching (23% in 1983 and 36% in 1987) is shown to be the main reason for the major changes in election results, while the impact of new voters and mobilization and demobilization of voters was small. As in many European countries, voters often change party identification when they switch parties, thus limiting the usefulness of the party identification model. Nevertheless party identification, while weaker than in Scandinavia, serves to tie parties to voters, along with party membership, participation in primaries, and exposure to the press. In accord with a rational approach, Icelandic voters have a cognitive map of the party system along left-right lines, as is the case in Scandinavia. Most voters can rank the parties on a left-right continuum, which is related to party choice, like and dislike for the parties and party leaders, and voters' stance on issues. A left- right issue factor is by far most strongly related to party choice, as in Scandinavia, while an urban-rural factor on which the ranking of parties is different, reduces the correspondence between the left-right spectrum and vote switching. While issue voting in Iceland is high, it is lower than in Norway and Sweden. The thesis argues, that the main reason is that Icelandic parties offer less clear and stable alternatives in elections. Social-structural variables are generally weakly related to party choice. Class voting has decreased dramatically, and is much weaker than in Norway and Sweden. The thesis is based on the first election surveys in Iceland, conducted by the author. Three data sets are used, based on random samples from the National Register: from 1983 (N=1003), from 1987 (N=1745), and a 1983-1987 panel (N=67 8).
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Turner, Michael Thomas Eugeniusz. "Incumbency effects in English Local Elections 1974-2010 : assessing the advantage of electoral defence." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2994.
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The study of electoral defence and its stated advantages are an integral part of American political science. Post-war, much academic literature has emerged in an attempt to identify and explain rising re-election rates of congressional incumbents and the political consequences of such a phenomenon (Mayhew 1974; Fiorina 1977; Cain, Ferejohn & Fiorina 1987; Gelman & King 1990; King 1991). Conversely, the study of political incumbency in Britain can be attributed to a handful of scholars who tend to consider the repercussions at parliamentary level (Williams 1967, King 1981, Cain, Ferejohn and Fiorina 1984, Norton 1990 & 1994, Norris, Valance & Lovenduski 1992). Consequently, incumbency advantage at the local level remains a relatively under-researched topic in England, confined to the sub-chapters of Rallings & Thrasher (1997). The aim of this thesis is to research and present evidence in support of incumbency effects in English local elections and the extent to which they influence their outcome, in that, incumbent candidates fare better than less experienced candidates, to different degrees across the three major parties. It will do so using survey and electoral data collected by The Elections Centre at Plymouth University, drawing on established methods from the literature and demonstrating via a variety of data and methods, that incumbency advantage is indeed a real phenomenon effecting the outcomes of local elections in England. The research provides substantial evidence for Sophomore Surge and Retirement Slump effects throughout the period examined (1974-2010). These methods of estimation feature alongside a number of others, which are constructed to uncover the significance of defending, rather than challenging for a council seat. A number of influences on the advantage that defending councillors maintain are also presented, including district magnitude, ward size and rural/urban classification. Results reveal a modest advantage for Conservative and Labour incumbent candidates, whilst the effects are shown to be stronger for the Liberal Democrats, a finding that is in step with the existing literature on electoral trends and the local campaign strategy of the party (Dorling et al, 1998; McAllister et al, 2002; Russell & Fieldhouse, 2005; Cutts 2006).
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Sancho, París Daniel. "La transició democràtica i el municipalisme a Catalunya: el cas de l’Alt Penedès (1977-1983)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666505.
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Aquesta tesi doctoral estudia la transició democràtica des del municipalisme, centrant-nos en la comarca de l’Alt Penedès (Catalunya). El marc cronològic estudiat és de 1977 – 1983, ve limitat per les eleccions generals del 15 de juny de 1977 i les municipals de 1983. Després de realitzar-se les eleccions generals de 1977, en alguns municipis es constituïren comissions municipals democràtiques per controlar, conèixer i opinar sobre les accions dels ajuntaments predemocràtics. L’any 1983 se celebraren les segones eleccions municipals.
La tesis estudia el paper que va jugar l’Església catòlica i la pagesia, vertebrada en la Unió de Pagesos, com agents de dinamització de la cultura democràtica i com a escola de formació per la nova classe política de cara a les eleccions municipals de 1979. S’inclou també un estudi sobre les eleccions a les Cambres Agràries a l’Alt Penedès i quines van ser les seves conseqüències. La tesi doctoral estudia el paper de les candidatures municipalistes a les eleccions locals de 1979 i els seus candidats a alcaldes i regidors, realitzant un estudi sociològic. Aquest capítol ajuda a conèixer si es van produir continuïtats i ruptures en la classe política anterior a la democràcia. Igualment s’analitzen els processos electorals que van tenir lloc entre el referèndum de la llei de Reforma Política de 1976 fins a les eleccions municipals de 1983. Així també, si es produïren ruptures en les polítiques locals i l’acció de govern en els àmbits del planejament urbanístic i les obres públiques, de la hisenda, dels recursos humans dels ajuntaments i de la cultura. Per finalitzar amb les accions que realitzaren els ajuntaments en el camp de la memòria democràtica entre 1979 i 1983.This doctoral thesis studies the Spanish Transition to democracy from municipalism focused on the Alt Penedès region (Catalonia). The time frame studied comprises between the general elections of June 15, 1977 and the municipal elections of 1983. After the general elections of 1977, in several municipalities, there were created some working commissions to control, know and comment on the actions of pre-democratic councils. In 1983, the second municipal elections were held. The thesis studies the role played by the Catholic Church and the peasantry which was part of the trade union called Unió de Pagesos. They worked as dynamic agents of the democratic culture and, moreover, as a training school for the new politic class that had to cope with the next municipal election of 1979. Also, there are included a study about the Agrarian Chambers elections in Alt Penedès and which were their consequences. Carrying out a sociological study, this doctoral thesis studies the role of municipal candidacies in the municipal elections of 1979 and their candidates for mayors and councilors. This chapter lets us to know if there were continuities and breaks in the political class before democracy. In the same way, there are analyzed the electoral processes that took place between the Law of the Political Reform referendum of 1976 until the municipal elections of 1983. In addition, the thesis verifies if there were breaks in the municipal policies and, furthermore, the action of government in different areas: the urban planning and public works, the treasury, the culture and the human resources of city councils. Finally, this doctoral thesis also looks into the actions achieved by councils in the field of democratic memory between 1979 and 1983.
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Crawford, Jordan. "The ideological gap behavioral trends of the politically active, 1976-2004 /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5669.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 11, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
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Trinkūnas, Raimundas. "II Lietuvos Seimas 1923 - 1926 m." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2007. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2007~D_20070816_175354-38110.
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II Lietuvos Seimas 1923 – 1926 m. Santrauka.
Lietuva, 1918 m. paskelbusi nepriklausomybę, pasuko demokratijos keliu. Lietuvos piliečiai galėjo tiesiogiai rinkti atstovus į Seimą, kurie atstovavo jų interesus. Istorikai daugiau tyrė Steigiamojo Seimo veiklą, nes šis Seimas padėjo pamatus tolesniam teisinės valstybės gyvavimui, nemažai tirtas III Seimas dėl savo darbų ir prezidento A. Smetonos įvykdyto valstybės perversmo. II Seimas mažai susilaukė dėmesio, todėl istorikams lieka aktualu užpildyti parlamentarizmo tyrimuose spragas. Šio darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti II Seimo veiklą, nuveiktus darbus. Tikslui pasiekti keliami uždaviniai: 1. pateikti politinės situacijos II Seimo išvakarėse apžvalgą, 2. išanalizuoti II Seimo rinkimų eigą ir rezultatus, 3. pristatyti Seimo kiekybinius ir kokybinius rodiklius, bei 4. aptarti atliktus Seimo darbus vidaus (politinėje, kultūrinėje, ekonominėje ir tautinėje sferoje) ir užsienio politikoje.
Pirmajame Seime (1922 – 1923 m.) iš 78 Seimo narių – 38 buvo krikščionys demokratai (pozicija), o kita dalis opozicinės frakcijos. Toks skaičius lėmė, kad opozicija ir pozicija negal���jo tinkamai dirbti. Opozicija ginčijo Respublikos prezidento, vyriausybės išrinkimo teisėtumą (legitimumą), nesutardavo svarbiais klausimais. Todėl prezidentas A. Stulginskis 1923 kovo 13 d. paleido I Seimą. 1923m. gegužės 12-13 d. įvyko rinkimai į Antrąjį Seimą, kurie parodė, kad šį kartą rinkėjai buvo aktyvesni. Antrajame Seime daugiausia vietų iškovojo krikščionių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The second Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania 1923 - 1926 Raimundas Trinkūnas Summary Lithuania, declared its independency in 1918, turned to the democracy way. Lithuanians were able to elect representatives directly to Seimas, who represented their interests. Historians started studying more about Constituve Seimas work, because this Seimas put the base for the further life of the juridical state existence, the III Seimas was researched quite in an intensive way as well because of its works and the revolution carried out by the president A. Smetona. The II Seimas got quite little attention. Due to that, it is of present interest to historians to fill the gaps in the researches of parliamentarism. The aims of this work – to analyze the movement and achieved works of the II Seimas. These tasks are raised in order to reach the aim: 1) to produce the review of the II Seimas Eve political situation; 2) to analyze the II Seimas election course and results; 3) to present the quantitive and qualitive indexes of Seimas, and: 4) to discuss about Seimas achieved works in inner (political, cultural, economical and national sphere) and foreign policy. From the 78 Seimas members in the First Seimas (1922-1923) – 38 members were Christian Democrats (position), and the others were opposition fractions. Because of such a number, position and opposition couldn’t work in a proper way. The opposition argued about Republic president, state election legitimacy, and disagreed about important... [to full text]
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Crines, Andrew. "Michael Foot, the role of ideology and the Labour leadership elections of 1976 and 1980." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2010. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/9646/.
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The orthodox interpretation of Michael Foot's election as Labour Party leader in 1980 is that it resulted from a left-wing surge within the broader Party throughout the 1970s. This thesis challenges this assumption. It does so by presenting a contextualised analysis of Foot, the Labour Party and the leadership elections of 1976 and 1980. This thesis argues that it was Foot's reputation and loyalty in government that enabled his political evolution to accelerate towards becoming a conciliatory figure during his leadership. To undertake this reconsideration of the orthodoxy, this thesis has adapted a previously illuminating research approach as utilised by Timothy Heppell. Heppell has produced a number of analyses upon ideological compositions of the Conservative Party during leadership elections, and, more recently, the Labour Party. This research approach was initially devised to consider only ideology. The approach has been improved by this thesis by including non-ideological considerations in order to draw out Labour specific factors in this analysis, because the extent to which the approach can be transferred to a different party at a different time required scrutiny. It is also necessary to acknowledge the need for a re-categorisation of the ideological factions within the Labour Party in order to gain a more complete understanding of Labour's ideological eclecticism. The social democratic right, the centrists, the inside left and outside left demonstrate that the simple assumption of 'left' and 'right' conceals a more complex Parliamentary composition. It is important to contextualise the analysis with a philosophical and historical discussion which places Michael Foot within Labour history. This enables a greater understanding of why he became the Labour leader to emerge. Foot's appropriateness as leader can only be fully appreciated by considering those who influenced him and his career in the Party along with the divided nature of the Labour Party over the period prior to his election. Through these discussions it becomes clear that Foot was able to secure the leadership because of his loyalty to the Labour Party, his record in government, and his Parliamentary interpretation of socialism which separated him from the outside left. This enabled him to be a leader the mainstream of the Party were able to broadly accept at a time of extreme division. His increased appropriateness as leader becomes more evident when contrasted against the likelihood of destructive divisions had a more ideologically dogmatic candidate such as Denis Healey or Tony Benn secured the leadership. The prevailing circumstances as well as the man must, therefore, be considered. This thesis also evaluates Foot's leadership with a view to demonstrate his ability to navigate the Labour Party following his election. The conclusion must be drawn that Labour's ability to prevail without disintegrating illustrates Foot's success as leader, and that the simplistic view that his leadership was simply the result of a left-wing surge is inadequate.
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Ballance, John Christopher. "A longitudinal study of the effects of European parliamentary elections on national politics, 1979-2004." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.535114.
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Goodman, Thomas J. "TheTwilight of Indirect, Senatorial Elections: Emerging Popular Legitimacy on the Eve of Reform, 1890-1913." Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108920.
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Thesis advisor: Marc LandyPrior to the passage of the 17th Amendment, senators were selected by state legislators, a measure designed to remove them from fluctuations of popular whim. By 1913, reformers, having assailed members of the Senate as insular to the changing needs of their constituents, pressed for fundamental, structural reform, including direct popular elections. But few works have assessed the nature of senatorial campaigns under the indirect regime. I research contemporaneous newspaper coverage and personal correspondences of individual senators to better glean their levels of sensitivity to re-election pressures — a significant qualitative contribution to the discourse. And I measure the extent to which a state’s political conditions influenced the tendency for senators to engage in public appeals for popular support. Senatorial elections were already pseudo-democratic before 1913, experiencing an emergent element of popular legitimacy as public sentiment meaningfully informed the process and conduits for public accountability were expanding. In stark contrast to prevailing perceptions, senators were keenly sensitive to electoral pressures. By cultivating popular support, they regularly tried to bolster their positions vis-a-vis powerful party leaders, state legislators, and pivotal decision-makers. But the strategy was risky as well, for a poor showing in the November elections invited intra-party challenges. Ultimately, my dissertation tells a story of how parties adapted to changing conditions to remain politically viable and survive in a new age, granting concessions to the electorate which were designed to promote greater popular participation whilst maintaining overall control over the process. The crusade for reforming the senatorial selection method was conducted on behalf of reformers who sought to redress perceived inequalities and dysfunction in the system. Debates over the balance between democratic self-government and the importance of whom Jonathan Rauch term “the middlemen” continue to percolate, colorizing the dispute within the Democratic Party over the role of superdelegates and efforts to abolish the Electoral College. And my research explores the intersection of democratic reforms and racialized politics with the adoption of the invidious “white primary” in South Carolina and the factors which gave rise to the race-baiting, populist demagogue Benjamin Tillman — the precursor to modern-day populists and illiberal democracies
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Ho, Karl Ka-yiu. "Dealignment Decades on: Partisanship and Party Support in Great Britain, 1979-1996." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278532/.
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This dissertation surveys electoral change in Great Britain during the period between 1979 and 1996. It analyzes the long-term factors and the short-term dynamics underlying the evolution of three aspects of the electorate: party identification, voting intentions and party support in inter-election periods. Drawing on cross-sectional and panel data from the British Election Studies and public opinion polls, I investigate the impacts of long-term socialization and short-term perceptions on voters' political decisions. I hypothesize that, over the last four elections, perceptual factors such as evaluations of party leaders and issues, particularly economic concerns, emerged as the major forces that account for the volatility in electoral behavior in Britain. Accordingly, this study is divided into three sections: Part I probes into the evolution in party identification across age cohorts and social classes as illustrated in trends in partisanship. Part II focuses on changes in voting intentions as affected by perceptual factors and party identification. Part III investigates the public's support for governing parties by analyzing the dynamics of aggregate party support during inter-election periods.
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Dyck, Joshua. "Dissociated choices in direct democracy preferences, policy responsivenss and trust in ballot initiative elections /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3393.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.Thesis research directed by: Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Churcher, Paul. "Political participation in Kitchener-Waterloo, a spatial analysis of the 1993 federal election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ40332.pdf.
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McCluskey, Nathan. "A Policy of Honesty: Election Manifesto Pledge Fulfilment in New Zealand 1972-2005." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2648.
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The 1980s and 1990s was a period in which dramatic changes occurred in New
Zealand’s political landscape. These changes affected many aspects of the way
democracy in New Zealand was understood and operated. In the 10 years from 1984-
1994, New Zealand moved from being a highly protected reasonably insular mixed
economy with significant levels of state intervention in most areas of the socioeconomic
framework to one with permeable borders that was quickly globalising
based on a market-model for both domestic and international business functions. This
was accompanied by a change in the electoral system from a simple majoritarian
plurality first-past-the-post system to a mixed member proportional representation
system that led to the breakdown of single-party government as it gave way to
coalition politics.
The causes of this latter shift related to a feeling that the previous system was both
unfair and gave too much power to a few individuals in one party who seemed to have
limited accountability. It was the belief of a substantial portion of the electorate that
successive governments had breached the people’s trust by ignoring unwritten
conventions around implementing an electoral mandate based on campaign manifesto
promises.
This thesis seeks for the first time to answer how real these perceptions were by
assessing pledge fulfilment before 1984, during the 1984 to 1996 period, and after the
advent of MMP, in order to reveal any changes that have occurred across this critical
period in New Zealand’s political history in relation to the application of the mandate
theory of democratic government. It will also provide insight for the first time into the
impact changing an electoral system has on election policy implementation for major
parties and raises important questions about popular ideas of democracy, electoral
support for election promise-keeping and methods of accountability as traditional
notions of democracy are challenged by the revealed reality of both government
action and voter reaction.
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Klinkhammer, Ruth. "Conflict or collaboration?, a study of press coverage of the 1993 and 1997 Alberta provincial elections." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0016/MQ47954.pdf.
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Gallo, Carlo. "Russian duma elections in the territorial districts : explaining patterns of proliferation of independent candidates, 1993-1999." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1763/.
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Russian political parties remained weak and under-institutionalised in the 1990s, with profound implications for the viability of the country's democratic project. This research is concerned with explaining one glaring sign of party under-development - the success of independent candidates in federal parliamentary elections. Its originality rests on focusing on the uneven geographic concentration of independents' electoral success, given that existing accounts have confined themselves to the national, average picture. A second point of originality is the choice of multilevel modelling as the tool of quantitative analysis, applied here for the first time in post-communist electoral studies. The analysis relies on a macro-political explanatory framework where single member electoral districts provide the units of analysis, and where the dependent variable is the district vote share received by independent candidates. Explanatory factors apply at the level of both districts and federal units (regions). They include conflict in centre-regional relations, geographic conditions, candidates' personal resources and the use of administrative resources by regional governors. The main finding confirms the hypothesis that the independents enjoyed a competitive advantage over parties in articulating the new territorial cleavages that emerged, after the collapse of the Soviet-system, as a consequence of state-building and federalisation processes.
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Kabler, Brent. "Class in context : the spatial dimensions of class consciousness evidence from the English elections, 1979-1992 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9974998.
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Atlan, Catherine. "Elections et pratiques électorales au Sénégal (1940-1958) : histoire sociale et culturelle de la décolonisation." Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0093.
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Cherotich, Lillian Anne. "Political corruption and democratization in Kenya : the case of Goldenberg." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669869.
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Lévesque, Stéphane. "Participation électorale comparée et théorie des enjeux, les élections québécoises de 1970 à 1994." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0006/MQ44678.pdf.
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Colby, Jordan. "Cognitive assimilation-contrast effects among partisan identifiers, an analysis of the 1993 Canadian national election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq21875.pdf.
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Jenkins, Richard William. "Campaigns, the media and the insurgent success, the Reform Party and the 1993 Canadian election." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0015/NQ46362.pdf.
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Even, M. "The evolution of political television in Britain and its influence on election campaigns 1950-1970." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375887.
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Stokes, Atiya Kai. "The quest for the multiracial mandate African American candidates, white voters, and campaign strategies in state legislative elections /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/1365.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2004.Thesis research directed by: Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Kentmen, Cigdem. "Why do people abstain from the European Parliament elections? am empirical test of second order theory, 1979-1999 /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5976.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on December 26, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.
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Dwyer, Laurel Kristin. "Elections and Tensions and Constitutions! Oh, My! A Process-Oriented Analysis of Bolivian Democratization from 1993 to 2009." Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3083.
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Many Latin American countries which underwent democratic regime transformations within the last thirst years have seemingly stalled. Unable to meet the demands of their citizens, which grow increasingly restless and confrontational, they have become subjected to a series of economic and political crises. Contemporary democratic theorists are at a loss to explain why this region has failed to deepen over time. The purpose of this paper is threefold: it questions the analytic utility of contemporary liberal and representative models, it argues for the inclusion of an alternative process-oriented model provided by Charles Tilly (2007), and tests this model through a partial application to Bolivia from 1993-2009 in hopes of elucidating a clearer state of democratization than contemporary models offer.
The analysis portion focuses on the incorporation of networks of trust into public politics, and determines what effect(s) this had on Bolivian democracy during the time period under review. It is hypothesized that an increase in the integration of interpersonal trust networks with public politics will result in democratization, which is measured through changes in demand incorporation, protection, equality, and state-society accountability. A diachronic analytical narrative is constructed to identify the mechanisms and signs associated with the emergence and incorporation of trust networks into public politics and then evaluated in terms of state-society transformation. The findings suggest that new trust networks were created following the political restructuring done during the Sánchez de Lozada presidency, deepened over the next four presidencies, and integrated in their fullest capacity during the first part of Evo Morales's term. This process affected the contemporary representative and structural nature of the state itself, and shows positive changes in demand incorporation, protection, equality, and state-society accountability. Finally, it is concluded that when compared with popular measures of democracy, this model has more explanatory power, and Bolivia did democratize within the period of analysis.
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Mgbemere, Eugene C. "The development of new systems of political communication in Nigeria with particular reference to the 1983 general elections." Thesis, Middlesex University, 1987. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6710/.
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This study deals with the development of political communication in Nigeria, from the colonial, independence and post-colonial periods. Also background information is given on the political communication systems in the precolonial period. It is argued that the patterns of pre-colonial systems still persist, particulary in the rural areas of Nigeria. Hence, the thesis undertakes to examine in detail, the political communication relationships between 'two separate but relatively autonomous environments in Nigeria with particular reference to the 1983 general elections. The thesis is divided into two parts. The first is a historical theoretical and methodological - analysis of politics and communication in Nigeria and the second a specific study of the 1983 general elections. The first chapter analyses the classical conceptions of political development and the development of political communication. The classical models are discussed and defined in three main stages: traditional, transitional, and modern nation-state. Chapter Two examines the pclitical communication trends that have led to the assumption that modern communication systems are all powerful politically. This leads to my analysis, criticisms and rejeciton of the linear model of communication development. Following my rejection, of the linear model, I suggested a theoretical and methodological framework for this study. Chapter Three looks at the structure of political and communication systems in the precolonial Nigeria. Kinship and religion are established as the mechanisms of sociopolitical and economic relationships in the pre-colonial period. Chapter Four centres on the impact of colonial administration on the precolonial institutions and the development of party politics, Christian religion and western education. Chapters Five and Six analyse the development of mass media and their relationship to different groups. Chapter Seven critically evaluates the political role of mass media as factors that influence electorates' political opinion. Part two presents an empirical analysis of the 1983 general elections with particular reference to Imo State. Under it, Chapter Eight sets out the method of the research. Major problems encountered in the fieldwork and how they were solved are stated. Chapters Nine, Ten, Eleven and Twelve establish the characteristics and attributes of five groups of participants, their membership of voluntary organisations, their political participation and relationship to channels of communication respectively. In Chapter Thirteen political issues are discussed in relation to voters' views. Ln Chapter Fourteens the relationship between the mass media, political personalities and issues are examined. Finally Chapter Fifteen attempts to assess the role and direction of political communication development in Nigeria today - Some suggestions are made as regards to the most useful approach to political communication in Nigeria.
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Freire, Danilo Alves Mendes. "Entre urnas e armas: a competitividade do Poder Executivo e as Guerras Civis, 1976 - 2000." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-15082012-114934/.
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A guerra civil é a forma de violência coletiva mais importante de nossa época. Embora pesquisas recentes tenham apontado alguns elementos como determinantes das guerras civis, a influência dos fatores políticos nos conflitos internos ainda é controversa. O presente estudo analisa, por meio de regressão estatística, a relação entre a competitividade do poder executivo e a incidência de guerras civis de 1976 a 2000. Os achados indicam que tanto eleições com candidatos únicos como votações multipartidárias reduzem a incidência de guerras civis. Ademais, os resultados dão apoio às hipóteses levantadas pela literatura recente de que terreno montanhoso, grande população, sistema políticos centralizados e a existência de conflitos anteriores aumentam significativamente o risco de incidência de guerras civisCivil War is the most important form of collective violence of our time. Although recent research has yielded some determining elements to civil war, the influence of political factors on internal conflicts remains disputed. This study analyzes, by means of statistics regression, the correlation between the competitiveness in the Executive Branch and the incidence of civil war from 1976 to 2000. The findings indicate that both single-candidate and multi-party elections reduce the incidence of civil war. Furthermore, the results lend support to the hypotheses put forward by recent literature that mountainous terrain, large population, centralized political system, and the existence of former conflicts significantly heighten the risk of incidence of civil war
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Grainger, Rachel Louise. "The visual rhetoric of the Conservative Party's 1979 general election poster and print advertising : a social semiotic analysis." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.409500.
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Hornsby, C. P. W. "The Member of Parliament in Kenya 1969-83 : The election, background and position of the representative and the implications for his role in the one-party state." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384742.
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