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Journal articles on the topic 'Elections, 1973'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2025

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1

Molina, José E., and Carmen Pérez. "Evolution of the Party System in Venezuela, 1946–1993." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166372.

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The 1946 election for Venezuela's National Constituent Assembly marked the beginning of democratic electoral processes and the modern party system in that country. Although interrupted by ten years of dictatorship (1948-1958), nine national elections for president and parliament have been held since 1946. In conjunction with these elections, the Venezuelan party system has passed through four stages: a predominant party system (1945-1948), a limited multiparty system (1958-1973), an attenuated two-party system (1973-1993), and recently, the return to a limited multiparty system (1993-) (Sartor

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2

Sieg, Gernot, and Irem Batool. "Pakistan, Politics and Political Business Cycles." Pakistan Development Review 51, no. 2 (2012): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v51i2pp.153-166.

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This paper studies whether in Pakistan the dynamic behaviour of unemployment, inflation, budget deficit and real GDP growth is systematically affected by the timing of elections. We cover the period from 1973-2009. Our results can be summarised as follows: (1) Unemployment tends to be lower in pre-election periods and tends to increase immediately after elections, perhaps as a result of politically motivated employment schemes. (2) Inflation tends to be lower in pre-election periods, perhaps as a result of pre-electoral price regulation. (3) We find increase in the governmental budget deficit,

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3

Wahman, Michael. "Opposition Coalitions and Democratization by Election." Government and Opposition 48, no. 1 (2012): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2012.5.

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This article critically assesses the argument that oppositional coordination creates democratization by elections. It argues that the previously acknowledged democratizing effect of pre-electoral coalitions is better described as an alternation effect, by which coordinated oppositional parties are more likely to win elections. The positive effect of oppositional coalitions is, however, short lived and intimately connected with cases where the election is won by the opposition. Evidence of potential endogeneity is presented, which shows that coalitions are more likely when there is a realistic

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4

Md. Alomgir Hossan, Md Amirul Islam, and Murshida Khatun. "Empowering Democracy in Bangladesh: A Roadmap for Enhancing Voter Engagement." International Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities (IJSSH) 9, no. 1 (2024): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.58885/ijllis.v9i1.09.ah.

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Democracy is a form of government in which the people or the general populace of a state have the power of the state, where fundamental freedoms and human rights are respected, and where they freely express their will is carried out. Bangladesh is a democratic country but from the beginning, this state faced several military regimes and tried to get back in a democratic environment. The authors attempt to find out the objectives of why people are not going to cast their votes, why they are not satisfied with the electoral process, and why people do not have trust in elections. To scrutinize th

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5

Zelizer, Julian E. "Seeds of Cynicism: The Struggle over Campaign Finance, 1956–1974." Journal of Policy History 14, no. 1 (2002): 73–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2002.0006.

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“It is a cesspool, it is a source of infection for the body politic,” Senator Hubert Humphrey (D-Minn.) warned his fellow senators in 1973 about the private financing of elections. “[I]f it doesn't stop, there are going to be good men in this hall right here today who are going down the drain, not that you are guilty, not that you have done anything wrong, but that the public is disenchanted with all of us, and they are going to want somebody new and say I want a fresh one here.” From 1971 through President Nixon's resignation in 1974, Congress enacted the boldest campaign finance reforms in A

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6

Saeed, Ahmad, Khan Bakhtiar, and Khalid Ijaz. "Encouraging Trends of Women’s Politics in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa." Global Social Sciences Review I, no. II (2016): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2016(i-ii).05.

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Modern democratic age is based on the philosophy of |ONE-MAN ONEVOTE". Women constitute more than 50% of the world population. Pakistan's Constitution of 1973 has guaranteed women's political rights, equally with men. The general elections of 2002 and 2008 witnessed greater women political participations compared to the elections of 20th Century. The 9/11 incident and un-natural death of Benazir Bhutto left society plagued with extremism, fundamentalism and terrorism. In many instances, the war on terror crossed 'Durand-Line' and affected Pakistan, especially Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA, where

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7

Saeed, Ahmad. "Encouraging Trends in women Politics in Khyber Pukhtoonkhwah." Global Social Sciences Review 1, no. 2 (2016): 59–73. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4326492.

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Modern democratic age is based on the philosophy of |ONE-MAN ONEVOTE". Women constitute more than 50% of the world population. Pakistan's Constitution of 1973 has guaranteed women's political rights, equally with men. The general elections of 2002 and 2008 witnessed greater women political participations compared to the elections of 20th Century. The 9/11 incident and un-natural death of Benazir Bhutto left society plagued with extremism, fundamentalism and terrorism. In many instances, the war on terror crossed 'Durand-Line' and affected Pakistan, especially Khyber Pakhtu

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8

Saeed, Ahmad, Khan Bakhtiar, and Khalid Ijaz. "Encouraging Trends in women Politics in Khyber Pukhtoonkhwah." GLOBAL SOCIAL SCIENCES REVIEW (GSSR) I, no. II (2016): 59–73. https://doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2016(I-II).05.

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Modern democratic age is based on the philosophy of |ONE-MAN ONEVOTE". Women constitute more than 50% of the world population. Pakistan's Constitution of 1973 has guaranteed women's political rights, equally with men. The general elections of 2002 and 2008 witnessed greater women political participations compared to the elections of 20th Century. The 9/11 incident and un-natural death of Benazir Bhutto left society plagued with extremism, fundamentalism and terrorism. In many instances, the war on terror crossed 'Durand-Line' and affected Pakistan, especially Khyber Pakhtu

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9

Demsetz, Rebecca S. "Voting Behavior in Union Representation Elections: The Influence of Skill Homogeneity and Skill Group Size." ILR Review 47, no. 1 (1993): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304700108.

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The author analyzes data from survey responses of nonunion workers involved in 29 NLRB representation elections in 1972 and 1973 to test the hypotheses (1) that skill-homogeneous groups of workers are more readily organized than are still-heterogeneous groups and (2) that the workers in an election unit's largest skill groups will have the strongest pro-union tendencies. The results confirm the first hypothesis (though the results are sensitive to the inclusion of the most skill-homogeneous workplaces sampled), but only weakly support the second. The author concludes that this analysis may pro

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10

Rozenas, Arturas, and Sean M. Zeigler. "From ballot-boxes to barracks: Votes, institutions, and post-election coups." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (2018): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318779423.

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The military often intervenes in politics shortly after elections. This might be because election results reveal information about the ease with which a coup can succeed. Would-be coup perpetrators use this information to infer whether the incumbent can be removed from office without provoking popular unrest. We argue that the informational content of elections depends on the electoral rules that translate votes into outcomes. In electoral systems that incentivize strategic voting, election returns are less informative about the distribution of political support than in electoral systems that

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11

Olguín, Patricia E. "El peronismo mendocino de cara a las elecciones de 1973." Quinto Sol 17, no. 1 (2013): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/qs.v17i1.596.

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12

Stone, Clarence N. "Atlanta: Protest and Elections Are Not Enough." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 03 (1986): 618–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500018187.

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Blacks hold governmental power in Atlanta. They have a two-to-one majority on the city council, and Andrew Young is in his second term as the city's second black mayor. Moreover, blacks are a substantial presence in the civic life of Atlanta. They have held the presidency of the Chamber of Commerce, and are to be found among the membership of every important board and commission in the public life of the community. The political incorporation of blacks in Atlanta is now strong enough for Mayor Young to entertain the possibility of city-county consolidation. Even with such a move, blacks presum

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Stone, Clarence N. "Atlanta: Protest and Elections Are Not Enough." PS 19, no. 3 (1986): 618–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030826900626334.

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Blacks hold governmental power in Atlanta. They have a two-to-one majority on the city council, and Andrew Young is in his second term as the city's second black mayor. Moreover, blacks are a substantial presence in the civic life of Atlanta. They have held the presidency of the Chamber of Commerce, and are to be found among the membership of every important board and commission in the public life of the community. The political incorporation of blacks in Atlanta is now strong enough for Mayor Young to entertain the possibility of city-county consolidation. Even with such a move, blacks presum

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14

Frandsen, Annie Gaardsted. "Size and Electoral Participation in Local Elections." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, no. 6 (2002): 853–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0228.

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This paper reviews local election turnout for the period since the 1970s in five European countries: Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. It explores especially the relationship between size of municipality and turnout in local elections. The author seeks to explore this issue in the light of Dahl and Tufte's 1973 classic study Size and Democracy (Stanford University Press) which claimed that citizens' motivation to participate is greater in small governmental units than in large ones. This study confirms the Dahl and Tufte hypothesis, in that turnout is consi

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15

Muhaimin, Ramdhan, Syafiuddin Fadlillah, and Rahman Asri. "Dinamika Pelembagaan Partai Islam di Pemilu 2024; Studi Kasus Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, dan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan." Jurnal Politikom Indonesiana 9, no. 2 (2024): 121–41. https://doi.org/10.35706/jpi.v9i2.5.

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The most surprising phenomenon in the 2024 General Election is the failure of the United Development Party (PPP) to the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI) as it failed to break the parliamentary threshold. As the Islamic party, the PPP’s failure in this election is certainly a disaster for Indonesian Islamic politics. However, two other Islamic parties still survive and qualify for parliament: the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). Both parties are not only able to survive but also get electoral bonuses. Why should the party found

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16

Luciani, Laura Luján. "The 1973 elections in Argentina: a look from social practices." Rubrica Contemporanea 7, no. 14 (2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.160.

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17

Webber, R., C. Rallings, G. Borisyuk, and M. Thrasher. "Ballot Order Positional Effects in British Local Elections, 1973-2011." Parliamentary Affairs 67, no. 1 (2012): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gss033.

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18

Frears, John. "The 1988 French Presidential Election." Government and Opposition 23, no. 3 (1988): 276–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00085.x.

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THE 1986 ELECTION WAS THE BEGINNING OF ‘COHABITATION’ and 1988 was the end of it — at least of the Fifth Republic's first experience of it. Cohabitation between the President and a Prime Minister who was his chief political adversary was to be the last great test of the stability and adaptability of the Fifth Republic's political institutions. It had been the dominant theme in 1986 just as the fearsome prospect of cohabitation between left-wing parliamentary majorities and previous presidents had been to the forefront in the parliamentary elections of 1978 and even 1973. It was as the Presiden

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19

Rizwan, Muhammad, Manzoor Ahmed, and Saima Gul. "Ideology and Politics of Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (1947-1973)." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. I (2018): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-i).03.

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Khilafat Movement provided an opportunity to the Ulema of sub-continent to take part in active politics, however, Anjuman-i-Khuddam-i-Kaaba which was the first ever organized confrontation with the British raj. It eventually resulted in the formation of Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH). Although Majlis-iAhrar-i-Islam, emerged as an effective instrument of Deobandi activism yet it denounced the creation of an independent Muslim state. Majority of Ulema believed that with the demise of British regime in India, the Muslims being a strong minority, could not be impoverished, therefore, JUH worked closely

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20

Muhammad, Rizwan. "Ideology and Politics of Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (1947-1973)." Global Social Sciences Review 3, no. 1 (2018): 45–56. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4331470.

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Khilafat Movement provided an opportunity to the Ulema of sub-continent to take part in active politics, however, Anjuman-i-Khuddam-i-Kaaba which was the first ever organized confrontation with the British raj. It eventually resulted in the formation of Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH). Although Majlis-iAhrar-i-Islam, emerged as an effective instrument of Deobandi activism yet it denounced the creation of an independent Muslim state. Majority of Ulema believed that with the demise of British regime in India, the Muslims being a strong minority, could not be impoverished, therefore, JUH worked closely

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21

Muhammad, Rizwan, Ahmed Manzoor, and Gul Saima. "Ideology and Politics of Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (1947-1973)." GLOBAL SOCIAL SCIENCES REVIEW (GSSR) III, no. I (2018): 45–56. https://doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(III-I).03.

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Khilafat Movement provided an opportunity to the Ulema of sub-continent to take part in active politics, however, Anjuman-i-Khuddam-i-Kaaba which was the first ever organized confrontation with the British raj. It eventually resulted in the formation of Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH). Although Majlis-iAhrar-i-Islam, emerged as an effective instrument of Deobandi activism yet it denounced the creation of an independent Muslim state. Majority of Ulema believed that with the demise of British regime in India, the Muslims being a strong minority, could not be impoverished, therefore, JUH worked closely

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22

Islam, Saiful, and Md Asaduzzaman Mondol Asad. "An Analysis of Two Local Government Elections Based on Party Affiliation in Bangladesh." Journal of Social Science 7, no. 1 (2024): 184–200. https://doi.org/10.71213/jss.july2410.

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The then-ruling parties in Bangladesh experimented with and utilized local government more frequently in the past (Sarker & Akber, 2016). Article 59 of the People's Republic of Bangladesh's constitution states, "local government in every administrative unit of the Republic shall be entrusted to bodies composed of persons elected in accordance with law." Sarkar & Akber (2016) and Siddique (2005) note that since 1972, local government institutions have only existed continuously at the Union level. 1973 saw the nonpartisan holding of the country's first local government elections. All loc

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23

Duggan, John, and César Martinelli. "The Political Economy of Dynamic Elections: Accountability, Commitment, and Responsiveness." Journal of Economic Literature 55, no. 3 (2017): 916–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20150927.

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We survey the literature on dynamic elections in the traditional settings of spatial preferences and rent seeking under perfect and imperfect monitoring of politicians. We define stationary electoral equilibrium, which encompasses notions used by Barro (1973), Ferejohn (1986), Banks and Sundaram (1998), and others. We show that repeated elections mitigate the commitment problems of politicians and voters, and that a responsive democracy result holds under general conditions. Term limits, however, attenuate the responsiveness finding. We also touch on related applied work, and we point to areas

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Khan, Iltaf, Bakhtiar Khan, and Muhammad Tariq. "The 18th Constitutional Amendment and Its Impact on Pakistan’s Democracy." Global Foreign Policies Review V, no. I (2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(v-i).01.

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As a result of the 2008 general elections, a power transition from the military to the civilians took place in Pakistan. The Pakistan People's Party, after assuming the powers, under its legislative drive restored the 1973 constitution to its original shape. Under the landmark 18th constitutional amendment,federal parliamentary democracy was restored, which ensured autonomy for provinces after removing the concurrent list. It ensured the independence of the judiciary, transparency of the Election Commission of Pakistan, and made arrangements for a peaceful transfer of power under the neutral c

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Kanwal, Nayab, Asia Saif Alvi, and Hamid Iqbal. "History of Women Empowerment in Pakistan: A Study from Political Slogan to Practices (1947 to 2008." Global Sociological Review VI, no. III (2021): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsr.2021(vi-iii).05.

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Women's empowerment is promoting women's sagacity of self-worth, capability to decide their personal choices, and right to sway societal change for themselves. Empowering women is equipping them with utensils they want to have influence and power over their personal lives. Political parties during elections campaigns promise gender equality and women empowerment but these promises remained unfulfilled. It is a pragmatic issue in Pakistan as it ranked approximately at bottom of the Gender Gap Index – 151st out of 153 countries. The 1973 Constitution protects women's rights under various Article

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Khan, Iltaf, Farman Ullah, and Bakhtiar Khan. "Democracy and Federalism in Pakistan: An Analysis of PPP Government (2008-2013)." Global Regional Review VI, no. I (2021): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-i).05.

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Pakistan adopted a federal democratic system with a parliamentary type of governance. However, the political history of Pakistan reflects a deviation from parliamentary democracy and the least concern towards the institutionalization of its political system. The centralization of power, authoritarianism, the power thirst of political parties and the imbalance of civil-military relations always affected the democratic course of Pakistan. As a result of the 2008 elections, a power transition occurred from the military to the civilians. Pakistan People Party, after assuming power, restored the 19

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Shah, Hassan, Syed Wasif Azim, Wajid Mehmood, and Seema Zubair. "General Elections 2013: A Case Study of Low Turnout of Women Voters in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 3, no. 2 (2020): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.2.15.

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The Constitution of 1973 offers direct elections under adult franchise in Pakistan. However, it is unfortunate that in every election of Pakistan, the ratio of female voters’ turnout remained low. This research is an attempt to discuss the potential causes of low female voters' turnout in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The study is based on quantitative data survey from six randomly selected districts from sub-geographical areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province in Pakistan including the districts of Lakki Marwat (Far South), Karak (South), Charsadda (Centre), Mardan (Centre), Lower Dir (Nor

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Koay, Hean Wei, and Salwa Mokhtar Khairiah. "The role of political marketing and its importance in Barisan Nasional at Malaysia general election." Technium Social Sciences Journal 29 (March 9, 2022): 548–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v29i1.6138.

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This study discusses the political marketing tools based on the research in Barisan Nasional (BN) at Malaysia general election. According to the Malaysian law, the date of the last election and subsequent election is to be held at 5-year intervals. Thus, after GE12 in 2008, GE13 was held in 2013. Since 1969 from Alliance coalition to 1973 BN coalition never lost a general election in parliamentary constituency. The political tsunami in GE12 BN won 140 seats in Dewan Rakyat out of 222 seats, opposition parties such as Pakatan Rakyat (PR) won 82 seats out of 222 Dewan Rakyat of seats in Malaysia

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Mahor Gilani, Peyman, Akbar Nasrollahi Kasmani, and Mohammad Babaee. "Analysis of the Election Advertising Management Process in Cyberspace: A Qualitative Study from Experts." Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History 2, no. 4 (2024): 82–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.61838/kman.jspsich.2.4.4.

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Elections are one of the most significant arenas for public participation in decision-making in a democratic system, affected by various factors. The expansion of the use of virtual networks in various social, political, economic, and cultural dimensions of people's lives has influenced the quality and quantity of elections. Based on this, the main objective of this research is to study and analyze the precise processes of election advertising management in cyberspace to gain a deeper understanding of the approaches and strategies used in this field and how these advertisements impact voters.

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Stewart, Thomas A. W. "By‐Elections and Political Change in a Local Context: The Case of the 1973 Dundee East By‐Election and the SNP." Parliamentary History 38, no. 2 (2019): 262–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12447.

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Dessardo, Andrea. "The catholic society facing the delegated decrees." Rivista di Storia dell’Educazione 11, no. 1 (2024): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rse-15310.

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The law 477/1973 was approved in a moment in which the Italian catholic society was facing a hard inner crisis, emerged in the post-Council season: the Catholic Action, the Italian catholic laity biggest aggregation, suffered a drastic drop in affiliations and its choice to give up the political side mobilisation was subject of incomprehensions and conflicts, that divided catholic people into tendencies, both expressions of different ways to live their faith witness and of different political positions. The collegial boards elections made evident these cleavages also in school.

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Weitz, Yechiam. "Municipal Elections in the Holy City: Campaigns, Results, and Coalition Building in Jerusalem, 1948-1973." Israel Studies 27, no. 3 (2022): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.27.3.07.

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Dr. Shahbaz Ali, Dr. Adnan Tariq, and Dr. Yawar Haroon. "Electoral Performance of Religiopolitical Alliance (IJI) in Election 1988: An Assessment." Al-Qamar 7, no. 1 (2024): 113–34. https://doi.org/10.53762/d9f9af10.

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The creation of Pakistan was the result of Islamic ideology. The Muslims were demanding a separate homeland where they would apply the teachings of Islam. Following Pakistan’s establishment, the principles of Islam were included in the constitution-making process in the form of an Objective Resolution. The Constitutions of 1956, 1962, and 1973 were all based solely on Islamic principles. Any laws that were considered to be anti-Islam were firmly rejected by the public at large, resulting in severe agitation. When the socialist Pakistan People’s Party tried to re-emerge in Pakistan’s political

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Lertchoosakul, Kanokrat. "The Paradox of the Thai Middle Class in Democratisation." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 9, no. 1 (2021): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2020.16.

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AbstractThe relationship of the bourgeoisie and democratisation has been inconsistent across the history of democracy. This work offers an alternative explanation taking the example of the Thai middle class, which had promoted democracy, turned against it. From the democratic transition of 1973 until the present day, the Thai middle class has played contradictory roles in the democratisation of the country. This work investigates the effects of democratic institution-building after regime change and the efforts to consolidate democracy in the middle class. This work proposes two major observat

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Bano, Abida, and Aisha Alam. "Women agency and provincial autonomy: a study of post-18th Amendment local government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 5, no. 1 (2024): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/5.1.11.

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The 18th Amendment to the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan, a significant milestone in the country's political landscape, granted the provinces certain political and fiscal powers. This included the right to pass local government legislation and hold local government elections. In the 2015 local government elections in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, a remarkable number of women were elected to local councils on gender quota seats (33%). This was a clear testament to the empowering potential of the 18th Amendment. However, despite this progress, the underrepresentation of women in decision-making processes r

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Tekin, Caner. "“Foreign Worker” Perspectives between German Trade Unions and Turkish Worker Organisations after the Recruitment Ban: Evidence from the Migrant Activism in Frankfurt." Migration Letters 20, no. 1 (2023): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v20i1.2871.

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With the foreign worker recruitment ban in Federal Germany on 23 November 1973, the public featured one of the most controversial debates on how long the former guest workers would stay, and whether Federal Germany was a country of immigration. Between German trade unions and foreign workers these questions also remained contested during the 1970s. This paper looks into these contestations and explores conceptions of the former “guest workers” represented by the German trade unions and migrant organisations from the recruitment stop (1973) until the decade’s end. It discusses activities by Tur

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Thrasher, Michael, Galina Borisyuk, Colin Rallings, and Richard Webber. "Candidate Ethnic Origins and Voter Preferences: Examining Name Discrimination in Local Elections in Britain." British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 2 (2015): 413–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000125.

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This article examines the relationship between candidate names as they appear on the ballot paper and voting patterns in British local elections. Specifically, it explores whether some voters favour candidates with British-sounding names over those whose names suggest either European or non-European ethnic origins. Name classification software identifies three categories of candidate: British, other European and non-European. Separate analyses of aggregate voting data are undertaken of multi-member and single-member electoral districts. Data cover the period 1973–2012, and votes for more than

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AL-Mihimdy, Mwaffaq Kamil Khalaf. "The Impact of the Wars of June 1967 and October 1973 on Contemporary Hebrew Poetry." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 50, no. 6 (2023): 220–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v50i6.7054.

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Objectives: This study aims to investigate the impact of the June 1967 and October 1973 Wars on Zionists’ racist attitude towards Arabs. It also aims to suggest that Hebrew literature, especially poetry, is one of the most important methods that has been consistently used by the Zionist movement in fulfilling its project. Methods: The study adopts the textual analysis approach to literature and poetry through employing close reading. Results: The two wars deeply affected Israeli society and literature, reinforcing the prevalent racist attitude towards Arabs among the members of tha

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Blais-Lacombe, Ariane, and Marc André Bodet. "Les députés et les partis politiques sortants profitent-ils d'un avantage électoral ? Une analyse des résultats électoraux au Québec." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 3 (2017): 723–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000464.

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AbstractUsing official electoral results from provincial elections since 1973, we evaluate the incumbency effect in Quebec by measuring the impact of a combination of characteristics related to candidates and political parties. We verify whether the presence of an incumbent candidate is necessary to ensure that the incumbent party benefits from an electoral advantage. We also compare the magnitude of the incumbency effect between governing and opposition parties. Making use of parametric multivariate statistical tools, we conclude that political parties benefit from an electoral advantage in Q

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Sunarso, Sunarso* Suharno Suharno. "THE DYNAMICS OF LEGISLATIVE ELECTION IN INDONESIA." Global Journal of Engineering Science and Research Management 7, no. 8 (2020): 1–15. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3994499.

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This research aims to describe the dynamics of the legislative elections in Indonesia in 1955, 1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, 1997, 1999, 2004, 2009, 20014, and 2019. This type of research was library research by using a qualitative approach. This study utilized cross-checks as the data validity checking technique. The data analysis techniques in this study used qualitative descriptive analysis. In interpreting data, this study was based on the concepts, theories, and critical analysis. The results of this study are as follows: (1) The 1955 elections were aimed at electing members of the DPR, a

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Dr. Bakhtiar Khan, Dr. Saeed Ahmad, and Dr. Arif Khan. "Local Governance in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa: Regimes Response and People Perceptions." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 1, no. 2 (2020): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol1-iss2-2020(16-22).

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The passage of the 18th Amendment to Constitution of 1973 of Pakistan is a major constitutional development to strengthen local system of government in Pakistan. The amendment constituted one of the most dramatic devolution of power since drafting of 1973 Constitution. The increased authority accorded to provincial governments has enhanced their ability to retain control of their revenue; however, most taxes will continue to be redistributed by the center. The amendment authorizes the provinces to establish the local government system. This paper focuses on the failure of various provincial go

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Savchenko, Alexandr. "Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (Chile) and the Chilean Revolution (1965 – 1973)." Latin-American Historical Almanac 45 (March 22, 2025): 45–83. https://doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2025-45-1-45-83.

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The article analyzes the prerequisites for the emergence of the Chilean Left Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria – MIR) and its activities from the Constituent Congress in August 1965 to the coup of Septem-ber 11, 1973, the forms of MIR activities in the period of Popular Unity and the structure of the organization are con-sidered. The MIR emerged after the defeat of leftist candidate S. Allende in the 1964 elections as a result of the unification of groups that stood to the left of the leading parties of the Chilean labor movement - communists and socialists. MIR's

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Al-Shanaq, Abdul Majeed Zaid. "German-Israeli Political Relations under the Chancellor's Government Willy Brandt (1969-1974 AD)." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 50, no. 3 (2023): 435–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v50i3.5425.

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Objectives: This study examines the evolution of German-Israeli political relations under Chancellor Willy Brandt's government (1969-1974 AD). The government, led by the Social Democratic Party (SPD), was formed after the parliamentary elections on 9/28/1969 AD and gained confidence through an alliance with the Free Democratic Party (FDP), led by Walter Scheel. Methods: The study employed an analytical historical approach, drawing from unpublished German documents in the archives of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other contemporary sources to shed light on an under-researched

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Yordanov, Radoslav A. "Warsaw Pact Countries’ Involvement in Chile from Frei to Pinochet, 1964–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 3 (2019): 56–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00893.

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This article examines the policies of Warsaw Pact countries toward Chile from 1964, when Eduardo Frei was elected Chilean president, until 1973, when Frei's successor, Salvador Allende, was removed in a military coup. The article traces the role of the Soviet Union and East European countries in the ensuing international campaign raised in support of Chile's left wing, most notably in support of the Chilean Communist Party leader Luis Corvalán. The account here adds to the existing historiography of this momentous ten-year period in Chile's history, one marked by two democratic presidential el

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Reyntjens, Filip. "La Deuxieme Republique Rwandaise : Evolution, Bilan et Perspectives." Afrika Focus 2, no. 3-4 (1986): 273–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0020304004.

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The Second Republic Of Rwanda : Evolution, Balance And Perspectives This paper provides a short survey and assessment of the political evolution of Rwanda since the inception of the Second Republic in 1973. After a period of de facto rule the country returned to constitutional government in 1978. A single party, the Revolutionary National Movement for the Development, had already been created by the military in 1975. The paper examines the constitution, the organisation of elections, political conflict and the respect for human rights and the rule of law. While the regime has achieved consider

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Loyola, Manuel. "“Unidad Popular” in Chile and the Theory of Dual Power in the Works of Rene Zavaleta Mercado." Latin-American Historical Almanac 39, no. 1 (2023): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2023-39-1-39-55.

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The Popular unity in Chile (1970-1973) with its radical social program after the victory in the elections of 1970 faced the problem of power, its completeness, effectiveness of implementation and preservation of leadership functions. This problem was acute for the forces that were part of the ruling coalition and that supported it from the outside. Hav-ing almost no historical experience on which to base their reflections on the complex question of a single, consolidated power and state in-stitutions, Chilean left-wing intellectuals inevitably turned to the lega-cy of the classics, to the expe

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Guettel, Jens-Uwe. "The Myth of the Pro-Colonialist SPD: German Social Democracy and Imperialism before World War I." Central European History 45, no. 3 (2012): 452–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938912000350.

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In his seminalThe German Empire, published in German in 1973, historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler posited that in respect to the German Empire's colonial policies only the SPD, unlike all other political parties, “retained its capacity to take a critical view on matters of principle.” Moreover, in Wehler's view, the SPD's critical stance on this and many other political questions along with the party's massive electoral gains in the 1912 parliamentary elections precipitated a situation in the years immediately preceding the Great War that prompted the German Empire's “old elites” to bet increasingly

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Rehman, Ashfaq U., Asghar Khan, and Shughla Ashfaq. "Local Government Elections in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan: An Assessment of Challenges and Prospects (2012-2015)." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (2020): 465–77. https://doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.36.

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The 18th Amendment in the 1973 Constitution mandated provinces to institute a local government system. However, it has provided fewer details on what kind of administrative and financial powers would be conferred to the local governments (LG). The Local Government Act 2012 was passed by the Awami National Party (ANP) led coalition government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). This act was replaced with the Local Government Act 2013 by the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) led coalition government. This paper investigates the reasons behind the failure of the PTI government to conduct an in-time LG elect

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Carmichael, Calum M. "Economic Conditions and the Popularity of the Incumbent Party in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (1990): 713–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020813.

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AbstractThis study measures the effects of macroeconomic conditions upon the popularity of the incumbent party in Canadian federal general elections from 1945 to 1988. In so doing it uses a model similar to the retrospective voting models used in electoral studies in the United States. The results suggest that for the elections from 1945 to 1972, bad economic conditions preceding the election benefited the incumbent party. For the elections from 1974 to 1988, these effects were diminished or reversed. Such results have precedents in separate studies that use Canadian poll data. However, they c

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Chang, Rong-Ching, Ashwin Rao, Qiankun Zhong, Magdalena Wojcieszak, and Kristina Lerman. "#RoeOverturned: Twitter Dataset on the Abortion Rights Controversy." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 17 (June 2, 2023): 997–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v17i1.22207.

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On June 24, 2022, the United States Supreme Court overturned landmark rulings made in its 1973 verdict in Roe v. Wade. The justices by way of a majority vote in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, decided that abortion wasn't a constitutional right and returned the issue of abortion to the elected representatives. This decision triggered multiple protests and debates across the US, especially in the context of the midterm elections in November 2022. Given that many citizens use social media platforms to express their views and mobilize for collective action, and given that online deb

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