Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections, 1974

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections, 1974'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 27 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections, 1974"

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Carmichael, Calum M. "Economic Conditions and the Popularity of the Incumbent Party in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (December 1990): 713–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020813.

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AbstractThis study measures the effects of macroeconomic conditions upon the popularity of the incumbent party in Canadian federal general elections from 1945 to 1988. In so doing it uses a model similar to the retrospective voting models used in electoral studies in the United States. The results suggest that for the elections from 1945 to 1972, bad economic conditions preceding the election benefited the incumbent party. For the elections from 1974 to 1988, these effects were diminished or reversed. Such results have precedents in separate studies that use Canadian poll data. However, they contradict the general conclusion of American studies that bad conditions hurt the incumbent. This contradiction suggests that the model's assumptions about voting behaviour, which appear to be verified by the American studies, do not apply universally.
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GRAETZ, BRIAN, and IAN McALLISTER. "Party Leaders and Election Outcomes in Britain, 1974-1983." Comparative Political Studies 19, no. 4 (January 1987): 484–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414087019004002.

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It is often suggested that British general elections are becoming more presidential in character, particularly with the increasing emphasis placed by mass media on the character and activities of party leaders. To date, however, there have been few attempts to estimate how much of an effect leaders have on election outcomes, independently of partisan ties. This article uses multivariate techniques to examine the factors that influence a leader's popularity and estimates the effect of leaders on electoral outcomes in Britain in 1974, 1979, and 1983. The results suggest, first, that the popularity of leaders depends on party attachment, political attitudes, and socioeconomic status. Second, both attitudes and the popularity of leaders are influential in determining whether or not voters will defect, with leaders becoming relatively more important in this regard in the 1983 election. Finally, changes in the popularity of party leaders are capable of influencing an election result by a few percentage points, but in none of the three elections examined here was the magnitude of such changes sufficient to produce a different election outcome.
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McALLISTER, IAN, and ANTHONY MUGHAN. "Class, Attitudes, and Electoral Politics in Britain, 1974-1983." Comparative Political Studies 20, no. 1 (April 1987): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414087020001003.

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There is now general agreement that social class has declined in electoral importance in Britain in recent years. There is disagreement, however, about the role political attitudes have come to play in structuring the vote. This article builds on our previous research on political attitudes and voting in Britain by applying multivariate analysis to survey data collected for the 1983 general election. The analysis uses a sophisticated conceptualization of social class and political attitudes, and examines both their interrelationship and their conjoint influence on the vote. The results show, first, that the most salient political attitudes in the 1983 election, socialism and nuclearism, were significantly rooted in social class. Second, considered comparatively, attitudes were about three times as important an influence in the election as social class. Finally, a longitudinal analysis spanning the October 1974, 1979, and 1983 elections, confirms other research and indicates that there has been little fundamental change in the electorate's overall attitudinal structure but that the change there has been contributed to the Labour Party's falling vote over the three elections.
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Vermeer, Jan P. "The Electoral Vulnerability of Congressional Incumbents: Another Perspective." American Review of Politics 5 (January 1, 1985): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1984.5.0.86-92.

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The invulnerability of congressional incumbents to electoral defeat has been overstated. Ever since the first studies provided evidence for what congressmen and political observers long knew, that incumbents are difficult to unseat, researchers have repeatedly demonstrated the electoral advantages of congressmen over their opponents (Erikson, 1971; Cover, 1977; Hinckley, 1981). Erikson estimated an incumbent's advantage to be about five percent in the post- 1966 era (Erikson, 1972), and Cover reported values for the "sophomore surge" in the same range from the 1960 through the 1974 congressional elections (Cover, 1977). The electoral edge may be growing: separately, Mayhew and Born argued that incumbents are safer now than in the past (Mayhew, 1974a; Born, 1979).
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Birner, Betty J., and Gregory L. Ward. "On the interpretation of VP inversion in American English." Journal of Linguistics 28, no. 1 (March 1992): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700014973.

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Previous functional analyses of American English inversion constructions (for example, Hartvigson & Jakobsen, 1974; Gary, 1976; Green, 1980, 1982) have recognized – either implicitly or explicitly – that inverted sentences and their canonical-word-order counterparts are semantically equivalent. None the less, in Ward & Birner (to appear), we describe a non-truth-conditional asymmetry between the interpretation of certain VP inversions and that of their canonical-word-order counterparts.2 Consider (1a) and (2b) in the following context: (1) Free elections were held yesterday in Czechoslovakia for the first time since the war. (a) The main opposition party was losing the election. (b) Losing the election was the main opposition party. (c) The main opposition party lost the election.
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Zelizer, Julian E. "Seeds of Cynicism: The Struggle over Campaign Finance, 1956–1974." Journal of Policy History 14, no. 1 (January 2002): 73–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2002.0006.

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“It is a cesspool, it is a source of infection for the body politic,” Senator Hubert Humphrey (D-Minn.) warned his fellow senators in 1973 about the private financing of elections. “[I]f it doesn't stop, there are going to be good men in this hall right here today who are going down the drain, not that you are guilty, not that you have done anything wrong, but that the public is disenchanted with all of us, and they are going to want somebody new and say I want a fresh one here.” From 1971 through President Nixon's resignation in 1974, Congress enacted the boldest campaign finance reforms in American history, including strong disclosure laws, public financing for presidential elections, contribution and spending limits, and an independent enforcement commission. Despite these reforms, after only a decade under the new laws, citizens still felt that campaign finance was corrupt.
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de Sousa, Marcelo Rebelo. "Portugal: 19 July 1987." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (October 1, 1987): 444–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00067.x.

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THE PORTUGUESE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 19 JULY 1987 initiated a profound change in the Portuguese party system and in the system of government. From 1974 onwards, Portugal had moved peacefully towards a democratic political system, enshrined in the 1976 Constitution. This evolution lasted about eight years and culminated in the revision of the Constitution in 1982. From 1982 onwards the present political regime has been a democratic one, coexisting with a capitalist economic regime attenuated by state monopoly in key sectors and by public companies which were nationalized between 1974 and 1976. It is also since 1982 that the system of government has been semi-presidential. There is pure representativeness as referendums do not exist at national level and have never been regulated at local level. But the government is semi-presidential in the sense that, owing to French influence, it attempts to balance Parliament with the election of the President of the Republic by direct and universal suffrage.
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Abramowitz, Alan I. "Explaining Senate Election Outcomes." American Political Science Review 82, no. 2 (June 1988): 385–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957392.

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Aggregate-level data are used in this analysis to explain the outcomes of Senate elections between 1974 and 1986. Using the individual Senate contest as the unit of analysis permits estimating the relative influence of a wide variety of factors on Senate election results including political characteristics of states, characteristics of the candidates, and national political conditions. Of these factors candidate characteristics had the strongest impact on the outcomes of Senate elections. The importance of candidate characteristics has had two major consequences for Senate elections. First, two-party competition has spread to every region of the country: in Senate elections, no state can be considered safe for either party. Second, money is probably now more important than ever, especially for challengers and candidates for open seats.
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BILLINGSLEY, KEITH R. "Winning Margins in Elections for the Georgia House of Representatives, 1972-1974;." GPSA Journal: The Georgia Political Science Association 4, no. 1 (November 12, 2008): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1976.tb00681.x.

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A. Berlie, Jean. "Guinea-Bissau 2014 elections." Asian Education and Development Studies 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2014-0028.

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Purpose – The West African Republic of Guinea-Bissau has been unstable since gaining its independence in 1974. The 2014 presidential and parliamentary elections are being closely analyzed to study how the United Nations and the Guinean people have reacted to the outcomes of these elections. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – Sociological methodologies and a comparative approach have been used in this paper to understand why the elections in 2014 were so important in this country. Findings – The author finds that stability is possible in Guinea-Bissau after years of political uncertainties. Originality/value – Particular focus has been paid to studying the responses of specific aspects of society, including the youth population, the political elite, the main political party, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde, the opposition parties and the army and whether these different groups will be able to cooperate after electing a sustainable and relatively wide-ranging government.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections, 1974"

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Turner, Michael Thomas Eugeniusz. "Incumbency effects in English Local Elections 1974-2010 : assessing the advantage of electoral defence." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2994.

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The study of electoral defence and its stated advantages are an integral part of American political science. Post-war, much academic literature has emerged in an attempt to identify and explain rising re-election rates of congressional incumbents and the political consequences of such a phenomenon (Mayhew 1974; Fiorina 1977; Cain, Ferejohn & Fiorina 1987; Gelman & King 1990; King 1991). Conversely, the study of political incumbency in Britain can be attributed to a handful of scholars who tend to consider the repercussions at parliamentary level (Williams 1967, King 1981, Cain, Ferejohn and Fiorina 1984, Norton 1990 & 1994, Norris, Valance & Lovenduski 1992). Consequently, incumbency advantage at the local level remains a relatively under-researched topic in England, confined to the sub-chapters of Rallings & Thrasher (1997). The aim of this thesis is to research and present evidence in support of incumbency effects in English local elections and the extent to which they influence their outcome, in that, incumbent candidates fare better than less experienced candidates, to different degrees across the three major parties. It will do so using survey and electoral data collected by The Elections Centre at Plymouth University, drawing on established methods from the literature and demonstrating via a variety of data and methods, that incumbency advantage is indeed a real phenomenon effecting the outcomes of local elections in England. The research provides substantial evidence for Sophomore Surge and Retirement Slump effects throughout the period examined (1974-2010). These methods of estimation feature alongside a number of others, which are constructed to uncover the significance of defending, rather than challenging for a council seat. A number of influences on the advantage that defending councillors maintain are also presented, including district magnitude, ward size and rural/urban classification. Results reveal a modest advantage for Conservative and Labour incumbent candidates, whilst the effects are shown to be stronger for the Liberal Democrats, a finding that is in step with the existing literature on electoral trends and the local campaign strategy of the party (Dorling et al, 1998; McAllister et al, 2002; Russell & Fieldhouse, 2005; Cutts 2006).
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Norcross, Baxter. "War, Race, and Gender in American Presidential Elections in 1964 and 1972." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/80.

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This paper examines the partisan shift that took place in American Presidential elections during the Vietnam War. Specifically, I examine the landslide elections of 1964 and 1972 and how race, gender, and American casualties played a part in the shift.
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Lévesque, Stéphane. "Participation électorale comparée et théorie des enjeux, les élections québécoises de 1970 à 1994." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0006/MQ44678.pdf.

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Bäckström, Gustav. "Tala är silver, men är tiga guld? : En studie av den socialdemokratiska regeringens kommunikation till väljarna, åren 1994-2006." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-42.

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In this study, I have examined the previous Social Democratic government’s communication with the voters, focusing on its promises during election campaigns, and the presentation of achieved results. The theories used are the mandate- and sanction theory; the first focuses on voters comparing manifestos to find the most agreeable, whilst the latter concentrates on voters evaluation the work of the previous government, to either discharge or support it. For the sanction theory to work, voters must have the necessary information to evaluate the government in progress. The question is; did the previous government provide the voters with such information?

This has been done through scrutinizing the Social Democrats’ election manifestos that was used between 1994 and 2006, to examine what the party promised to achieve in economics and the labor market. Furthermore, I have studied the official statistics, provided by Statistiska Centralbyrån, to see whether the government fulfilled these promises, and if they provide the voters with the results of these promises.

The study shows that the Social Democrats display a lack of result presentation to the voters; neither the promise that was fulfilled, nor the ones the party failed to achieve were properly accounted for. This makes it more difficult for voters to evaluate the government’s performance, which poses a threat to the representative democracy; voters must be able to assess the governments, so that they may execute sanctions and remove the government from office when unsatisfied.

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Cornu, Claude. "Elections et vie politique dans l'Eure de 1848 à 1914." Rouen, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986ROUEL016.

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De 1848 a 1914, le département de l’Eure se montre dans l'ensemble prudemment conservateur, se ralliant au régime établi dès lors qu'il ne remet pas en cause les droits acquis et les équilibres traditionnels, se rangeant dans l'opposition lorsque l'ordre social lui paraît menacé. Bonapartiste sous le Second Empire, il élit les candidats que lui désigne l'administration. Après la chûte de l'Empire, nous voyons les électeurs se rallier peu à peu à la République dès lors qu'elle présente un visage modéré et rassurant, mais se détourner de la République radicale à l'heure des luttes anticléricales et du bloc des gauches, mais, conservateur, l'électorat n'est pas clérical; il se détourne de tous les courants extrêmes, de droite comme de gauche. En 1914, les socialistes ne recueillent pas 2% des voix. Même les radicaux suscitent la méfiance, sauf dans l'arrondissement d'Évreux. Car il faut souligner les disparités régionales. Depuis 1848, l'arrondissement d'Évreux s'est toujours montré fermement républicain et volontiers radical. Même sous l'Empire, malgré l'encadrement de l'opinion, l'opposition y obtient un nombre de voix important. Les quatre autres arrondissements, en revanche, votent dans leur ensemble pour les conservateurs. Les arrondissements des Andelys et de Bernay sont des fiefs de la droite, ceux de Louviers et de Pont-Audemer oscillent entre la droite et la gauche en fonction des circonstances. Le département de l’Eure offre aussi l'exemple d'une vie politique intense. Une participation électorale élevée, plus élevée que dans l'ensemble du pays, une presse nombreuse (quelque 40 journaux en 1914), et face aux conservateurs un parti républicain actif et organisé. A deux reprises, à la suite de défaites électorales, radicaux et républicains modérés mettent sur pied dans chaque canton des comités permanents pour préparer les échéances électorales. En 1885, puis au début du siècle. En 1909 cet effort aboutit à la création d'une fédération départementale. L'année suivante, ce sont les courants de la droite qui s'unissent et forment leur fédération départementale, dite des républicains indépendants
From 1848 to 1914, the department of l’Eure as a whole kept a cautious conservative attitude, either joigning the established regime as long as it did not question acquired rights and traditional balance, or siding with opposition when the social order seemed to be threatened. As a Bonapartist department under the Second Empire, il elected candidates appointed by the government. After the fall of the empire, the electors gradually joined the republic as long as it showed a reassuring moderate face ; yet they turned away from the radical republic at the time of anticlerical struggles and the bloc des gauches. Though il was conservative, the electorate was not clerical; il turned away from any extreme tendency either right or left-wing. In 1914, the socialists did not get 2% out of the votes. Even the radical party inspired mistrust, except in the district of Évreux. However, one must underline local disparities. Since 1848, the district of Évreux had always been steadily republican and willingly radical. Even under the Second Empire, the opposition managed to get a great number of votes, in spite of the control of public opinion. On the other hand, the four other districts by and large voted conservative. The districts of les Andelys and Bernay were right wing strongholds, whereas in those of Louviers and Pont-Audemer the pendulum swang between right and left depending of circumstances. The department of l’Eure also gave a good example of intense political life: high electoral participation, higher than in the rest of the country, a numerous press (about 40 newspapers in 1914), an active organised republican party confronted with the conservatives. Twice, after electoral failures, radicals and moderate republicans organized permanent committees in every district to prepare the elections. In 1885 and at the beginning of the century. In 1909 their efforts resulted in the creation of a departmental federation. The year after, right-wing currents gathered together to form their own departmental federation known as that of the independent republicans
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Cornu, Claude. "Elections et vie politique dans l'Eure de 1848 à 1914." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375968310.

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Wilson, Kevin Arthur. "From memory to history American cultural memory of the Vietnam War /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1153500782.

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Witmer, Richard Clarence. "Partisan turnover in congressional elections, 1972-1996: A district level approach." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284021.

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Prior research on congressional elections is decidedly candidate centered. While candidates are important to the electoral process, the individual is but one of a number of factors in congressional elections. In this research I expand the debate on congressional elections to include how political parties survive across time in congressional districts. To do this I model party turnover from 1972 to 1996 using a number of district level attributes. This includes whether an incumbent candidate is seeking reelection, competitiveness of the district in the previous election, length of time a district has supported the incumbent party, district context (and district context change) and region of the country. The probability of a quality challenger emerging in a congressional district is also estimated given the aforementioned district level attributes. Presence of a quality challenger is then added to the district level model and the probability of party turnover is estimated. To estimate the effects of district level attributes on party turnover, an event history analysis with a logit specification is used. This allows for the inclusion of duration dependence given a binomial dependent variable. The implications for this research are numerous, including the effects of party turnover on representation and redistributive benefits for a congressional district. A second implication focuses on how political context affects the survival of political parties in congressional districts given the redistricting process. Finally, the possible effects of district level attributes and party turnover on party mobilization and voter turnout are discussed.
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Lambe, Paul James. "Political dealignment in Britain : the local evidence 1959-1979." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2052.

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This thesis challenges the dominant view that municipal elections tell us practically nothing about the preferences and attitudes of the voter to local issues and events, that municipal elections are no more than national referendums. It suggests that the influence of socio-economic environment and political context and indeed structural factors have hitherto been underestimated. It argues that municipal politics and voting behaviour impact upon parliamentary electoral behaviour and outcomes and thereby the politics of place impinge upon the national electoral level. The thesis employs a multi-disciplinary approach that combines the qualitative research methods of the historian and the quantitative statistical analysis of the political scientist to unravel the interactions between the politics of place and voting behaviour in Britain between 1959 and 1979 at a time of dealignment at the parliamentary level and increased politicisation of elections at the municipal level. Patterns and trends in party support at parliamentary elections in four constituencies were analysed using quantitative methods and contrasted with patterns and trends in party support at municipal elections in coterminous electoral units. Significant variance between the two levels of electoral activity was evidenced. The research then employed qualitative methods and evidence from four case studies was presented that local contextual factors could account for much of the disparity between municipal and national patterns of party support in these locations. Quantitative research methods were resumed and the statistical techniques of multivariate regression and logistic regression employed to analyse socio-economic, political and structural variables in relation to party support at municipal and parliamentary elections in the case study areas. The findings of the quantitative analysis corroborated much of the qualitative findings and the conclusion reached that the influence of contextual factors upon party support at municipal elections has been underestimated Furthermore, that the interdisciplinary methodology employed is one that others in both political science and history may fruitfully follow to the advantage of both disciplines.
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Students, National Union of South African. "October elections: a recipe for conflict?" Student Representative Council, University of the Witwatersrand, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773.

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On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
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Books on the topic "Elections, 1974"

1

Drettakēs, Manolēs G. Hoi ekloges tēs eikosaetias: 1974-1994. Athēna: Ekdoseis Hodos, 1994.

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Bernard, Lachaise, and Tricaud Sabrina, eds. Georges Pompidou et les élections (1962-1974). Bruxelles, Belgique: P.I.E.-Peter Lang, 2008.

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Las bases sociales del voto en Costa Rica, 1974-1978. San José, Costa Rica: Uruk Editores, 1985.

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Cointet, Jean-Paul. Georges Pompidou et les élections (1962-1974). Bruxelles, Belgique: P.I.E.-Peter Lang, 2008.

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Febrillet, Felipe Neris Cabrera. Elecciones y fraudes electorales dominicanos, 1974-1990. Sto Dgo, Rep. Dom: Editora Babeque, 1991.

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Brischetto, Robert R. The political empowerment of Texas Mexicans, 1974-1988. San Antonio, TX (403 E. Commerce, Suite 260, San Antonio 78205): Southwest Voter Research Institute, 1988.

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Mario Franciscus Josephus van Tilburg. Lokaal of nationaal?: Het lokale karakter van de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen in Nederlandse gemeenten (1974-1990). Gravenhage: VNG Uitgeverij, 1993.

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Lamounier, Bolivar. Authoritarian Brazil revisitado: O impacto das eleições na abertura política brasileira, 1974-1982. São Paulo, SP: Instituto de Estudos Econômicos, Sociais e Políticos de São Paulo, 1985.

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Partidos e democracia em Portugal: 1974-2005 : da revolução ao bipartidarismo. Lisboa: Instituto Ciencias Sociais, 2007.

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Malaysia. Election laws: Containing, Elections Act, 1958, Election Offences Act, 1954, Elections Commission Act, 1957, Elections (Registration of Electors) Regulations, 1971, Elections (Conduct of Elections) Regulations, 1981, as at 5th January 1994. Kuala Lumpur: International Law Book Services, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections, 1974"

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Pappas, Takis S. "Parties and Elections, 1974–81." In Making Party Democracy in Greece, 57–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333983614_3.

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Elliott, Euel W. "The 1984 Election: 1972 Replayed?" In Issues and Elections, 83–99. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429042652-6.

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Burki, Shahid Javed. "The 1977 Elections." In Pakistan Under Bhutto, 1971–1977, 195–217. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19529-9_9.

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Ortega Ortiz, Reynaldo Yunuen. "Maintaining Elections: 1970, 1976 and 1982." In Presidential Elections in Mexico, 45–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56032-8_3.

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Burki, Shahid Javed. "Preparing for Elections in 1977." In Pakistan Under Bhutto, 1971–1977, 171–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19529-9_8.

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Butler, David, and Gareth Butler. "Elections." In British Political Facts 1900–1994, 213–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23751-7_4.

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Butler, David, and Gareth Butler. "Elections." In British Political Facts Since 1979, 107–33. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230554764_4.

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Ryan, David. "Undermining Democracy: Elections 1984." In US-Sandinista Diplomatic Relations, 88–106. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24229-0_5.

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Holmes, Martin. "The 1979 General Election." In The Labour Government, 1974–79, 154–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09102-7_9.

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Holmes, Martin. "The 1979 General Election." In The Labour Government, 1974–79, 154–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07201-9_9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Elections, 1974"

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Jacintho, Lucas Henrique Mantovani, Tiago Pinho Da Silva, Antonio Rafael Sabino Parmezan, and Gustavo Enrique de Almeida Prado Alves Batista. "Brazilian Presidential Elections: Analysing Voting Patterns in Time and Space Using a Simple Data Science Pipeline." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11979.

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Since 1989, the first year of the democratic presidential election after a long period of a dictatorship regime, Brazil conducted eight presidential elections. This period was marked by short and long-term shifts of power and two impeachment processes. Such instability is a case of study in electoral studies, e.g., the study of the population voting behavior. Understanding patterns in the population behavior can give us insight into factors and influences that affect the quality of democratic political decisions. In light of this, our paper focuses on analyzing the Brazilian presidential election voting behavior across the years and the Brazilian territory. Following a data science pipeline, we divided the analysis process into five steps: (i) data selection; (ii) data preprocessing; (iii) identification of spatial patterns, in which we seek to understand the role of space in the election results using spatial autocorrelation techniques; (iv) identification of temporal patterns, where we investigate similar trends of votes over the years using a hierarchical clustering method; and (v) evaluation of the results. It is noteworthy that the data in this work represents the election results at the municipal level, from 1994 to 2018, of the two most relevant parties of this period: the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and the Workers’ Party (PT). Through the results obtained, we found the existence of spatial dependence in every electoral year investigated. Moreover, despite the changes in the political-economic context over the years, neighboring cities seem to present similar voting behavior trends.
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Grundling, J. P., and L. Steynberg. "Academic entrepreneurship: Challenges facing South Africa." In 16th Annual High Technology Small Firms Conference, HTSF 2008. University of Twente, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3990/2.268488241.

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Academic entrepreneurship in general implies ipso facto the involvement of academic staff in commercial activities in a system that builds on university-industry relations. In this relationship it is expected from industry to acquire knowledge from institutions of higher education and to utilize this knowledge in the innovation process. On the other hand, academic entrepreneurship also occurs within the national boundaries of a specific country possessing a distinct history and culture. In the case of South Africa, the entrepreneurial culture was build over more than three centuries, 1652 to 1994, on an institutionalized political system of racial segregation. True democracy was only achieved in April 1994 when South Africans saw the first-ever democratic vote and election in South Africa. This paper intends to analyze and evaluate the challenges of academic entrepreneurship for institutions of higher education in South Africa following a historical and survey research design approach. The results revealed that higher education institutions in South Africa, despite remarkable achievements, are still struggling to comply with the demands of the knowledge economy and in the enhancement of academic entrepreneurship.
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Martynov, Dmitry. "LIU RENHANG AND HERBERT G. WELLS." In 9th International Conference ISSUES OF FAR EASTERN LITERATURES. St. Petersburg State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/9785288062049.30.

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Liu Renhang (1885–1938) was known as a Shanghai publicist and propagandist of Buddhism, vegetarianism and non-violence. Having been educated in Japan, he could not establish relations with Zhang Xun and Yan Xishan. He made a long journey to India and Indochina, talked with Rabindranath Tagore. In the 1920s and 1930s, Liu Renhang published over 30 books, mostly translated from Japanese and English. He published translations of L. N. Tolstoy’s short stories, books on hydrotherapy and yoga, and founded the Institute for the Cultivation of Joy in Shanghai (乐天 修养 馆). The main work of his life was Dongfang Datong Xuean in 6 juan, the creation of which was carried out in 1918–1924. The treatise was fully published in Shanghai in 1926, and was reprinted in 1991 and 2014. Its main content was to consider the classical ideals of Xiaokang and Datong, and the possibility of combining ideals with the realities of the modern world. Liu Renhang believed that the ideal of Datong Confucius and Kang Yuwei is fully compatible with Buddhist teachings. During the fifth session of the Central Election Commission of the Kuomintang of the fourth convocation (1934), he tried to announce at the meeting a petition on the introduction of the principle of Great Unity in international relations. In 1938, he created the utopian commune Datong in his native village, and tried to interest Zhou Enlai and Dong Biu with his theories. In the Dongfang Datong Xuean treatise, Liu Renhang introduced the “history of the future”, which was influenced by H. G. Wells’ globalist and Fabian ideas. Liu Renhang directly referred to his novel The War in the Air in conclusion to his own treatise. Like Wells, Liu looked with pessimism on the prospects of modern mankind, and called for the emergence of a “modern Genghis Khan”, who would ruin the world, on the ashes of which the sprout of a new Great Unity would rise.
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Reports on the topic "Elections, 1974"

1

Hill, Patricia. Upton Sinclair and the 1934 California gubernatorial election. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2931.

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Presidential elections, 1972-1984; Presidential elections, 1789-1968. US Geological Survey, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.3133/32550.

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