To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Elections, 1974.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Elections, 1974'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Elections, 1974.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Turner, Michael Thomas Eugeniusz. "Incumbency effects in English Local Elections 1974-2010 : assessing the advantage of electoral defence." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2994.
Full textAbstract:
The study of electoral defence and its stated advantages are an integral part of American political science. Post-war, much academic literature has emerged in an attempt to identify and explain rising re-election rates of congressional incumbents and the political consequences of such a phenomenon (Mayhew 1974; Fiorina 1977; Cain, Ferejohn & Fiorina 1987; Gelman & King 1990; King 1991). Conversely, the study of political incumbency in Britain can be attributed to a handful of scholars who tend to consider the repercussions at parliamentary level (Williams 1967, King 1981, Cain, Ferejohn and Fiorina 1984, Norton 1990 & 1994, Norris, Valance & Lovenduski 1992). Consequently, incumbency advantage at the local level remains a relatively under-researched topic in England, confined to the sub-chapters of Rallings & Thrasher (1997). The aim of this thesis is to research and present evidence in support of incumbency effects in English local elections and the extent to which they influence their outcome, in that, incumbent candidates fare better than less experienced candidates, to different degrees across the three major parties. It will do so using survey and electoral data collected by The Elections Centre at Plymouth University, drawing on established methods from the literature and demonstrating via a variety of data and methods, that incumbency advantage is indeed a real phenomenon effecting the outcomes of local elections in England. The research provides substantial evidence for Sophomore Surge and Retirement Slump effects throughout the period examined (1974-2010). These methods of estimation feature alongside a number of others, which are constructed to uncover the significance of defending, rather than challenging for a council seat. A number of influences on the advantage that defending councillors maintain are also presented, including district magnitude, ward size and rural/urban classification. Results reveal a modest advantage for Conservative and Labour incumbent candidates, whilst the effects are shown to be stronger for the Liberal Democrats, a finding that is in step with the existing literature on electoral trends and the local campaign strategy of the party (Dorling et al, 1998; McAllister et al, 2002; Russell & Fieldhouse, 2005; Cutts 2006).
2
Norcross, Baxter. "War, Race, and Gender in American Presidential Elections in 1964 and 1972." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/80.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the partisan shift that took place in American Presidential elections during the Vietnam War. Specifically, I examine the landslide elections of 1964 and 1972 and how race, gender, and American casualties played a part in the shift.
3
Lévesque, Stéphane. "Participation électorale comparée et théorie des enjeux, les élections québécoises de 1970 à 1994." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0006/MQ44678.pdf.
Full text
4
Bäckström, Gustav. "Tala är silver, men är tiga guld? : En studie av den socialdemokratiska regeringens kommunikation till väljarna, åren 1994-2006." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-42.
Full textAbstract:
In this study, I have examined the previous Social Democratic government’s communication with the voters, focusing on its promises during election campaigns, and the presentation of achieved results. The theories used are the mandate- and sanction theory; the first focuses on voters comparing manifestos to find the most agreeable, whilst the latter concentrates on voters evaluation the work of the previous government, to either discharge or support it. For the sanction theory to work, voters must have the necessary information to evaluate the government in progress. The question is; did the previous government provide the voters with such information?
This has been done through scrutinizing the Social Democrats’ election manifestos that was used between 1994 and 2006, to examine what the party promised to achieve in economics and the labor market. Furthermore, I have studied the official statistics, provided by Statistiska Centralbyrån, to see whether the government fulfilled these promises, and if they provide the voters with the results of these promises.
The study shows that the Social Democrats display a lack of result presentation to the voters; neither the promise that was fulfilled, nor the ones the party failed to achieve were properly accounted for. This makes it more difficult for voters to evaluate the government’s performance, which poses a threat to the representative democracy; voters must be able to assess the governments, so that they may execute sanctions and remove the government from office when unsatisfied.
5
Cornu, Claude. "Elections et vie politique dans l'Eure de 1848 à 1914." Rouen, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986ROUEL016.
Full textAbstract:
De 1848 a 1914, le département de l’Eure se montre dans l'ensemble prudemment conservateur, se ralliant au régime établi dès lors qu'il ne remet pas en cause les droits acquis et les équilibres traditionnels, se rangeant dans l'opposition lorsque l'ordre social lui paraît menacé. Bonapartiste sous le Second Empire, il élit les candidats que lui désigne l'administration. Après la chûte de l'Empire, nous voyons les électeurs se rallier peu à peu à la République dès lors qu'elle présente un visage modéré et rassurant, mais se détourner de la République radicale à l'heure des luttes anticléricales et du bloc des gauches, mais, conservateur, l'électorat n'est pas clérical; il se détourne de tous les courants extrêmes, de droite comme de gauche. En 1914, les socialistes ne recueillent pas 2% des voix. Même les radicaux suscitent la méfiance, sauf dans l'arrondissement d'Évreux. Car il faut souligner les disparités régionales. Depuis 1848, l'arrondissement d'Évreux s'est toujours montré fermement républicain et volontiers radical. Même sous l'Empire, malgré l'encadrement de l'opinion, l'opposition y obtient un nombre de voix important. Les quatre autres arrondissements, en revanche, votent dans leur ensemble pour les conservateurs. Les arrondissements des Andelys et de Bernay sont des fiefs de la droite, ceux de Louviers et de Pont-Audemer oscillent entre la droite et la gauche en fonction des circonstances. Le département de l’Eure offre aussi l'exemple d'une vie politique intense. Une participation électorale élevée, plus élevée que dans l'ensemble du pays, une presse nombreuse (quelque 40 journaux en 1914), et face aux conservateurs un parti républicain actif et organisé. A deux reprises, à la suite de défaites électorales, radicaux et républicains modérés mettent sur pied dans chaque canton des comités permanents pour préparer les échéances électorales. En 1885, puis au début du siècle. En 1909 cet effort aboutit à la création d'une fédération départementale. L'année suivante, ce sont les courants de la droite qui s'unissent et forment leur fédération départementale, dite des républicains indépendantsFrom 1848 to 1914, the department of l’Eure as a whole kept a cautious conservative attitude, either joigning the established regime as long as it did not question acquired rights and traditional balance, or siding with opposition when the social order seemed to be threatened. As a Bonapartist department under the Second Empire, il elected candidates appointed by the government. After the fall of the empire, the electors gradually joined the republic as long as it showed a reassuring moderate face ; yet they turned away from the radical republic at the time of anticlerical struggles and the bloc des gauches. Though il was conservative, the electorate was not clerical; il turned away from any extreme tendency either right or left-wing. In 1914, the socialists did not get 2% out of the votes. Even the radical party inspired mistrust, except in the district of Évreux. However, one must underline local disparities. Since 1848, the district of Évreux had always been steadily republican and willingly radical. Even under the Second Empire, the opposition managed to get a great number of votes, in spite of the control of public opinion. On the other hand, the four other districts by and large voted conservative. The districts of les Andelys and Bernay were right wing strongholds, whereas in those of Louviers and Pont-Audemer the pendulum swang between right and left depending of circumstances. The department of l’Eure also gave a good example of intense political life: high electoral participation, higher than in the rest of the country, a numerous press (about 40 newspapers in 1914), an active organised republican party confronted with the conservatives. Twice, after electoral failures, radicals and moderate republicans organized permanent committees in every district to prepare the elections. In 1885 and at the beginning of the century. In 1909 their efforts resulted in the creation of a departmental federation. The year after, right-wing currents gathered together to form their own departmental federation known as that of the independent republicans
6
Cornu, Claude. "Elections et vie politique dans l'Eure de 1848 à 1914." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375968310.
Full text
7
Wilson, Kevin Arthur. "From memory to history American cultural memory of the Vietnam War /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1153500782.
Full text
8
Witmer, Richard Clarence. "Partisan turnover in congressional elections, 1972-1996: A district level approach." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284021.
Full textAbstract:
Prior research on congressional elections is decidedly candidate centered. While candidates are important to the electoral process, the individual is but one of a number of factors in congressional elections. In this research I expand the debate on congressional elections to include how political parties survive across time in congressional districts. To do this I model party turnover from 1972 to 1996 using a number of district level attributes. This includes whether an incumbent candidate is seeking reelection, competitiveness of the district in the previous election, length of time a district has supported the incumbent party, district context (and district context change) and region of the country. The probability of a quality challenger emerging in a congressional district is also estimated given the aforementioned district level attributes. Presence of a quality challenger is then added to the district level model and the probability of party turnover is estimated. To estimate the effects of district level attributes on party turnover, an event history analysis with a logit specification is used. This allows for the inclusion of duration dependence given a binomial dependent variable. The implications for this research are numerous, including the effects of party turnover on representation and redistributive benefits for a congressional district. A second implication focuses on how political context affects the survival of political parties in congressional districts given the redistricting process. Finally, the possible effects of district level attributes and party turnover on party mobilization and voter turnout are discussed.
9
Lambe, Paul James. "Political dealignment in Britain : the local evidence 1959-1979." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2052.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis challenges the dominant view that municipal elections tell us practically nothing about the preferences and attitudes of the voter to local issues and events, that municipal elections are no more than national referendums. It suggests that the influence of socio-economic environment and political context and indeed structural factors have hitherto been underestimated. It argues that municipal politics and voting behaviour impact upon parliamentary electoral behaviour and outcomes and thereby the politics of place impinge upon the national electoral level. The thesis employs a multi-disciplinary approach that combines the qualitative research methods of the historian and the quantitative statistical analysis of the political scientist to unravel the interactions between the politics of place and voting behaviour in Britain between 1959 and 1979 at a time of dealignment at the parliamentary level and increased politicisation of elections at the municipal level. Patterns and trends in party support at parliamentary elections in four constituencies were analysed using quantitative methods and contrasted with patterns and trends in party support at municipal elections in coterminous electoral units. Significant variance between the two levels of electoral activity was evidenced. The research then employed qualitative methods and evidence from four case studies was presented that local contextual factors could account for much of the disparity between municipal and national patterns of party support in these locations. Quantitative research methods were resumed and the statistical techniques of multivariate regression and logistic regression employed to analyse socio-economic, political and structural variables in relation to party support at municipal and parliamentary elections in the case study areas. The findings of the quantitative analysis corroborated much of the qualitative findings and the conclusion reached that the influence of contextual factors upon party support at municipal elections has been underestimated Furthermore, that the interdisciplinary methodology employed is one that others in both political science and history may fruitfully follow to the advantage of both disciplines.
10
Students, National Union of South African. "October elections: a recipe for conflict?" Student Representative Council, University of the Witwatersrand, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773.
Full textAbstract:
On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
11
Roussin, Della Shirley. "Political legitimacy and regime change : the 1972 British Columbia election." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43282.
Full textAbstract:
The 1972 British Columbia general election marked the end of the twenty-year dominance of the Social Credit Party and Premier W.A.C. Bennett. Dave Barrett led the New Democratic Party to its first majority government ushering in the first Social Democratic government in the province's history. The reversal of Social Credit fortunes in 1972 should not be seen, however, as a rejection of the core values of the Social Credit party, but rather as a crisis of legitimacy faced by the party and its aging leader. As a case study, the 1972 election provides an opportunity to examine the agenda-setting function of media during an election campaign and the effects of declining political legitimacy and trust on voter behaviour.
12
Drain, Nathaniel Scott. "From blue to red electoral change in West Virginia's third congressional district, 1968-1984 /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10450/10820.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2009.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 72 p. : col. maps. Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 49-52).
13
Carter, John. "Post-Materialism: Its Impact on Presidential Election Year Issues, 1972-2000." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32740.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the measurable effects of changing cultural values on American presidential election year issues from 1972 to 2000.
Topics discussed: the long-term shift in cultural values and their impact on political parties, party support, and political priorities. There is congruence between the content of the two major political party platforms from 1972-2000 and the cultural priorities of party supporters as defined by their presidential vote. This relationship also holds true for the 'most significant issue facing the nation' variable in the National Election Studies and presidential vote choice. These results are reproduced in a completely different data set of active political participants (follow the news closely, participate in political campaigns, vote consistently) assembled by Sydney Verba.
Both political parties must contend with the tensions that arise from differing cultural priorities of their supporters. This applies both within the parties as they must assemble winning electoral coalitions and between the parties which have taken on the cultural and political priorities of their strongest supporters. As the cultural priorities of major political party supporters shift, so have their quadrennial party platforms.Master of Arts
14
Ramsay, Gordon N. "The evolution of election coverage on British television news, 1979-2005." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2982/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive account of the nature and degree of change in British television news coverage of General Elections. By creating and utilising an in-depth content analysis coding frame, the analysis measures news quantitative and qualitative data across 270 bulletins, approximately 148hrs, of news content across the seven elections from 1979 to 2005. In doing so, it fills two gaps in the existing literature. First, it provides the first dedicated and consistent longitudinal analysis of British election news. Given the acknowledged importance of television news in the modern political process, it is important to develop an understanding of how campaign news content has changed, both as a source of information for the public at moments of democratic renewal, and also in terms of the normative role of journalism in British politics. Second, it develops a toolkit by which political news content can be accurately and reliably measured. Most of the existing empirical research into British television election news content has employed inadequate or non-replicable measures, leaving a fragmentary body of data from which longitudinal conclusions cannot be drawn with confidence. By adapting and applying a series of measures based on other longitudinal media content studies, the thesis sets out a means by which future studies of news content can be guided. The thesis thus generates new data on four aspects of election news content. First, it casts serious doubt on the "tabloidisation" thesis, demonstrating that news in British terrestrial news bulletins has retained both an overwhelmingly serious news agenda, and a substantial commitment to election news coverage. Not only have levels of campaign coverage remained steady, but campaign coverage has been given a consistently prominent place in news bulletins, indicating a lasting commitment to a more „sacerdotal‟ approach to campaign coverage on both BBC and ITV, despite increasing competition in the television environment. Second, an analysis of the balance of substantive policy content and strategic campaign coverage shows that journalists on British television news have adopted aspects of an increasingly adversarial approach to covering campaigns, and have tended to view their role ever more as interpreters of political messages and campaign actions. Third, the research shows comprehensive evidence of a dramatic shrinking of political soundbites over the period of study, and a replacement of disappearing politician speech by journalists who feature more and speak progressively more often over the period of study. Finally, in order to determine the effect of technological changes in television news reporting, the thesis compares campaign and non-campaign news output, determining that, while some aspects of change in election news can be ascribed to technological changes, the rise of the journalist as the most prominent speaker in campaign news items cannot.
15
MeÌndez, de Hoyos Irma. "Electoral reforms and the rise of electoral competitiveness in Mexico, 1977-1997." Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327124.
Full text
16
Gouvea, Heitor B. "An Iridescent Dream: Money, Politics, and the American Republic, 1865-1976." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2218.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis advisor: R. Shep MelnickThe United States now has an extensive, publicly controlled, and bureaucratic system of election regulation. Until roughly a century ago, however, elections were viewed as private party contests subject to minimal state regulation. We examine how this changed, considering in particular the role played by the courts, given that for much of the nineteenth century they viewed the parties as private, constitutionally protected associations. We consider how and why the libertarian argument concerning free speech came to prominence in the campaign debate, and find that at first neither the reformers nor the courts at any level viewed this as a fundamental obstacle to--or even an issue to be considered in--the regulation of money in politics. This shift from a private to a public electoral system had a significant impact on American democracy that has not often been examined. To understand these changes, we examine the arguments put forth by advocates of cam-paign finance reform from the nineteenth to the latter part of the twentieth centuries. We focus on how the proponents justified these laws and how state and federal courts responded to these arguments, paying particular attention to court rulings on the constitutionality of these unprecedented statutes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and to the evolution of their jurisprudence in this regard during the twentieth century
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
17
Namburete, Eliana Munguambe. "A Content Analysis of Mozambican Newspapers' Coverage of the 2004 Presidential Election." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4851/.
Full textAbstract:
This study focuses on the amount of coverage given by four major tabloid newspapers-Demos, Zambeze, Savana and Domingo-to the candidates of the major political parties Renamo and Frelimo, during the 2004 presidential race. The number of stories of both parties in those newspapers were counted and calculated by chi-square to determine how much one party was covered than the other identifying signs of balance or bias. The research showed that there was a significant result of 42 percent of likelihood that stories in the four newspapers would either be about Frelimo or Renamo. However, the study also revealed that Frelimo was the party covered most often by Demos, Zambeze and Savana while Renamo was covered most often by Domingo.
18
Crawford, Jordan. "The ideological gap behavioral trends of the politically active, 1976-2004 /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5669.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 11, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
19
Crines, Andrew. "Michael Foot, the role of ideology and the Labour leadership elections of 1976 and 1980." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2010. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/9646/.
Full textAbstract:
The orthodox interpretation of Michael Foot's election as Labour Party leader in 1980 is that it resulted from a left-wing surge within the broader Party throughout the 1970s. This thesis challenges this assumption. It does so by presenting a contextualised analysis of Foot, the Labour Party and the leadership elections of 1976 and 1980. This thesis argues that it was Foot's reputation and loyalty in government that enabled his political evolution to accelerate towards becoming a conciliatory figure during his leadership. To undertake this reconsideration of the orthodoxy, this thesis has adapted a previously illuminating research approach as utilised by Timothy Heppell. Heppell has produced a number of analyses upon ideological compositions of the Conservative Party during leadership elections, and, more recently, the Labour Party. This research approach was initially devised to consider only ideology. The approach has been improved by this thesis by including non-ideological considerations in order to draw out Labour specific factors in this analysis, because the extent to which the approach can be transferred to a different party at a different time required scrutiny. It is also necessary to acknowledge the need for a re-categorisation of the ideological factions within the Labour Party in order to gain a more complete understanding of Labour's ideological eclecticism. The social democratic right, the centrists, the inside left and outside left demonstrate that the simple assumption of 'left' and 'right' conceals a more complex Parliamentary composition. It is important to contextualise the analysis with a philosophical and historical discussion which places Michael Foot within Labour history. This enables a greater understanding of why he became the Labour leader to emerge. Foot's appropriateness as leader can only be fully appreciated by considering those who influenced him and his career in the Party along with the divided nature of the Labour Party over the period prior to his election. Through these discussions it becomes clear that Foot was able to secure the leadership because of his loyalty to the Labour Party, his record in government, and his Parliamentary interpretation of socialism which separated him from the outside left. This enabled him to be a leader the mainstream of the Party were able to broadly accept at a time of extreme division. His increased appropriateness as leader becomes more evident when contrasted against the likelihood of destructive divisions had a more ideologically dogmatic candidate such as Denis Healey or Tony Benn secured the leadership. The prevailing circumstances as well as the man must, therefore, be considered. This thesis also evaluates Foot's leadership with a view to demonstrate his ability to navigate the Labour Party following his election. The conclusion must be drawn that Labour's ability to prevail without disintegrating illustrates Foot's success as leader, and that the simplistic view that his leadership was simply the result of a left-wing surge is inadequate.
20
Ballance, John Christopher. "A longitudinal study of the effects of European parliamentary elections on national politics, 1979-2004." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.535114.
Full text
21
Ho, Karl Ka-yiu. "Dealignment Decades on: Partisanship and Party Support in Great Britain, 1979-1996." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278532/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation surveys electoral change in Great Britain during the period between 1979 and 1996. It analyzes the long-term factors and the short-term dynamics underlying the evolution of three aspects of the electorate: party identification, voting intentions and party support in inter-election periods. Drawing on cross-sectional and panel data from the British Election Studies and public opinion polls, I investigate the impacts of long-term socialization and short-term perceptions on voters' political decisions. I hypothesize that, over the last four elections, perceptual factors such as evaluations of party leaders and issues, particularly economic concerns, emerged as the major forces that account for the volatility in electoral behavior in Britain. Accordingly, this study is divided into three sections: Part I probes into the evolution in party identification across age cohorts and social classes as illustrated in trends in partisanship. Part II focuses on changes in voting intentions as affected by perceptual factors and party identification. Part III investigates the public's support for governing parties by analyzing the dynamics of aggregate party support during inter-election periods.
22
Hlavacova, Zuzana. "The Electoral Geography of the Slovak Republic: A Comparison of the 1994, 1998, and 2002 Parliamentary Elections." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/106.
Full textAbstract:
In what can rightly be said to be one of the most dramatic geopolitical shifts in modern times, the collapse of communist regimes in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union brought about dramatic changes in the entire region. As a consequence, wide ranging political, economic, and social transformations have occurred in almost all of these countries since 1989. The Slovak Republic, as a newly democratic country, went through the establishment of the electoral and party systems that are the central mechanisms to the formation of almost all modern democratic governments. The primary research purpose of this dissertation was to describe and explain regional variations in party support during Slovakia’s ten years of democratic transformation. A secondary purpose was to relate these spatial variations to the evolution of political parties in the post-independence period in light of the literature on transitional electoral systems. Research questions were analyzed using both aggregate and survey data. Specifically, the study utilized electoral data from 1994, 1998, and 2002 Slovak parliamentary elections and socio-economic data of the population within Slovak regions which were eventually correlated with the voting results by party in the 79 Slovak districts. The results of this study demonstrate that there is a tendency among voters in certain regions to provide continuous support to the same political parties/movements over time. In addition, the socio-economic characteristics of the Slovak population (gender, age, education, religion, nationality, unemployment, work force distribution, wages, urban-rural variable, and population density) in different regions tend to influence voting preferences in the parliamentary elections. Finally, there is an evident correlation between party preference and the party’s position on integration into European Union, as measured by perceived attitudes regarding the benefits of EU membership.
23
McCluskey, Nathan. "A Policy of Honesty: Election Manifesto Pledge Fulfilment in New Zealand 1972-2005." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2648.
Full textAbstract:
The 1980s and 1990s was a period in which dramatic changes occurred in New
Zealand’s political landscape. These changes affected many aspects of the way
democracy in New Zealand was understood and operated. In the 10 years from 1984-
1994, New Zealand moved from being a highly protected reasonably insular mixed
economy with significant levels of state intervention in most areas of the socioeconomic
framework to one with permeable borders that was quickly globalising
based on a market-model for both domestic and international business functions. This
was accompanied by a change in the electoral system from a simple majoritarian
plurality first-past-the-post system to a mixed member proportional representation
system that led to the breakdown of single-party government as it gave way to
coalition politics.
The causes of this latter shift related to a feeling that the previous system was both
unfair and gave too much power to a few individuals in one party who seemed to have
limited accountability. It was the belief of a substantial portion of the electorate that
successive governments had breached the people’s trust by ignoring unwritten
conventions around implementing an electoral mandate based on campaign manifesto
promises.
This thesis seeks for the first time to answer how real these perceptions were by
assessing pledge fulfilment before 1984, during the 1984 to 1996 period, and after the
advent of MMP, in order to reveal any changes that have occurred across this critical
period in New Zealand’s political history in relation to the application of the mandate
theory of democratic government. It will also provide insight for the first time into the
impact changing an electoral system has on election policy implementation for major
parties and raises important questions about popular ideas of democracy, electoral
support for election promise-keeping and methods of accountability as traditional
notions of democracy are challenged by the revealed reality of both government
action and voter reaction.
24
Kabler, Brent. "Class in context : the spatial dimensions of class consciousness evidence from the English elections, 1979-1992 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9974998.
Full text
25
Atlan, Catherine. "Elections et pratiques électorales au Sénégal (1940-1958) : histoire sociale et culturelle de la décolonisation." Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0093.
Full text
26
Niemi, Michael Frederick Hart. "REMAKING REPUBLICANISM: JOBS, TAXES AND SUBURBIA IN MICHIGAN, 1954-1962." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1470302817.
Full text
27
Even, M. "The evolution of political television in Britain and its influence on election campaigns 1950-1970." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375887.
Full text
28
Eldridge, Matthew. "Now wasn't the time : the ANC's 1994 election campaign in South Africa's Western Cape Province." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17532.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: pages [156]-159.I have written this dissertation as an empirical study of the African National Congress' (ANC) 1994 election campaign in South Africa's Western Cape Province. Primarily, I address one overriding question: what are the principal reasons for and ramifications of the AN C's inability to win control of the province? I begin by exploring key factors concerning the history, demographics, electoral system and pre-campaign voter attitudes of the province that may have influenced how the party developed and implemented its strategy. I describe the evolution of the campaign, including strategic decisions made before and during its execution, and analyze the content of appeals to voters. I then assess the extent to which the above factors may have affected the campaign and examine the election results. I conclude by offering plausible implications of this case for future ANC campaigns in the Western Cape.
29
Kentmen, Cigdem. "Why do people abstain from the European Parliament elections? am empirical test of second order theory, 1979-1999 /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5976.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on December 26, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.
30
Ware, Lawrence. "The development of party systems and the determinants of partisan voting in English local government elections 1973-1998." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1658.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis takes a quantitative approach to the study of the development of party systems in English local government following its reorganisation in the early 1970s. Aggregate data, including local election results and census information, are used to identify the determinants of partisan support and the subsequent effects upon variations in local party systems. The study develops the first major classification of local party systems between 1973 and 1998, focussing principally upon factors accounting for variations in the evolution of such systems. This study provides the first clear evidence that the operation of local electoral systems contributes towards the production and maintenance of two-party dominance. However, in contrast to the national parliamentary situation, the two parties are not restricted to Conservative and Labour. The thesis highlights how third parties, particularly the Liberals, became a significant part of the local party system in a relatively large number of cases. Variations in electoral arrangements between local authorities, including differences in district magnitude and the nature of the electoral cycle, permit examination of their effects upon local party systems within a common national political culture. The effects of these variations are shown to either benefit or discriminate against the Liberals. Using aggregate data and methods of linear regression, the thesis analyses patterns of partisan voting in local government. It shows that socioeconomic factors such as class, housing and employment, theoretically identified as important for parliamentary elections, are related also to local voting for the three main parties, although the relationships are weaker for the Liberals than for the traditional two main parties. Confirmation of these findings is provided by the application of methods designed to solve the problems of ecological inference.
31
Jones, Bernadine. "Desperately seeking depth: global and local narratives of the South African general elections on television news, 1994 - 2014." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/27846.
Full textAbstract:
Eric Louw, Jesper Stömbäck, and W. Lance Bennett call the trend in late-20th century political journalism "mediatisation", where the televisualisation of Western elections favours episodic, dramatic, fragmented, and event-driven reporting. This "hype-ocracy" results in narrow and shallow frames that entertain rather than enlighten. This thesis, titled "Desperately Seeking Depth", examines this trend in both international and local news about South African elections. While scholarship of Western elections on TV news is blossoming, analyses of news coverage of South African elections is sparse. There is particularly little analysis of the visual dimensions of TV news coverage, which remains a methodological challenge for media and communication scholars. This thesis draws together a comprehensive analysis of South Africa's general elections on international and local television news over two decades. It develops an innovative, multimodal analysis method dedicated to television news and adds meaningful data to the overall study of South African media and politics, and international communication. It combines analysis of previous studies of each election with the original analysis of over 150 news broadcasts to uncover the news narratives about the South African general elections between 1994 and 2014. This thesis demonstrates the difference between global and local journalism about South African elections. Restricted by mediatised news values that favour episodic reporting, Western journalists present entangled, contradictory narratives over the years. The fixation on 1994's violent-turned-miracle election narrative ignored the complexities of the new democracy, while an increasingly detached approach in covering the 2009 and 2014 ANC victories left journalists perplexed and unable to explore deeper narratives. Meanwhile, South African channels become progressively more hesitant to investigate controversial topics or criticise the ruling party. Avoidance of important issues such as the 1994 election violence, the AIDS crisis in 2004, and Zuma's Nkandla fiasco in 2014 results in narrow reporting that limits the substantive information available during the election periods. All channels to some extent seek narratives that attempt to explain and explore South Africa's complex democracy, but these narratives are often contradictory. The decline in journalists' engagement with political leaders and citizens means that the full picture of the elections is reduced to a few easily digestible frames that confirm neoliberal news values. This thesis offers a new model for the analysis of TV news coverage of elections that can provide the basis for future studies. "Desperately Seeking Depth" ultimately uncovers a picture of news industry that, both locally and globally, works as an echo chamber of sound bites that focused on elite voices.
32
Nilsson, Joel, and Albin Rossing. "Vem är det egentligen som har ordet här? : En studie av Sveriges televisions Slutdebatt 1994-2010." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-33460.
Full textAbstract:
The final debate in Swedish television has, since it´s start 1956, been one of the most intense and important elements of the media coverage in the Swedish election campaigns. In the beginning of 1991 the Swedish television monopoly was dismissed and made way for a new situation of competing between public service and new actors of the television market. This study explores how the final debate in Swedish public service television has changed between 1994 and 2010. This was done by studying the five debates which was broadcasted the week before the election day 1994, 1998, 2002, 2006 and 2010. This study aims to provide information on how the staging and structure of the program has changed since the television monopoly was dismissed and the development of relationships and power between actors in the final debate (hosts and politicians) between 1994 and 2010. This study was conducted using critical discourse analysis and qualitative content analysis on these five final debates retrieved from Research Service, department of audiovisual media. The results show that the power of media has grown during this period and that the final debate has gone from being controlled by political logic to being controlled by media logic. In practice this has led to final debates that are increased in time, simplified, and controlled by the hosts rather than the politicians.
33
Hofmeyr, Jan Hendrik. "Foreign observers in South African elections : an assessment of their contributions." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51768.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the past three decades the practice of international election observation has shifted its focus from elections taking place within a decolonialisation context, to those in independent, but formerly undemocratic, states. The latter accepted the presence of international observers with some reservation, citing the contention that observation amounted to an infringement on national sovereignty. The demise of the former East Block, however, established the primacy of the liberal democratic ideology in world politics, leaving these states with a limited choice between democratisation and isolation. Pro-democracy supporters in former authoritarian countries embraced the change in ideological climate. Realising the lack of capacity and trust to run elections by themselves, they generally supported the presence of international observers in elections of states emerging from prolonged periods of authoritarianism. Over the past decade this affinity with international missions has been transformed into skepticism. Three primary reasons for this disenchantment have been the apparent lack of electoral standards, uncoordinated observer missions and failure to convince voters of their impartiality. This assignment represents a scholarly attempt to evaluate the contributions of international election observers to South African elections. On a theoretical level it addresses the three criticisms against foreign observation. Drawing on the vast body of international literature, the author suggests three countermeasures. These suggestions, aimed at enhancing the contributions of international observer consist of: 1) a greater consideration for the political context within which an election takes place; 2) the pooling of international observer capacity and 3) more scope to, and cooperation with, local observer groups. Each of these measures is transferred to the South African electoral reality to establish the extent of their application in this practical context. With regard to the first proposal the author finds that clear consideration has been given to contextual factors in both elections. An assessment of the quality of coordination of international observer groups also indicates that the practice of pooling resources have been employed with success by a number of missions. In this field the U.N. played a leading role. Cooperation between international observers and their local counterparts is however an aspect that has been lagging behind. The opportunity for capacity building, a significant benefit of such cooperation, has therefore to a large extent been lost. In the light of this, and the uncertainty of future international involvement, the author asserts that in future South Africans will increasingly be dependent on the cultivation of homegrown capacity. He therefore believes that initiatives such as the creation of the SADC Electoral Forum in 1998 are commendable and should be encouraged.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die fokus van internasionale verkiesingwaarneming het in die loop van die laaste drie dekades wesenlik verskuif van die tradisionele dekolonisasie verkiesingskonteks, na waarneming binne onafhanklike state waar die omskakeling van outoritêre na demokratiese regeringsvorms redelik onlangs plaasgevind het. Laasgenoemde state moes waarnemers, en die verkiesings wat waargeneem is, met voorbehoud aanvaar. Die alternatiewe was egter beperk. Die val van die voormalige Oosblok en die gevolglike triomf van die liberale demokrasie, het ondemokratiese state met 'n eenvoudige keuse gelaat: hervorm of staar isolasie in die gesig. Pro-demokratiese groepe in voormalige outoritêre state het die nuwe klimaat van politieke vryheid verwelkom. In die besef dat nuwe demokrasieë waarskynlik nie oor die nodige ervaring en wedersydse vertroue binne die bevolking beskik om verkiesings volkome te laat vlot nie, is buitelandse bystand - met inbegrip van internasionale waarneming - deur dié groepe verwelkom. In die afgelope dekade het die positiewe konnotasie aan internasionale verkiesingswaarneming egter in gedrang gekom. Drie kernredes hiervoor was die skynbare gebrek aan universele verkiesingstandaarde, swak georganiseerde waarnemer afvaardigings en 'n algemene gebrek om hul motiewe bo verdenking te plaas. Die sentrale oogmerk van hierdie werkstuk is die evaluasie van die bydraes gemaak deur internasionale verkiesingswaarnemers in die twee Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesings van 1994 en 1999. Op 'n teoretiese vlak is die drie bogenoemde gebreke aangespreek, en na raadpleging van internasionale literatuur oor die onderwerp is drie teenmaatreëls geidentifiseer. Hierdie aktiwiteite, gemik op meer effektiewe internasionale betrokkenheid bestaan uit: 1) groter aandag wat geskenk moet word aan politeke konteks; 2) die kombinering van internasionale waarnemer vaardighede vir beter resultate, en 3) groter klem wat gelê moet word op samewerking tussen nasionale en internasionale waarnemers. Elkeen van hierdie vereistes is oorgedra na die Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesingskonteks om vas te stel tot watter mate dié gebruike in Suid-Afrika wortel geskied het. Wat betref die eerste voorstel met betrekking tot konteksgebonde evaluasie, is daar vasgestel dat dit wel deel was van internasionale waarnemer praktyk in beide verkiesings. 'n Waardeskatting van die koordinasie van internasionale waarnemingsgroepe dui verder daarop dat samewerking tussen waarnemergroepe oor die algemeen bygedra het tot 'n versterking van inisiatiewe deur internasionale waarnemers. Op hierdie gebied het die Verenigde Nasies veral 'n sleutelrol gespeel. 'n Aspek wat egter agterweë gebly het, is die vlak van samewerking tussen internasionale waarnemers en hul Suid- Afrikaanse eweknieë. Hier is 'n waardevolle geleentheid verspeel om die kapasiteit van plaaslike verkiesingswaarnemers te versterk. Dit, en die feit dat toekomstige internasionale teenwoordigheid in die toekoms nie 'n sekerheid is nie, sal volgens die skrywer, beteken dat Suid-Afrikaners in die toekoms toenemend aangewese sal wees op die ontwikkeling van eie kapasiteit. In die lig hiervan moet inisiatiewe soos SAOG se nuutgestigte Verkiesingsforum verwelkom en aangemoedig word.
34
Kisin, Tatyana Tuba Kelman. "Electoral Rules, Political Parties, and Peace Duration in Post-conflict States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699884/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the following research question: Which types of electoral rules chosen in post-conflict states best promote peace? And are those effects conditional upon other factors? I argue that the effects are conditional upon the types of political parties that exist in the post-conflict environment. Although this explanation is contrary to scholars that speak of political parties as products of the electoral system, political parties often predate the choice of electoral system. Especially in post-conflict states, political parties play an important role in the negotiation process and hence in the design of the electoral rules. I argue that the effects of electoral rules on peace duration are mitigated by the degree to which a party system is broad (nonexclusive) or narrow (exclusive). I develop a theoretical model that led to three hypotheses focusing on the independent role that political parties play in mitigating the effects of electoral rules on peace duration. To test these hypotheses, I use the Cox proportional hazard model on 57 post-conflict states from 1990 to 2009 and had competitive elections. The empirical results show support for the main argument of this study. First, the findings show that electoral rules alone do not increase or decrease the risk of civil war outbreak, yet when interacting with the degree to which political parties are broad or narrow, there is a significant effect on the outbreak of civil war. Second, the results show that post-conflict states with party centered electoral systems (closed list PR system) are less likely to have an outbreak of civil war when more seats in the parliament are controlled by broad-based parties. In addition, I conduct a comparative case study analysis of two post-conflict states, Angola (1975-1992) and Mozambique (1975-1994), using the most similar systems (MSS) research design.
35
Wessels, Ricardo Peter. "The cost of South Africa's 1999 National Elections : too high a price for democracy?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51953.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis addresses the financial cost implications incurred during elections, with special focus on South Africa. The discussion is conducted by way of comparing South Africa to countries like India, Australia, Israel and Mexico. Democracy entails more than merely conducting periodic elections that are free and fair, but it cannot be less. To a large extent free and fair elections are indicative of the governing authority's commitment to democracy. This commitment however, does have financial implications. A question that is very rarely addressed relates to the financial cost implications that accompany this commitment. For a country such as South Africa with a range of other pressing socio-economic issues, the cost factor with regard to the voting process is of vital importance. The South African electoral experience, in comparison to that of other developing countries, is presently a very costly undertaking at a conservative average cost of more than US $13.00 per vote. Depending on how the expenses are calculated, this figure takes on hefty proportions. To an extent the tardiness on the part of the South African Government in appointing the Electoral Commission to conduct the 1999 elections and the subsequent conflicts regarding the budgetary allocations to the Electoral Commission (EC) combined with poor electoral planning, resulted in the EC having to resort to very expensive technology in order to ensure that a free and fair election would be conducted on the date set by the President. Apart from addressing the above mentioned issues, relating to the cost expenditure during elections, the assignment also addresses possible ways to reduce these costs incurred.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis fokus op die finansiële uitgawes wat tydens verkiesings aangegaan word, met spesifieke verwysing na Suid-Afrika. Die bespreking geskied aan die hand van 'n vergelyking met lande soos Indië, Australië, Israel en Mexico. Demokrasie behels baie meer as net die hou van periodieke vrye en regverdige verkiesings, maar dit kan ook nie enigiets minder as dit behels nie. Vrye en regverdige verkiesings is tot 'n groot mate 'n bewys van 'n bepaalde regime se verbintenis tot die demokrasie. Hierdie verbintenis het egter finansiële implikasies vir 'n land. Die finansiële koste verbonde aan hierdie "verbintenis" is egter selde 'n punt van akademiese bespreking. Met die aantal sosio-ekonomiese vraagstukke waarmee die Suid-Afrikaanse regering op die oomblik gekonfronteeer word, is dit van kardinale belang dat dringende aandag geskenk word aan pogings om die koste-faktor van die verkiesingsproses so laag as moontlik te hou. In vergelyking met die gemiddelde koste wat verbonde is aan verkiesings in ander ontwikkelende lande, was die 1999 Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesing (teen sowat US $13,00 per kieser) 'n duur onderneming en afhangende van hoe die kostes bereken word, ontaard hierdie bedrag in 'n aardige een. Tot 'n groot mate was swak verkiesingsbeplanning die oorsaak dat daar tot duur tegnologie gewend moes om te verseker dat die verkiesing vry en regverdig verloop, soos op die datum wat deur die President bepaal is. Die laat aanwysing van die 1999 Verkiesingskommissie en die daaropvolgende konflik oor die verkiesingsbegroting, het ook bygedra tot die feit dat duur tegnologie ingespan moes word. Afgesien van bogenoemde aspekte, bespreek die tesis ook moontlike maniere om toekomstige verkiesings in Suid-Afrika teen 'n laer koste te hou.
36
Riottot, Yveline. "Joaquin Maurin : de l'anarcho-syndicalisme au communiste (1919-1936)." Université Pierre Mendès France (Grenoble ; 1990-2015), 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996GRE29016.
Full textAbstract:
Cette these retrace l'itineraire politique exemplaire de joaquis maurin depuis ses premiers engagements militants au sein du syndicalisme revolutionnaire en 1919 jusqu'au choix communiste dissident des annees 1930. Entre au parti communiste espagnol (p. C. E. ) en 1924. Il s'eloignera progressivement de la politique de l'internationale communiste jusqu'a creer, lors de la proclamation de la republique en 1931, son organisation propre, le bloque obrero y campesino (b. O. C. ). Inspirees du marxisme-leninisme, mais tenant compte des donnees politiques, sociales et economiques specifiques a l'espagne, les theories conceptuelles et strategiques de cette alternative revolutionnaire la situent entre socialisme, stalinisme et trotskysme. Le second volume precise les fondements d'une demarche qui conduit maurin a des propositions originales, tant a l'egard du syndicalisme que de l'antifascisme, assises sur le principe de politique unitaire, syndicale et politique. Ces propositions sont axees, d'une part, sur le front ouvrier unique, concretise en 1934 dans les alliances ouvrieres regies par le principe de democratie ouvriere, et, d'autre part, sur le part, sur le parti marxiste unique, dont le partido obrero de unificacion marxista (p. O. U. M. ) n'aurait du etre que la premiere etape. Constitue en 1935, ce parti represente cependant la plus importante organisation communiste independante des annees 30 au niveau international. Neanmoins, la question du front populaire, auquelle le p. O. U. M. Adhere sans conviction, mais sous l'etiquette duquel maurin est elu depute parlementaire en fevrier 1936, l'influence du communisme stalinien des juillet 1936, le contexte de guerre civile et son emprisonnement empecheront cet intellectuel d'action de concretiser plus avant ses perspectives unitairesThis thesis traces the joaquin maurin's exemplary political itinerary, from his first militant engagements in the bosom of the revolutionary syndicalism in 1919 up to the dissident communism option of the thirties, joining the partido comunista espagnol en 1924, he would differ gradually from the conintem's policy, so far as to create his own organisation, the bloque obrero y campesino in 1931, imbued with leninism, but taking into account the political peculiarities of spain, the conceptual and strategical theories of this revolutionary alternative place it between socialism, stalinisn and trotskyisa, the second book deals with the foundations of a thought which induces maurin to original propositions, with regard to syndicalism as to antifascisa, based upon the revolutionary unity concept. These proposals are centred, first, on the united worker front, effective in 1934 in the workers alliances, and, on the other hand, on the united marxist party, of which the partido obrero de unificacion marxista (p. O. U. M. ) should have been only the first step. Formed in 1935, this party represents the most important independant communist organisation of the thirties in the world. Vet, the popular front question - which the p. O. U. M. Joins without any conviction, but what allows maurin to be elected in february 1936 -, the stalinian communisa influence on and after july 1936, the civil var context and his imprisonnent would prevent maurin from carrying out his unitary prospects any further
37
Mlitwa, Nhlanhla Boyfriend Wilton. "Analysis of the policy and process of voter registration in South Africa in the 1999 general elections." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51586.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The democratic order is still in its early evolutionary stages in South Africa. Although the success of the 1994 democratic elections kindled hope for a promising future, democracy needs to be safeguarded if it is to develop in South Africa. Safeguarding a democracy requires a constant scrutiny of governing policies and procedures to ensure that they remain conducive to its positive development. Of fundamental importance to the transmission of democracy is an electoral system and its policies. Any electiongoverning policy that reduces public confidence in the electoral system is not conducive to the development of a democracy. This study analyses the policy of voter registration as it directly impacts on the format of an election. Since this policy is being applied for the first time in the short history legitimate democratic elections in South Africa, the study looks beyond the noble objectives as given by the policymakers. The lEC and the Government argue that the policy is aimed at improving the legitimacy of the electoral system by eliminating the ID related forms of electoral fraud. The significance of the study lies in its critical analysis of the actual policymaking process of this legislation, as well as its implementation. In order to assess the democratic legitimacy of the policymaking stage, the study takes a closer look at the roles of all the stakeholders in the policymaking process. Further, the study describes the constitutional controversies of the provisions of the policy, as well as its actual registration process. The understanding behind the latter description is that a policy is of no use if it cannot be implemented. In short, by describing, explaining and analysing the policy from its historical, legislative, and implementation phases, the study gives an insight into how this new policy relates to the development of the South African democracy. Although this study found no conclusive evidence of the negative impact of the policy on the outcome of the election, the nature of debates, the practical difficulties of implementation by the IEC, as well as the Court debates have all raised new questions that could require further analysis.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die demokratiese bewind in Suid-Afrika is tans nog in die vroeë stadia van ontwikkeling. Hoewel die sukses van die demokratiese verkiesings in 1994 die vertroue in die moontlikheid van 'n belowende toekoms laat styg het, moet voortdurend gewaak word teen afbreek van die demokrasie in Suid-Afrika, en ruimte gemaak word vir die verdere ontwikkeling daarvan. Die beveiliging van 'n demokrasie verg aanhoudende noukeurige beskouing van die regering se beleid, en die uitvoer daarvan, om te verseker dat dit die positiewe ontwikkeling van die demokrasie bevorder. Die verkiesingstelsel en beleid is van fundamentele belang vir die vestiging van demokrasie. 'n Beleid wat die algemene vertroue in die verkiesingstelsel benadeel, sal nie die ontwikkeling van enige demokrasie bevorder nie. Hierdie studie ontleed die direkte invloed van die kieserregistrasie-beleid op die formaat van die 1999 verkiesing. Aangesien hierdie beleid vir die eerste keer in die kort geskiedenis van Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesings toegepas word, kyk die studie verder as die edele doel beoog deur die skeppers van die beleid. Die OVK en die Regering beweer dat die beleid gerig is daarop om die regverdigheid van die verkiesingstelsel te verbeter deur die uitskakeling van ID-verbonde verkiesingsbedrog. Die studie is veral belangrik in die kritiese ontleding van die skeppingsproses van die beleid self, sowel as die implementering daarvan. Om die demokratiese regverdigheid van die skeppingstadium van die beleid te kan beoordeel, val die soeklig veralop die rol van alle deelnemers aan hierdie proses. Die grondwetlike probleme met dele van die beleid sowel as die registrasieproses word beskryf. Hierdie beskrywing word gedoen vanuit die oogpunt dat 'n beleid geen doel kan dien tensy dit geïmplementeer kan word nie. Kortliks, deur die beleid te beskryf, te verduidelik en te ontleed in sy historiese, wetgewende en implementeringsfases, gee die studie 'n insig in die verhouding van hierdie nuwe beleid tot die ontwikkeling van die Suid-Afrikaanse demokrasie. Hoewel geen afdoende bewyse van 'n negatiewe invloed van die beleid op die uitkoms van die verkiesing deur hierdie studie bewys is nie, is sake wat verdere ontleding kan verg geopper in verband met die aard van die besprekings om die beleid, die praktiese moeilikhede van implementering deur die OVK, asook die besprekings in die hof.
38
Junior, José Paulo Martins. "A disputa entre PSDB e PT nas eleições presidenciais - 1994-2006." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-12022008-114302/.
Full textAbstract:
Esta tese de doutoramento trata da disputa entre o PSDB e o PT nas eleições presidenciais ocorridas no Brasil entre 1994 e 2006. O objetivo principal é identificar quais são as variáveis que estão associadas ao voto nos dois partidos que nos permitem prever com alguma precisão as chances de voto em cada um deles. A análise será procedida com auxílio de bancos de dados representativos dos eleitores brasileiros. São observadas diversas variáveis, classificadas em dois grupos: no primeiro estão as variáveis relacionadas a aspectos de longo prazo que incidem sobre o comportamento eleitoral, as características demográficas, sócio-econômicas e político-ideológicas dos eleitores, no segundo estão as variáveis ligadas diretamente ao processo eleitoral, as avaliações dos governos e dos candidatos. A hipótese mais importante a ser testada é que as variáveis de curto prazo têm impacto muito maior sobre as chances de voto nos partidos do que as variáveis de longo prazo. Isso indica que o contexto eleitoral afeta mais o resultado das eleições presidenciais do que qualquer aspecto estrutural, seja social, econômico ou político. Os resultados obtidos com a utilização de regressões logísticas corroboram a hipótese e apontam para diferenças importantes entre o voto no PSDB e no PT.This Ph.D. thesis is about the dispute between the PSDB and PT for presidential elections ran in Brazil between 1994 e 2006. Its main objective is to identify the variables linked to votes given for both parties which would lead us to predict under a certain precision degree the chances each one has against other. The analysis is based on relevant databases from brazilian electoral activities. Several variables were observed and separated in two different groups: the first contains the ones related to long term aspects linked to the voters behavior as well as demographics, socio-economic, and political-ideological variables, while the second one contains the variables directly linked to the electoral process, to candidates evaluations and the country issues. The most important hypothesis to be tested is the one of short term variables making a bigger impact over each party vote chance when compared to the long term ones. Considering the hypothesis valuable, this presents the scenary of the electoral context with a bigger effect over presidential election than any other voter structural aspect either social, economic or political. The given result corroborates with the hypothesis and came from logistics regressions, pointing out relevant differences between votes given in favour of PSDB and PT.
39
Mairry, Louis. "La vie politique dans le departement du doubs sous la troisieme republique (1870-1940)." Paris 4, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA040075.
Full textAbstract:
Sous la iiieme republique, de 1970 a 1940, le departement du doubs a eu une evolution politique originale. Il choisit d'abord la republique et la gauche: en 1885, tous les parlementaires sont republicains et les radicaus dominent la vie politique du departement de 1898 a 1914. Mais, en 1936, le doubs est un des rares departements qui se donne uniquement des deputes de droit (cinq( alors que les trois senateurs le sont deja depuis 1921. Quand, comment, pourquoi ce passage de la gauche a la droite? contrairement a l'opinion courante ce renversement politique n'est pas du a la guerre de 1914-1918 qui, dans le domaine de la politique pure, n'a ete qu'une parenthese ("union sacree"). En fait, la reconquete electorale par la droite debute des 1900-1901 en partant des scrutins locaux (cantonaux et municipaux) pour deboucher logiquement sur les succes senatoriaux et legislatifs. Trois raisons: une droite moderee unie et disciplinee autour de fortes personalites (r. De moustier, g. Pernot, g. Japy); le declin des radicaux (divises et sans programme); le refus de l'extremisme politique (de gauche comme de droite)Under the third republic, from 1870 to 1940, the departement of the doubs had a singular political evolution. First, it chose the republic and the left: in 1885 every parlementary is republican and the radicals dominate politival life in the departement from 1898 to 1914. But in 1936 it's of the few departements which provides it self solely with members of parliament form the right (five), when its three senators have been from the right since 1921. When, how, why this change from legt to right? contrary to the popular opinion, this turnaround isn't due to the great war (1914-1918) which in the political world was nerely a parenthesis ("sacred union"). In fact, the electoral reconquest by the right begins as early as 1900-1901, based on local ballots (country and municipal) first, to lead to senatorial and legislative successe. To this, three reasons: a moderate right, united and disciplined around strong personalities (r. De moustier, g. Pernot, g. Japy); the decline of the radicals, divides and with no programme; the refusal of political extrimism, from the left as from the right
40
Howe, Philip J. "Well-tempered discontent : nationalism, ethnic group politics, electoral institutions and parliamentary behavior in the western half of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, 1867-1914 /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3069226.
Full text
41
Freire, Danilo Alves Mendes. "Entre urnas e armas: a competitividade do Poder Executivo e as Guerras Civis, 1976 - 2000." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-15082012-114934/.
Full textAbstract:
A guerra civil é a forma de violência coletiva mais importante de nossa época. Embora pesquisas recentes tenham apontado alguns elementos como determinantes das guerras civis, a influência dos fatores políticos nos conflitos internos ainda é controversa. O presente estudo analisa, por meio de regressão estatística, a relação entre a competitividade do poder executivo e a incidência de guerras civis de 1976 a 2000. Os achados indicam que tanto eleições com candidatos únicos como votações multipartidárias reduzem a incidência de guerras civis. Ademais, os resultados dão apoio às hipóteses levantadas pela literatura recente de que terreno montanhoso, grande população, sistema políticos centralizados e a existência de conflitos anteriores aumentam significativamente o risco de incidência de guerras civisCivil War is the most important form of collective violence of our time. Although recent research has yielded some determining elements to civil war, the influence of political factors on internal conflicts remains disputed. This study analyzes, by means of statistics regression, the correlation between the competitiveness in the Executive Branch and the incidence of civil war from 1976 to 2000. The findings indicate that both single-candidate and multi-party elections reduce the incidence of civil war. Furthermore, the results lend support to the hypotheses put forward by recent literature that mountainous terrain, large population, centralized political system, and the existence of former conflicts significantly heighten the risk of incidence of civil war
42
Keïta, Amadou. "L'opposition au Sénégal : Partis politiques et mouvements sociaux de 1974 à nos jours." Thesis, Perpignan, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PERP1235.
Full textAbstract:
Comment une opposition partisane a pu s’implanter dans un jeu politique marqué par le régime de parti unique jusqu’à se faire concurrencer par des mouvements contestataires ? Aux confluents de la sociologie des partis et des mobilisations politiques, cette thèse se veut une étude de la formation de l’opposition à travers une analyse des oppositions militantes et partisanes telles que voulues et entretenues par les régimes présidentiels qui se sont succédés des années 70 à nos jours. Cette étude a montré que la formation de l’identité militante oppositionnelle est estampillée du modèle des partis politiques arrimés aux mouvements contestataires qui ont marqué la transformation du régime dès les années 80. Cette identité s’est accentuée après les années 2000 avec les transformations de l’opposition partisane concurrencée par d’autres identités qui se fraient un chemin dans le champ politique constitué des mouvements citoyen, religieux et juvénile.L’engagement des nouveaux entrants dans le champ politique aux identités multiples (citoyenne, intellectuelle et religieux) a bouleversé la donne oppositionnelle des partis politiques : Va-t-on vers un renouveau des mouvements d’opposition ou assiste-t-on à une crise de la représentation partisane de l’opposition ? Au plan théorique, ce travail plaide pour l’usage d’une approche sociologique de l’opposition pour rendre compte des logiques contestataires des acteurs partisans et non partisans qui structurent la vie politique et par ricochet les transformations des régimes présidentiels sénégalaisHow could a partisan opposition establish itself in a political game marked by the one-party regime in such a way as to be a challenge by protest movements? At The confluence of the sociology of political parties and political mobilizations, this thesis is a study of the formation of the opposition through an analysis of activist and partisan opposition, as intended and maintained by presidential regimes from the 70s to today. This study has shown that the formation of the opposition activist identity is stamped with the model of political parties tied to the protest movements that marked the transformation of the regime as of the 80s. This identity increased after 2000 transformations with partisan competition from other identities that make their way into the political arena consisting of citizens, religious and youth movements. The commitment of the new entrants into the political arena with multiple identities (civic, intellectual and religious) upset the situation of the oppositional political parties. Are we witnessing a revival of opposition movements or do we have a crisis of partisan representation of the opposition? At the theoretical level, this work advocates the use of a sociological approach to the opposition to account for the protest logic of partisan and non-partisan actors that shape the political life and as indirect result, the transformation of Senegalese presidential regimes
43
Sinvula, Jospehat Inambao. "Black participation in Georgia's senate district 35 democratic primary election of 1984: a study of its political implications." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1985. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/2245.
Full textAbstract:
Black voter participation has received considerable scholarly attention. Indeed, an important relationship exists between rates of political activity for blacks and the development of public policy by legislative bodies, elected officials, and governmental administrators. That is, ethnic affinity has long been an important symbolic component of American politics, and ethnic identification has often provided an incentive for otherwise inactive voters to vote for a representative of their ethnic community. The presence of a minority member on the ballot might be expected to increase minority group participation particularly when the candidate is running for an office such as state senator that is considered important. This study begins to address this paucity by exploring factors which influence blacks to participate in the political process, specifically the voting patterns of black registered voters as exemplified in both the primary and the run-off elections in the 35th State Senate District Democratic Primary in South Fulton County, Georgia.
Data from interviews with 561 black voters as they left the polls on election day, September 4, 1984, is used to explore what influences black voters to participate in the political process. A tentative analysis of white racial bloc voting patterns in the district will be explored. White racial bloc voting means that whites will vote only for white candidates, and that no matter what the qualifications of black candidates, there will be one or more white candidates who will attract nearly all of the white votes. Additionally, this study suggests that evidence from a growing body of research clearly indicates that black electoral participation influences the distribution of public benefits at the state and local levels.
The major findings of the study are as follows: 1. The State Senate District 35 exhibited a pattern of racial bloc voting; and 2. A surprisingly high degree of political participation by black voters was exhibited during the election(s).
44
Grainger, Rachel Louise. "The visual rhetoric of the Conservative Party's 1979 general election poster and print advertising : a social semiotic analysis." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.409500.
Full text
45
Cruz, João Batista Carvalho da. "Da formação ao desafio das urnas: o PTB e seus adversários nas eleições estaduais de 1947 no Rio Grande do Sul." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2010. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/1879.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T19:30:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 28Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos
A criação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) marcou profundamente a política no Rio Grande do Sul no período 1945-64. Com uma tradição de bipolaridade, a política gaúcha daquele contexto se caracterizou pela oposição entre um campo mais progressista, representado pelo PTB, e outro conservador, liderado pelo Partido Social Democrático (PSD). Neste estudo buscamos analisar a atuação do PTB nas eleições estaduais de 1947, recorrendo para isso a elementos da teoria do campo político desenvolvida por Pierre Bourdieu. Procuramos compreender a trajetória inicial e o tipo de capital político que o partido então acumulou. As fontes utilizadas são os periódicos da época, artigos, entrevistas e depoimentos de lideranças partidárias, bem como um conjunto de cartas trocadas entre as mesmas. Uma possível contribuição do presente trabalho será evidenciar a importância que aquela disputa eleitoral assumiu no processo de formação do PTB gaúcho, especialmente por se tratar de um momento privilegiado para a criação de símb
The foundation of the Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) – “Brazilian Labor Party” – deeply marked the politics in Rio Grande do Sul from 1945 to 1964. With bipolarity tradition the gaucha politics of those decades was defined by the conflict between a more progressive posture, represented by the PTB, and a more conservative one, leaded by the Partido Social Democrático (PSD) – “Social Democratic Party”. The present study intends to analyze the role PTB played at the gubernatorial elections of 1947, based on aspects from Pierre Bourdieu’s political field theory. This study also seeks understanding the initial trajectory and the political capital the party accumulated at that time. The sources were periodic newspapers, articles, interviews and declarations of leading parties and a set of letters traded between them as well. A possible contribution of this study might be proving the importance of that particular political dispute had in the foundation process of the “gaucho” PTB mainly for being such a propi
46
Bizzarro, Neto Fernando Augusto 1989. "PMDB : organização e desenvolvimento em São Paulo (1994-2010)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279216.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Rachel MeneguelloDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T22:46:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BizzarroNeto_FernandoAugusto_M.pdf: 3293825 bytes, checksum: 794e4c2fadb6a315732f23533113800d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: Essa pesquisa é um estudo de caso da trajetória do PMDB em São Paulo entre 1994 e 2010. Seu objetivo é compreender as características organizativas básicas do partido e de sua liderança estadual principal, Orestes Quércia, simultaneamente ao intenso declínio eleitoral do PMDB-SP no período. Assumindo que partidos políticos são instituições históricas, nas quais a organização e a ação de elites políticas respondem a interesses, incentivos institucionais e contexto histórico-social sob limites impostos por suas trajetórias, analisamos dados eleitorais e organizacionais, entrevistas, documentos partidários e de fontes secundárias. Demonstramos que a força e centralidade de suas organizações locais tanto para a dinâmica partidária quanto para seu desempenho eleitoral, associadas com o partido desde sua fundação e institucionalização nas décadas de 60 e 70, e a herança do passado emedebista marcam a instituição no período estudado. O quercismo, grupo de elites partidárias liderado por Orestes Quércia, nutre-se dessa estrutura e faz dela a base de sua sobrevivência. Contudo, essa continuidade também foi decisiva para o declínio eleitoral do partido observado nas últimas décadas no estado. As mudanças na configuração da política paulista, o aumento da competitividade e a "presidencialização" da política estadual produziram um realinhamento do sistema eleitoral-partidário para o qual a máquina política organizada pelo PMDB paulista, concentrada na política local, não era adequada para continuar a vencer eleições
Abstract: This research is a case study of the trajectory of the PMDB in São Paulo between 1994 and 2010. Its goal is to understand the party's basic organizational features and its main state leadership, Orestes Quercia, simultaneously to the intense electoral decline PMDB-SP suffered in the period. Assuming that political parties are historical institutions, in which the organization and action of political elites respond to interests, institutional incentives and socio-historical context under limits imposed by their trajectory, this dissertation analyzes electoral and organizational data, interviews, party documents and secondary sources. It demonstrates that the strength and centrality of local organizations for both the party dynamics and its electoral performance, associated with the party since its foundation and institutionalization in the 60s and 70s, and the legacy of the emedebista past mark the institution during the period under scrutiny. The quercismo, group of party elites led by Orestes Quercia, nourished by this structure and made it the basis of its survival. However, this continuity was also crucial to the party's electoral decline observed in recent decades in the state. Changes in the configuration of paulista politics, increased competitiveness and the "presidentialization" of state politics produced a realignment of the electoral-party system to which the political machine organized by the PMDB of São Paulo, concentrated in local politics, was not adequate to keep winning elections
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
47
Salihi, Awaz. "Le passage d'une confrérie soufie au politique : la Kasnazâniyya au Kurdistan-Irak (1979-2014)." Thesis, Paris, EPHE, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EPHE5073.
Full textAbstract:
Cette recherche étudie le passage d’une confrérie soufie au politique, avec pour exemple la Kasnazâniyya au Kurdistan d’Irak (1979-2014). Elle tente de saisir et d’analyser, dans le contexte irakien, les éléments de conjoncture qui ont conduit d’abord à la politisation de la confrérie comme une étape de « prédisposition », ensuite à son passage direct au politique. Dans une perspective historique, cette recherche vise à comprendre les racines du phénomène de l’implication des cheikhs et des confréries en politique au Kurdistan dès le 19e siècle. Cette démarche s’impose en effet pour déchiffrer les caractéristiques originelles du phénomène et les examiner ensuite à travers le cas de la Kasnazâniyya. Du point de vue de la politisation de la confrérie, nous étudions dans un premier temps au cours de l’histoire récente de la confrérie son impact socio-politique tout en examinant sa doctrine, ses branches, les modalités de succession au pouvoir de son cheikh, et l’impact de ce dernier sur l’orientation de la confrérie. Puis nous traitons dans un deuxième temps du phénomène de « rationalisation », à partir de la question de l’organisation et de la « bureaucratisation » de la confrérie. Du point de vue de l’articulation entre la Kasnazâniyya et le politique, nous étudions d’abord le phénomène des rapports de « clientélisme politique », puis analysons le parti politique créé par la confrérie dans son histoire, ses idées, son mode d’organisation et ses stratégies sociales, politiques et électorales pour parvenir au pouvoirIn this research we study the transition of a Sufi order to the political field, taking as example the Kasnazâniyya in Iraqi Kurdistan (1979-2014). We first try to capture and analyse, in the Iraqi context, the elements that led first to the politicisation of the order to reach a stage of “predisposition”, then to its direct transition to the political field. In a historical perspective, this research looks at understanding the roots of the phenomenon of the shaykhs’ involvement in politics in Kurdistan from as soon as the 19th century. Such an approach is indeed necessary if we are to decipher the original characteristics of the phenomenon and then look into them through the case of the Kasnazâniyya. Concerning the politicisation of the order, we first study during its recent history its social and political imprint while looking at its doctrine, its branches, the handling of the succession of its shaykh to power, and the impact of the latter onto the orientation of the order. Then in a second stage we look at the phenomenon of “rationalisation” of the order, starting from the question of its organisation and bureaucratisation. Concerning the articulation between the Kasnazâniyya and the political field, we first study the phenomenon of “political clientelism” then analyse the political party created by the order through its history, its ideas, its organisation and social, political and electoral strategies to attain power
48
Prudhomme, Leah Shianne. "A democratising South Africa? : an analysis of the 2004 national election /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/153/.
Full text
49
Kamal, Melissa. "A content analysis of elite U.S. newspapers' coverage of Iran, 1979 and 2005." Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2010. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0003077.
Full text
50
BENALLEGUE, CHAOUIA NORA. "Mouvement ouvrier, mouvement syndical en algerie (1919-1954) essai d'histoire sociale." Paris 7, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA070026.
Full textAbstract:
Il s'agit d'une etude du mouvement ouvrier et syndical en algerie, entre 1919 (fin de la premiere guerre mondiale) et 1954 (declenchement de l'insurrection nationale algerienne), dans sa double composante algerienne et europeenne. La premiere guerre mondiale connait un grand mouvement migratoire d'algerie vers la france, motive par le conflit (combattants et travailleurs) qui va perdurer apres la fin des hostilites, engendrant au sein de cette emigration de nouvelles formes d'organisation de la resistance anti-coloniale. Les annees 1930 et 1940 voient s'amorcer en algerie meme, le processus de formation du mouvement ouvrier qui connait, dans son expression syndicale, les grands tournants du mouvement syndical "metropolitain", cependant que dans l'action revendicative, autant que dans l'action politique, les ouvriers algeriens empruntent, apres la seconde guerre mondiale essentiellement, une voie propre, inserant progressivement leurs luttes dans le combat anti-colonialiste, sans parvenir toutefois, et ce jusqu'a la veille de novembre 1954, a edifier une organisation syndicale tout a fait autonomeThis essay aims to study the worker and trade - union movements in algeria, between 1919 (the end of the first world war) and 1954 (the starting of the national algerian insurrection), in its double composition, algerian and european people. The first world war knows a large migratory movement from algeria to france, as a result of the war (fightingmen as well as workers), and will last after the end of the hostilities. This will promote new shapes of resistance to colonialism, inside this migratory population. During the thirties and the forties, we see, in algeria itself, the beginning of a process of establishing the worker movement. This latter knows, in its trade - union voicing, the main turning ponts of the "metropolitan" trade - unions. Nevertheless, in their demanding actions, as well as in the political ones, the algerian workers start with new forms of struggle. Their progressively insert their fights in the anticolonialist one. But, they don't manage to build up truly autonomous trade - union, up to the last day before november 1954