Journal articles: 'Elections, 1974'

1

Carmichael, Calum M. "Economic Conditions and the Popularity of the Incumbent Party in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (December 1990): 713–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020813.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis study measures the effects of macroeconomic conditions upon the popularity of the incumbent party in Canadian federal general elections from 1945 to 1988. In so doing it uses a model similar to the retrospective voting models used in electoral studies in the United States. The results suggest that for the elections from 1945 to 1972, bad economic conditions preceding the election benefited the incumbent party. For the elections from 1974 to 1988, these effects were diminished or reversed. Such results have precedents in separate studies that use Canadian poll data. However, they contradict the general conclusion of American studies that bad conditions hurt the incumbent. This contradiction suggests that the model's assumptions about voting behaviour, which appear to be verified by the American studies, do not apply universally.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

GRAETZ, BRIAN, and IAN McALLISTER. "Party Leaders and Election Outcomes in Britain, 1974-1983." Comparative Political Studies 19, no. 4 (January 1987): 484–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414087019004002.

Full text

Abstract:

It is often suggested that British general elections are becoming more presidential in character, particularly with the increasing emphasis placed by mass media on the character and activities of party leaders. To date, however, there have been few attempts to estimate how much of an effect leaders have on election outcomes, independently of partisan ties. This article uses multivariate techniques to examine the factors that influence a leader's popularity and estimates the effect of leaders on electoral outcomes in Britain in 1974, 1979, and 1983. The results suggest, first, that the popularity of leaders depends on party attachment, political attitudes, and socioeconomic status. Second, both attitudes and the popularity of leaders are influential in determining whether or not voters will defect, with leaders becoming relatively more important in this regard in the 1983 election. Finally, changes in the popularity of party leaders are capable of influencing an election result by a few percentage points, but in none of the three elections examined here was the magnitude of such changes sufficient to produce a different election outcome.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

McALLISTER, IAN, and ANTHONY MUGHAN. "Class, Attitudes, and Electoral Politics in Britain, 1974-1983." Comparative Political Studies 20, no. 1 (April 1987): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414087020001003.

Full text

Abstract:

There is now general agreement that social class has declined in electoral importance in Britain in recent years. There is disagreement, however, about the role political attitudes have come to play in structuring the vote. This article builds on our previous research on political attitudes and voting in Britain by applying multivariate analysis to survey data collected for the 1983 general election. The analysis uses a sophisticated conceptualization of social class and political attitudes, and examines both their interrelationship and their conjoint influence on the vote. The results show, first, that the most salient political attitudes in the 1983 election, socialism and nuclearism, were significantly rooted in social class. Second, considered comparatively, attitudes were about three times as important an influence in the election as social class. Finally, a longitudinal analysis spanning the October 1974, 1979, and 1983 elections, confirms other research and indicates that there has been little fundamental change in the electorate's overall attitudinal structure but that the change there has been contributed to the Labour Party's falling vote over the three elections.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Vermeer, Jan P. "The Electoral Vulnerability of Congressional Incumbents: Another Perspective." American Review of Politics 5 (January 1, 1985): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1984.5.0.86-92.

Full text

Abstract:

The invulnerability of congressional incumbents to electoral defeat has been overstated. Ever since the first studies provided evidence for what congressmen and political observers long knew, that incumbents are difficult to unseat, researchers have repeatedly demonstrated the electoral advantages of congressmen over their opponents (Erikson, 1971; Cover, 1977; Hinckley, 1981). Erikson estimated an incumbent's advantage to be about five percent in the post- 1966 era (Erikson, 1972), and Cover reported values for the "sophomore surge" in the same range from the 1960 through the 1974 congressional elections (Cover, 1977). The electoral edge may be growing: separately, Mayhew and Born argued that incumbents are safer now than in the past (Mayhew, 1974a; Born, 1979).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Birner, Betty J., and Gregory L. Ward. "On the interpretation of VP inversion in American English." Journal of Linguistics 28, no. 1 (March 1992): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700014973.

Full text

Abstract:

Previous functional analyses of American English inversion constructions (for example, Hartvigson & Jakobsen, 1974; Gary, 1976; Green, 1980, 1982) have recognized – either implicitly or explicitly – that inverted sentences and their canonical-word-order counterparts are semantically equivalent. None the less, in Ward & Birner (to appear), we describe a non-truth-conditional asymmetry between the interpretation of certain VP inversions and that of their canonical-word-order counterparts.2 Consider (1a) and (2b) in the following context: (1) Free elections were held yesterday in Czechoslovakia for the first time since the war. (a) The main opposition party was losing the election. (b) Losing the election was the main opposition party. (c) The main opposition party lost the election.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Zelizer, Julian E. "Seeds of Cynicism: The Struggle over Campaign Finance, 1956–1974." Journal of Policy History 14, no. 1 (January 2002): 73–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2002.0006.

Full text

Abstract:

“It is a cesspool, it is a source of infection for the body politic,” Senator Hubert Humphrey (D-Minn.) warned his fellow senators in 1973 about the private financing of elections. “[I]f it doesn't stop, there are going to be good men in this hall right here today who are going down the drain, not that you are guilty, not that you have done anything wrong, but that the public is disenchanted with all of us, and they are going to want somebody new and say I want a fresh one here.” From 1971 through President Nixon's resignation in 1974, Congress enacted the boldest campaign finance reforms in American history, including strong disclosure laws, public financing for presidential elections, contribution and spending limits, and an independent enforcement commission. Despite these reforms, after only a decade under the new laws, citizens still felt that campaign finance was corrupt.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

de Sousa, Marcelo Rebelo. "Portugal: 19 July 1987." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (October 1, 1987): 444–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00067.x.

Full text

Abstract:

THE PORTUGUESE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 19 JULY 1987 initiated a profound change in the Portuguese party system and in the system of government. From 1974 onwards, Portugal had moved peacefully towards a democratic political system, enshrined in the 1976 Constitution. This evolution lasted about eight years and culminated in the revision of the Constitution in 1982. From 1982 onwards the present political regime has been a democratic one, coexisting with a capitalist economic regime attenuated by state monopoly in key sectors and by public companies which were nationalized between 1974 and 1976. It is also since 1982 that the system of government has been semi-presidential. There is pure representativeness as referendums do not exist at national level and have never been regulated at local level. But the government is semi-presidential in the sense that, owing to French influence, it attempts to balance Parliament with the election of the President of the Republic by direct and universal suffrage.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Abramowitz, Alan I. "Explaining Senate Election Outcomes." American Political Science Review 82, no. 2 (June 1988): 385–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957392.

Full text

Abstract:

Aggregate-level data are used in this analysis to explain the outcomes of Senate elections between 1974 and 1986. Using the individual Senate contest as the unit of analysis permits estimating the relative influence of a wide variety of factors on Senate election results including political characteristics of states, characteristics of the candidates, and national political conditions. Of these factors candidate characteristics had the strongest impact on the outcomes of Senate elections. The importance of candidate characteristics has had two major consequences for Senate elections. First, two-party competition has spread to every region of the country: in Senate elections, no state can be considered safe for either party. Second, money is probably now more important than ever, especially for challengers and candidates for open seats.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

BILLINGSLEY, KEITH R. "Winning Margins in Elections for the Georgia House of Representatives, 1972-1974;." GPSA Journal: The Georgia Political Science Association 4, no. 1 (November 12, 2008): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1976.tb00681.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

A. Berlie, Jean. "Guinea-Bissau 2014 elections." Asian Education and Development Studies 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2014-0028.

Full text

Abstract:

Purpose – The West African Republic of Guinea-Bissau has been unstable since gaining its independence in 1974. The 2014 presidential and parliamentary elections are being closely analyzed to study how the United Nations and the Guinean people have reacted to the outcomes of these elections. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – Sociological methodologies and a comparative approach have been used in this paper to understand why the elections in 2014 were so important in this country. Findings – The author finds that stability is possible in Guinea-Bissau after years of political uncertainties. Originality/value – Particular focus has been paid to studying the responses of specific aspects of society, including the youth population, the political elite, the main political party, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde, the opposition parties and the army and whether these different groups will be able to cooperate after electing a sustainable and relatively wide-ranging government.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Sobel, Richard. "Voter-ID Issues in Politics and Political Science." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 01 (January 2009): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090222.

Full text

Abstract:

The simple act of voting—and its barriers, costs, benefits, and mobilization—continues to be central to politics and political science (Kelley and Mirer 1974). The Supreme Court caseCrawford vs. Marion County Election Board(2008) and a well-attended panel on the topic at the 2008 APSA annual meeting in Boston highlight the pertinence of voter-ID issues to the polity and discipline for the 2008 and future elections. As simple as voting is, it is also “of the most fundamental significance under our constitutional structure” (Burdick v. Takushi1992).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Kousser, J. Morgan. "Speculation or Specification? A Note on Flanigan and Zingale." Social Science History 10, no. 1 (1986): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200015273.

Full text

Abstract:

In a recent article in Social Science History, Flanigan and Zingale reviewed the old problem of inferring individual relationships from aggregate data, cast doubt on Goodman’s ecological regression technique as a method of estimating such relationships, and contended that the specification analysis approach to the issue was misleading. Instead, they argued that an ad hoc procedure suggested by Shively in a 1974 article was superior to Goodman’s point estimates because it avoids dubious assumptions and forces investigators to make their premises clear. Comparing results from analyses of state-level data on major party voting in the 1968 and 1972 presidential elections with figures from the Michigan surveys, they concluded, to their satisfaction at least, that the assumptions required for ecological regression were badly violated and that it was preferable in this and other cases to use the system that Shively, without making any grandiose claims for it, had originated (Flanigan and Zingale, 1985; Goodman, 1959; Hanushek et al., 1974; Shively, 1974; Langbein and Lichtman, 1978).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Dettrey, Bryan J., and Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer. "Voter Turnout in Presidential Democracies." Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 10 (February 23, 2009): 1317–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009332125.

Full text

Abstract:

Numerous studies indicate that political institutions play an important role in explaining variation in voter turnout across countries. The nuances of institutions unique to presidential elections have been largely overlooked, however, despite the different incentives they offer for voters to participate in elections. This article examines the effect that four presidential institutions had on voter turnout in presidential elections between 1974 and 2004—the timing of elections (whether concurrent or nonconcurrent), the power of the presidency, presidential electoral rules (plurality or majority runoff), and reelection rules. To isolate the effect of presidential institutions, this study controls for other likely influences on turnout, including the economic environment and the wider political context. It finds that (a) runoff elections dampen turnout whereas incumbency spurs it and (b) more powerful presidencies and elections, when held concurrently with legislative elections, have little effect on voter participation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Nicolacopoulos, Ilias. "Elections and Voters, 1974–2004: Old Cleavages and New Issues." West European Politics 28, no. 2 (March 2005): 260–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380500058886.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

van Ham, Carolien, and Brigitte Seim. "Strong states, weak elections? How state capacity in authoritarian regimes conditions the democratizing power of elections." International Political Science Review 39, no. 1 (June 7, 2017): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512117697544.

Full text

Abstract:

State capacity may be a crucial factor conditioning the democratizing power of elections in authoritarian regimes. This paper develops a two-phase theory considers the different effects of state capacity on turnover in elections and democratic change after elections. In regimes with limited state capacity, manipulating elections and repressing opposition is more difficult than in regimes with extensive state capacity, rendering turnover in elections more likely in weak states. However, if the new incumbent has limited capacity to deliver public services and make policy changes after coming to power, sustainable democratic change is unlikely. Hence, state capacity is hypothesized to have a negative effect on turnover, but a positive effect on democratic change. These hypotheses are confirmed in a sample of 460 elections in 110 authoritarian regimes taking place in the period 1974 to 2012 using the Varieties of Democracy dataset. The findings suggest a need to revisit strong-state-first theories of democratization.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Uslaner, Eric M., and M. Margaret Conway. "The Responsible Congressional Electorate: Watergate, the Economy, and Vote Choice in 1974." American Political Science Review 79, no. 3 (September 1985): 788–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956844.

Full text

Abstract:

Most analyses of the 1974 congressional elections have failed to find significant effects for either Watergate or personal financial conditions, despite the prominence of both of these issues in the campaign. An alternative thesis argues that the effect was indirect, through the selection of better-than-usual Democratic candidates and weaker Republican contestants for House seats. Reanalyzing campaign finance data, we challenge this thesis and then move on to a different type of analysis from that which traditionally has been done in retrospective voting studies. With the use of the 1972-1974 panel of the Center for Political Studies, we examine separately the voting behavior of what V. O. Key, Jr. called “standpatters” and “switchers.” The former are motivated primarily by party identification, with small Watergate effects. Our probit analylsis for switchers, on the other hand, finds much weaker party identification effects, but, interestingly, much more pronounced Watergate and economic impacts. Furthermore, an analysis of the sample compared to the population of districts in 1974 suggests that a more representative sample would lead to even more pronounced impacts for Watergate and the economy than even we have found.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Southwell, P. L. "The Mobilization Hypothesis and Voter Turnout in Congressional Elections, 1974-1982." Political Research Quarterly 41, no. 2 (June 1, 1988): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298804100204.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Southwell, Priscilla L. "The Mobilization Hypothesis and Voter Turnout in Congressional Elections, 1974-1982." Western Political Quarterly 41, no. 2 (June 1988): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448538.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Bäcker, Roman. "Bifurkacja reżimów niedemokratycznych społeczeństw masowych. „Casus” Polski czasów Edwarda Gierka." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 30 (February 7, 2022): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.30.6.

Full text

Abstract:

The breakdown of political structures is a process developing from the saddle point to the revolution or implosion of a political system. The decay process is determined on the one hand by the strength of the influence of stabilizing factors (attractors) and, on the other hand — by the repellers. In Poland, under Edward Gierek, the saddle point was achieved in 1974–1976, and then the process of disintegration began. The most important moments of revealing the repellers were: social protests against price increases in June 1976, “the winter of the century” in 1978/1979, the papal pilgrimage in 1979, parliamentary elections in March 1980, and the July 1980 strikes. The August and September 1980 agreements ended the process of disintegration of the monistic political system in Poland.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Moutsis, Ioannis. "Turkish Cypriot identity after 1974: Turkish Cypriots, Turks of Cyprus or Cypriots?" Synthesis: an Anglophone Journal of Comparative Literary Studies, no. 10 (May 1, 2017): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/syn.16247.

Full text

Abstract:

The hopes created by the unexpected triumph of Mustafa Akıncı in the Turkish Cypriot parliamentary elections in 2015 opened once again the debate about Turkish Cypriot identity. Despite the various works on the issue since the opening of the borders in 2003, the issue of identity in the Turkish Cypriot community still remains under-researched. The hope of the Turkish Cypriots for reunification and an end to political isolation was replaced by skepticism after the rejection of the 2004 Annan Plan by the Greek Cypriots in a national referendum. Nevertheless the election of Mustafa Akιncı with an overwhelming sixty percent proves that the Turkish Cypriots should not be considered as loyal to the AKP-controlled Turkish political order as perhaps they were once thought to be. This article will attempt to examine the various aspects of Turkish Cypriot identity, as this has been formed by the Cyprus issue, their fifty-year-long isolation and the hope for an end of the present status quo that will open a window to the outside world forty-one years after the 1974 war and eleven years after the Annan Plan referenda.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Thorson, Gregory R. "Legislative Learning: The 104th Republican Freshmen in the House By Timothy J. Barnett. New York: Garland, 1998. 333p. $60.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402234322.

Full text

Abstract:

The 1994 elections were watershed elections in several respects. Perhaps most significantly, the Republicans gained control of both chambers of Congress for the first time since 1953. In the process, the 1994 elections also swept into office a large, relatively homogeneous group of 73 House Republican freshmen determined to change the political system. With size comes an opportunity for power in Congress, and the 73 Republican freshmen elected in 1994 were determined to exert considerable influence over the legislative process. Not since the 1974 elections produced the 76 freshmen Democrats (i.e., the Watergate Babies) have political scientists focused so much attention on a single class of legislators. Timothy Barnett's Legislative Learning is a nice complement to similar books already written about this interesting group of legislators, including Richard Fenno and Michael Armacost's Learning to Govern: An Institutional View of the 104th Congress (1997) and Nicol Rae's Conservative Reformers: The Republican Freshmen and the Lessons of the 104th Congress (1998).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Clements, Ben, and John Bartle. "The European Issue and Party Choice at British General Elections, 1974–2005." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 19, no. 4 (October 30, 2009): 377–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457280903275188.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Sanders, David. "Party identification, economic perceptions, and voting in British General Elections, 1974–97." Electoral Studies 22, no. 2 (June 2003): 239–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(02)00014-8.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Brown, Steven D., Ronald D. Lambert, Barry J. Kay, and James E. Curtis. "In the Eye of the Beholder: Leader Images in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 1988): 729–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057425.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe “leader factor” in Canadian voting has received surprisingly little research attention. In this article, the authors employ data from the 1974, 1979, 1980 and 1984 Canadian National Election Studies to examine the organization of respondents' images of the major political party leaders. The central thesis developed here is that respondents' images of the leaders are not typically idiosyncratic to the leader or to the election in question. The images are shaped by a prototypical leader schema that affects the information about leaders that is processed and recalled. The authors test several implications of this thesis. They demonstrate that there is considerable commonality in the content of a citizen's images of leaders in any one election, and that there is evidence of both aggregate and individual-level stability in the structure of images across elections. The authors test an additional hypothesis from schema theory concerning individual differences in image content. In this regard, they demonstrate, contrary to some of the literature, that better-educated respondents are more likely than less-educated respondents to cite task-relevant dispositional attributes of the leaders.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

SALM, Christian. "Diffusing Democracy in Europe: The European Parliament and European Community Enlargement Policy 1974-79." Journal of European Integration History 27, no. 1 (2021): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2021-1-99.

Full text

Abstract:

The article explores the role of the European Parliament (EP) in European Community (EC) Southern enlargement policy during the phase of democratic transitions in Greece, Portugal and Spain. It demonstrates how the EP insisted on adherence to core democratic principles as a condition for any accession negotiations, in particular the holding of free and fair parliamentary elections. Furthermore, the article shows how the EP made strategic use of the Southern European democratic transitions to demand the democratisation of the EC and the EP itself, with the holding of direct elections to the EP as its primary demand. Moreover, it discusses the EP’s attempt to make the observance of democratic principles a formal requirement of EC membership, both for applicant countries and for existing member states. Finally, it reconstructs the EP’s relations with counterparts in Greece, Portugal and Spain, which were intended to prepare the baselines of enlargement policy and EC accession.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Irvine, William P. "Comment on “The Reproduction of the Religious Cleavage in Canadian Elections”." Canadian Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (March 1985): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900029231.

Full text

Abstract:

Richard Johnston's article is addressed to an article of mine and to another, co-authored with Haim Gold.2 It is much more relevant to the former than to the latter, despite the fact that Johnston uses the data from the 1974 National Election Survey on which the Irvine and Gold article was based. The purpose of that article was to discover whether, if at all, a cleavage between two groups is sustained by social processes involving members of those groups.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Almeida, Maria Antónia de Figueiredo Pires de. "Women Mayors in Portugal: A Case Study in Political Representation and Citizenship." Revista de Sociologia e Política 26, no. 68 (December 2018): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678987318266804.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Introduction The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women’s access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Funston, John. "Malaysia's 14th General Election (GE14) -The Contest for the Malay Electorate." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 37, no. 3 (December 2018): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341803700304.

Full text

Abstract:

The United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and its allies in the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, known as the Alliance until 1974, dominated Malaysian elections for more than six decades. UMNO's winning formula was based on massive support for the politically dominant Malay community, and mobilising government institutions in support of the party. This was undermined towards the end of the 1990s by UMNO disunity, a strengthened civil society, and arrival of a digital media. Demands for comprehensive political and economic reforms ( reformasi) emerged following the controversial sacking of Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in 1998. UMNO had its worst result ever in the 1999 election, a trend that continued in 2008 and 2013 when BN lost its popular and two-thirds majority. Najib's attempt to reverse this by strengthening the call for Malay dominance and tightening coercion failed. His deep implication in multiple corruption cases, tactical campaign errors, and a united opposition, Pakatan Harapan, led to the BN's stunning defeat.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Sanders, Will. "Comparing Northern Territory Elections, 1974‐2016: Independent Success in a Strong Two‐Party System." Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 4 (December 2020): 596–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12706.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Gardin, Matias. "Fortschritt und Verantwortung! Education as a rallying cry in Luxembourg’s general elections of 1974." History of Education 45, no. 5 (November 27, 2015): 638–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0046760x.2015.1108461.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Bochel, Hugh, and David Denver. "Minor Parties and Independents in Times of Change: Scottish Local Elections 1974 to 2007." Local Government Studies 34, no. 5 (November 2008): 577–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930802413772.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Bochel, Hugh, and Catherine Bochel. "Women Candidates and Councillors in Scottish Local Government, 1974–2012." Scottish Affairs 25, no. 2 (May 2016): 161–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2016.0125.

Full text

Abstract:

While significant attention has been paid to the levels of representation of women in both the Westminster Parliament and the Scottish Parliament, much less consideration has been given to the position within local government. This article addresses that deficit for Scotland. It shows that for twenty-five years following the reorganisation of local government in Scotland in 1974 there was a slow but relatively steady increase in the numbers of female candidates and councillors, although more recently this appears to have plateaued somewhat, together with a similar increase in the number of women councillors taking up more senior roles in Scotland's councils. The article analyses the representation of women in Scottish local government over the period from 1974 to 2012 against the backdrop of significant change in Scotland, including a further restructuring of local government and the introduction of the Single Transferable Vote for council elections, the creation of the Scottish Parliament, the rise of the SNP and the decline of the Conservative Party.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Lima, Helena. "Las elecciones portuguesas de 1975 en la prensa: cobertura informativa y propaganda política en la campaña electoral." Comunicación, propaganda y movimientos revolucionarios en la historia, Especial (May 30, 2022): 2–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24137/raeic.9.3.1.

Full text

Abstract:

Las elecciones portuguesas para la Asamblea Constituyente, realizadas a 25 de Abril de 1975, fueron el momento histórico en el que el pueblo portugués pudo ejercer el derecho al voto, después de 48 años de dictadura. Los medios de comunicación tuvieron un papel fundamental en la difusión de las campañas partidarias. Sin embargo, la evolución del proceso revolucionario tuvo un impacto en el periodismo portugués. Este estudio busca comprender la influencia de la propaganda en la prensa durante la campaña electoral, analizando el contenido de las noticias publicadas, los elementos de composición periodística y también ciertos efectos discursivos, con el fin de comprender posibles procesos de sesgo informativo. Después de la Revolución de Abril de 1974, se produjo un fortalecimiento del poder de los militares y una radicalización de la vida política, contexto en el que se celebraron las primeras elecciones democráticas. Las elecciones son reconocidas como centrales en la agenda de noticias y las organizaciones periodísticas a menudo desarrollan estrategias para una cobertura completa y capaz. Sin embargo, el foco noticioso de este proceso puede haber sido desviado, ya que el papel de los periodistas (Mesquita, 1994b; Gomes 2014) o la intervención directa de la V División del MFA actuaron como factores activos de propaganda (Ribeiro, 2014).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Lima, Helena. "Las elecciones portuguesas de 1975 en la prensa: cobertura informativa y propaganda política en la campaña electoral." Comunicación, propaganda y movimientos revolucionarios en la historia, Especial (May 30, 2022): 2–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24137/raeic.9.e.7.

Full text

Abstract:

Las elecciones portuguesas para la Asamblea Constituyente, realizadas a 25 de Abril de 1975, fueron el momento histórico en el que el pueblo portugués pudo ejercer el derecho al voto, después de 48 años de dictadura. Los medios de comunicación tuvieron un papel fundamental en la difusión de las campañas partidarias. Sin embargo, la evolución del proceso revolucionario tuvo un impacto en el periodismo portugués. Este estudio busca comprender la influencia de la propaganda en la prensa durante la campaña electoral, analizando el contenido de las noticias publicadas, los elementos de composición periodística y también ciertos efectos discursivos, con el fin de comprender posibles procesos de sesgo informativo. Después de la Revolución de Abril de 1974, se produjo un fortalecimiento del poder de los militares y una radicalización de la vida política, contexto en el que se celebraron las primeras elecciones democráticas. Las elecciones son reconocidas como centrales en la agenda de noticias y las organizaciones periodísticas a menudo desarrollan estrategias para una cobertura completa y capaz. Sin embargo, el foco noticioso de este proceso puede haber sido desviado, ya que el papel de los periodistas (Mesquita, 1994b; Gomes 2014) o la intervención directa de la V División del MFA actuaron como factores activos de propaganda (Ribeiro, 2014).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Lima, Helena. "Las elecciones portuguesas de 1975 en la prensa: cobertura informativa y propaganda política en la campaña electoral." Comunicación, propaganda y movimientos revolucionarios en la historia, Especial (May 30, 2022): 2–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24137/raeic.9.e.1.

Full text

Abstract:

Las elecciones portuguesas para la Asamblea Constituyente, realizadas a 25 de Abril de 1975, fueron el momento histórico en el que el pueblo portugués pudo ejercer el derecho al voto, después de 48 años de dictadura. Los medios de comunicación tuvieron un papel fundamental en la difusión de las campañas partidarias. Sin embargo, la evolución del proceso revolucionario tuvo un impacto en el periodismo portugués. Este estudio busca comprender la influencia de la propaganda en la prensa durante la campaña electoral, analizando el contenido de las noticias publicadas, los elementos de composición periodística y también ciertos efectos discursivos, con el fin de comprender posibles procesos de sesgo informativo. Después de la Revolución de Abril de 1974, se produjo un fortalecimiento del poder de los militares y una radicalización de la vida política, contexto en el que se celebraron las primeras elecciones democráticas. Las elecciones son reconocidas como centrales en la agenda de noticias y las organizaciones periodísticas a menudo desarrollan estrategias para una cobertura completa y capaz. Sin embargo, el foco noticioso de este proceso puede haber sido desviado, ya que el papel de los periodistas (Mesquita, 1994b; Gomes 2014) o la intervención directa de la V División del MFA actuaron como factores activos de propaganda (Ribeiro, 2014).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Lichtman, A. J., and V. I. Keilis-Borok. "Aggregate-level analysis and prediction of midterm senatorial elections in the United States, 1974-1986." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 86, no. 24 (December 1, 1989): 10176–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.86.24.10176.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Petrakos, George, Kostas Rontos, Luca Salvati, Chara Vavoura, and Ioannis Vavouras. "Domestic vs. External Economic Sectors and the Political Process: Insights from Greece." Economies 10, no. 8 (August 17, 2022): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies10080198.

Full text

Abstract:

Building on the well-established relationship between economic dynamics and political processes, we focus on the most important element of the political process, namely, general (or national) elections, and look into their effects on public finance and total economic output. In this vein, the present study has three objectives: (i) to investigate political budget cycles in Greece during the period known as the ‘Third Hellenic Republic’ (in Greek, ‘Metapolitefsi’, hereafter THR) since 1974; (ii) to assess whether national elections affect total economic activity in a stabilizing or destabilizing way; and (iii) to examine the possible effects of the external sector of the economy on the budget balance. The empirical findings of our analysis document how the Greek economy was characterized by sharp political budget cycles in correspondence with the THR, exerting a destabilizing effect on the total output of the economy. Performances of the external sector of the economy have significantly affected budget balances in Greece.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Kaninskaya, Galina. "Waiting for 2022: strategy and tactics of the French party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens»." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2021): 212–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.03.09.

Full text

Abstract:

Political ecology entered the history of the Fifth Republic in France relatively recently, since 1974, when the candidate of «The Greens» party R. Dumont took part in the first round of presidential elections. From that moment until the emergence of the modern party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens», political ecology went through several organizational stages, each with one of the most important issues for «The Greens» was the electoral strategy and tactics, invariably associated with positioning on the political scene. In essence, «The Greens» parties always face an alternative choice: to act in joint electoral lists with the socialists or to present their own autonomous lists at all levels of elections. With that, there is no doubt that French ecologists make up the left of the political spectrum. And for a long time, French ecologists were much more successful separately from the socialists in the European elections to the European Parliament (EP). The French «Greens» were particularly successful in the 2019 EP elections, after the creation in 2010 of a kind of «political cooperative» in the form of the party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens». The article is devoted to the situation in and political role of the French party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens» (EELV). The party's activity is analyzed since the European Parliament elections in 2019. The reasons for the success of the ecologist party in the municipal elections of 2020 and the results of the elections to the senate of the Fifth Republic on 27 th September, 2020 are also considered. An explanation is given for the phenomenon of the growing popularity of the ecological movement in contemporary France, it is shown what impact the problem of climate warming and problem of environment’s deterioration, and also what adjustments have the COVID-19 pandemic made on the electoral process. The article examines how the EELV is preparing to perform in the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections in 2022, examines the political programs of the main candidates, and assesses the prospects of the ecologist party for uniting «progressive forces» behind itself and its relationships with other left-wing parties within the framework of the «two concentric circles» tactic. Some doubts were expressed about EELV’s willingness to lead the highest echelons of power.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Pena-Rodríguez, Alberto, and Lucía Ballesteros-Aguayo. ""Portugal will not become another soviet satellite”. La campaña anticomunista del Portuguese Times durante las elecciones de 1975 en Portugal." Comunicación, propaganda y movimientos revolucionarios en la historia, Especial (June 7, 2022): 166–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24137/raeic.9.e.10.

Full text

Abstract:

Tras la Revolución de los Claveles el 25 de abril de 1974, el proceso de transición política en Portugal se convirtió en un asunto de enorme interés político e informativo por sus consecuencias no sólo para el futuro del país ibérico, sino también por sus relevantes implicaciones en la geopolítica mundial. Durante meses, el proceso revolucionario portugués ocupó la agenda informativa de los medios de comunicación internacionales, que siguieron con atención la evolución de los acontecimientos, especialmente en los meses previos a las elecciones constituyentes del 25 de abril de 1975. En este contexto, los inmigrantes portugueses en Estados Unidos vivieron con inquietud y agitación el proceso revolucionario, estimulados por uno de los medios de referencia en la colonia de Nueva Inglaterra, el semanario Portuguese Times, que intentó liderar un movimiento de oposición al comunismo y a favor de la democracia en Portugal. Este trabajo, de carácter cualitativo, tiene como objetivo analizar la línea editorial del periódico durante los tres meses anteriores a la votación y describir algunas de las acciones más significativas de su campaña de propaganda, que movilizaron a miles de inmigrantes mediante una apelación al miedo a la instauración de una dictadura comunista.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Molina, José E., and Carmen Pérez. "Evolution of the Party System in Venezuela, 1946–1993." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166372.

Full text

Abstract:

The 1946 election for Venezuela's National Constituent Assembly marked the beginning of democratic electoral processes and the modern party system in that country. Although interrupted by ten years of dictatorship (1948-1958), nine national elections for president and parliament have been held since 1946. In conjunction with these elections, the Venezuelan party system has passed through four stages: a predominant party system (1945-1948), a limited multiparty system (1958-1973), an attenuated two-party system (1973-1993), and recently, the return to a limited multiparty system (1993-) (Sartori 1976).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

ALMEIDA, MARIA ANTÓNIA PIRES DE. "The revolution in local government: mayors in Portugal before and after 1974." Continuity and Change 32, no. 2 (July 11, 2017): 253–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416017000170.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractIn 1974, Portugal's Carnation Revolution, initiated by the military, received huge popular support. Army officers, mostly of the rank of captain, started the Revolution, but then the politicians took over. While it was largely a ‘top down’ revolution, at the local government level ordinary people assumed control. In this article we consider those who made up the local elites before the Revolution, during the transition period that followed, and thereafter. We compare the local elites in Portugal during Salazar's dictatorship with those under the Democratic regime, using a database of 6,000 entries containing details of 3,102 mayors and deputy mayors and 402 civil governors who held office between 1936 and 2013. Our main conclusions are that during the transition period the elite who had ruled under Salazar were almost completely replaced. A new group, from different professions and social backgrounds, took up the reins of local government. The Revolution produced a population willing to participate in the new order and take on roles within local government, but they did not always retain their seats after the first democratic elections.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

MOON, WOOJIN. "The Paradox of Less Effective Incumbent Spending: Theory and Tests." British Journal of Political Science 36, no. 4 (August 25, 2006): 705–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000378.

Full text

Abstract:

In this article, the reason why incumbent spending is less effective than challenger spending is explained. The argument is that incumbent spending efficiency depends on the marginality of seats: safe incumbent spending is less effective than marginal incumbent spending, since safe incumbents have to buy fewer extreme voters, whereas marginal incumbents can easily buy a larger number of swing voters. The analysis of the US Senate elections between 1974 and 2000 shows that safe incumbent spending is less effective than challenger spending, but marginal incumbent spending is not. The analysis also shows that the previous finding of less effective incumbent spending is largely due to the fact that the data for marginal and safe incumbents have been aggregated.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Kıralp, Şevki. "The Inter-Communal Talks and Political Life in Cyprus: 1974-1983." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 9, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v9i3.1973.

Full text

Abstract:

<p>This paper conducts historical research on the inter-communal talks and the political life in the two communities of Cyprus from 1974 to 1983. The period covered by the research commenced with the creation of the bi-regional structure on the island in 1974 and ceased with the declaration of Turkish Cypriot Independence in 1983. As this period constitutes an important threshold in the history of Cyprus, it might be argued that observing the political developments it covers is likely to be beneficial for the literature. The research focused on the two communities’ positions in negotiations as well as their elections and political actors. It utilized Turkish, Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot newspapers (and official press releases), political leaders’ memoirs, national archives of USA (NARA) as well as official online documents. Its findings indicate that the two sides could not reach to a settlement mainly due to their disagreements on the authorities of central and regional governments. While the Turkish Cypriot side promoted broader authorities for the regional governments, the Greek Cypriot side favoured broader authorities for the central government. On the other hand, while Turkish Cypriot leader Denktaş had managed to unite the majority of Turkish Cypriot right-wing voters, the Greek Cypriot right-wing was divided among supporters of Makarios and Clerides. On the other hand, while the Greek Cypriot left-wing was in cooperation with Makarios, the Turkish Cypriot left-wing opposed Denktaş’s policies. </p>

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Bass, Harold F., and Andrew Westmoreland. "Parties and Campaigns in Contemporary Arkansas Politics." American Review of Politics 5 (January 1, 1985): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1984.5.0.38-58.

Full text

Abstract:

Thirty-five years ago, V. 0. Key (1949: 183-204) ably surveyed the Arkansas political landscape. Since then, a number of observers have assessed subsequent developments (see Drummond, 1957; Yates, 1972; Ranchino, 1972; Bonds, 1974; Bass & DeVries, 1976: 87-106; Johnston, 1981; Johnston, 1983; and Lamis, forthcoming). This present consideration of parties and campaigns in contemporary Arkansas politics approaches the subject from three perspectives. The first associates shifting statewide electoral patterns since Key wrote with changes in the character of the state political party organizations he described. The second details the selection, tenure, and activity of the leaders of these organizations since 1970. The third addresses modern directions in campaign style and practice, with special reference to the role and status of party organization in the conduct of election campaigns. Major data sources include the above-mentioned analyses, contemporaneous journalistic accounts, and personal interviews with several party and campaign organization notables.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

MOON, WOOJIN. "Party Activists, Campaign Resources and Candidate Position Taking: Theory, Tests and Applications." British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 4 (September 8, 2004): 611–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123404000213.

Full text

Abstract:

Electoral competition is here specified as revolving around both candidate policy positions and non-policy issues.Two candidates spend their resources on non-policy issues to sway citizens' ideological voting decisions but they are constrained by their party activists who provide them with electoral resources. In this setting, a candidate with a resource advantage converges more towards the centre, but a candidate with a resource disadvantage diverges more from the centre. This asymmetry in two candidates' incentives to converge generates the result that the two candidates do not converge towards each other. To test these theoretical results, two-stage estimation is used in this article to solve the reciprocal relationship between policy moderation and campaign resources. This analysis produces strong empirical support for the model in the context of US Senate elections between 1974 and 2000.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Tung, Ko-Chih R. "Voting Rights for Alien Residents — Who Wants It?" International Migration Review 19, no. 3 (September 1985): 451–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838501900304.

Full text

Abstract:

Foreign nationals permanently domiciled in Sweden have been entitled since 1975 to vote and to be elected to municipal and county council elections. The question now is whether Sweden should go one step further by enabling foreign nationals to vote and stand for election in Riksdag (Parliamentary) elections as well. This article examines some of the major issues associated with international migration and disenfranchisement of migrants created by a contradiction between economic and political rationale. It presents the actual trends in the exercise of the voting rights by the franchised immigrants since 1976. It examines the attitude of the host population toward this unusual reform, entailing sharing of political power with aliens and the position of the immigrants and the natives toward an even more radical proposal to extend political rights to include even the national parliamentary election.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Holbrook, Thomas M. "Economic Considerations and the 2008 Presidential Election." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 473–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090763.

Full text

Abstract:

The idea that economic conditions influence election outcomes and voting behavior is hardly novel and would appear to be close to uniformly accepted, especially in the case of American presidential elections. Beginning with the early aggregate studies (Arcelus and Meltzer 1975; Bloom and Price 1975; Kramer 1971; Tufte 1978) and the important individual-level work that followed soon thereafter (Kiewiet 1983; Kinder and Kiewiet 1979, 1981; Fiorina 1981), election scholars have devoted considerable attention to the influence of the economy on voting behavior and election outcomes. Although the findings are many and sometimes disparate, a few general conclusions have emerged: economic voting is incumbency oriented rather than policy oriented (Fiorina 1981; Kiewiet 1983); at the individual level, evaluations of the national economy are more closely tied to vote choice than are evaluations of personal finances (Kiewiet 1983; Kinder and Kiewiet 1979, 1981; Kinder, Adams, and Gronke 1989); and, with the exception of 2000, the incumbent party is habitually returned to office when economic times are good and tossed out when economic times are bad (Campbell and Garand 2000). In short, we know a lot about how the economy influences voters and elections, and it would seem that there are few issues left to resolve.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Daniels, R. Steven, and Carolyn L. Clark-Daniels. "Vulnerability Reduction and Political Responsiveness: Explaining Executive Decisions in U.S. Disaster Policy during the Ford and Carter Administrations*." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 20, no. 2 (August 2002): 225–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072700202000209.

Full text

Abstract:

Decision-making by elected executives on disaster policy reflects comprehensive vulnerability management, political responsiveness to the media, political negotiation, and intergovernmental conflict. If vulnerability reduction is a significant influence, executive decisions should reflect political and social vulnerability and self-sufficiency. If political responsiveness influences disaster decisions, executive decisions should also reflect media coverage, proximity to elections, and decisions at other levels of government. The data set included 293 major disaster requests between 1974 and 1981. The analysis used multiple regression and logistic regression. Vulnerability reduction had an impact on aid decisions. Political responsiveness affected most decisions on disaster relief. The Ford administration was more sensitive to both responsiveness and vulnerability than the Carter administration. Overall, nationalization of disaster assistance has made the achievement of vulnerability management more difficult. The absence of minimum criteria has increased the discretion of executive choice.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Campbell, Adrian, and Malcolm Warner. "Changes in the Balance of Power in the British Mineworkers' Union: an Analysis of National Top-office Elections, 1974-84." British Journal of Industrial Relations 23, no. 1 (March 1985): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.1985.tb00179.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Davies, Richard B., and Robert Crouchley. "The determinants of party loyalty: a disaggregate analysis of panel data from the 1974 and 1979 general elections in England." Political Geography Quarterly 4, no. 4 (October 1985): 307–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0260-9827(85)90037-0.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Journal articles on the topic 'Elections, 1974'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles