Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections 2020

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections 2020'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 24 April 2022
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections 2020"

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Renshaw, Catherine, and Michael Lidauer. "The Union Election Commission of Myanmar 2010–2020." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 16, S1 (2021): S136—S155. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2021.33.

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AbstractThe 2008 Constitution of the Union of Myanmar establishes the framework for a ‘discipline-flourishing’ constitutional democracy in which the Tatmadaw, the Burmese military, retains a significant degree of power. Under this Constitution, the Union Election Commission (UEC) is vested with significant authority to supervise elections, regulate political parties and electoral campaigns, register voters, suspend elections, and to make conclusive determinations in electoral disputes. Between 2010 and 2020, the UEC oversaw three consecutive general elections and three by-elections. Following a term under the former military leadership, the country's major democratic opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won a resounding victory in the 2015 elections. In the years that followed, civilian-military relations were a source of tension, as the NLD attempted to reform the executive and legislative roles for the military guaranteed by the Constitution. These tensions became in particular tangible during the 2020 elections, which the NLD again won in a landslide victory. The military alleged the election was marred by fraud while the UEC rejected this allegation. On 1 February 2021, hours before the new parliament was to convene, the Tatmadaw staged a coup d’état. This article reviews the UEC in its constitutional and political context. It identifies its institutional features, significant points in its brief history, and the impact of UEC leadership as a contributing factor in fostering confidence in the electoral process.
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Simoniya, Aida A. "Myanmar 2020: General Parliamentary Elections." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (48) (2020): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-3-3-48-129-144.

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Despite the dramatic deterioration of the COVID-19 situation, General parliamentary elections were held in Myanmar on November 8, 2020. The peculiarity of these elections is not only that they are "pandemic". This is the second election in which the national League for democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory. The party's electoral support even expanded compared to the previous 2015 elections. They were also held when the former opposition NLD party was in power for the first time. The NLD's victory was expected and predictable. The election results can be seen as a personal victory for Aung San Suu Kyi and the desire of the people to see her as the leader of the nation.
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Astafieva, E. M. "Singapore: general election campaign 2020." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 1(46) (2020): 407–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-1-1-46-407-412.

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The article analyzes the alignment of political forces on the eve of the general parliamentary elections in Singapore. The author dwells on main political parties of the country, cites data on the results of the last parliamentary elections held in Singapore in 2015. Particular attention is paid to changing the procedure for conducting both the election campaign and the elections themselves in the context of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic. In conclusion, the author makes a forecast about the results of the elections, which will be held on 10 July 2020.
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Clayton, Katherine, and Robb Willer. "Endorsements from Republican politicians can increase confidence in U.S. elections." Research & Politics 10, no. 1 (2023): 205316802211489. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680221148967.

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Since the 2020 U.S. presidential election, perceptions of the validity of the outcome and broader trust in the American electoral process have reached historically low levels among Republicans. While this trend has potentially harmful consequences for democratic stability, there is little research on how beliefs that an election was fair—and trust in the electoral process more generally—can be restored. In a preregistered survey experiment ( n = 2101), we find that viewing real messages from Republican politicians defending the legitimacy of the 2020 election increased faith in the election’s outcome and in the broader electoral process among Republican voters, compared to either a neutral control condition or to comparable messages from Democratic politicians. These effects are statistically mediated by shifts in voters’ perceptions of elite Republican opinion about the 2020 election, highlighting a potentially useful intervention for efforts to restore faith in elections going forward. Notably, exposure to messages from Republican politicians affirming the election’s legitimacy did not significantly decrease support for the Republican Party, suggesting that Republican politicians who endorse the 2020 election results might not face backlash from voters.
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Carson, Jamie L., Spencer Hardin, and Aaron A. Hitefield. "You’re Fired! Donald Trump and the 2020 Congressional Elections." Forum 18, no. 4 (2020): 627–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2103.

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Abstract The 2020 elections brought to an end one of the most divisive and historic campaigns in the modern era. Former Vice President Joe Biden was elected the 46th President of the United States with the largest number of votes ever cast in a presidential election, defeating incumbent President Donald Trump in the process. The record turnout was especially remarkable in light of the ongoing pandemic surrounding COVID-19 and the roughly 236,000 Americans who had died of the virus prior to the election. This article examines the electoral context of the 2020 elections focusing on elections in both the House and Senate. More specifically, this article examines the candidates, electoral conditions, trends, and outcomes in the primaries as well as the general election. In doing so, we provide a comprehensive descriptive analysis of the climate and outcome of the 2020 congressional elections. Finally, the article closes with a discussion of the broader implications of the election outcomes on both the incoming 117th Congress as well as the upcoming 2022 midterm election.
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Kapoor, Mudit, and Shamika Ravi. "Poverty, Pandemic and Elections: Analysis of Bihar Assembly Elections 2020." Indian Journal of Human Development 15, no. 1 (2021): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973703021995766.

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We analyse the Bihar assembly elections of 2020, and find that poverty was the key driving factor, over and above female voters as determinants. The results show that the poor were more likely to support the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). The relevance of this result for an election held in the midst of a pandemic is very crucial, given that the poor were the hardest hit. Second, in contrast to conventional commentary, the empirical results show that the All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen—‘AIMIM factor’ and the Lok Janshakti party—‘LJP factor’ hurt the NDA, while benefitting the Maha Gath Bandan (MGB), with their presence in these elections. The methodological novelty in this article has combined elections data with wealth data to study the effect of poverty on election outcomes.
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Bokoeva, Zh, Zh Akmatbekova, and D. Sydygalieva. "PR as a Tool of Political Technologies (on the Example of the 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Kyrgyzstan)." Bulletin of Science and Practice 8, no. 1 (2022): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/74/27.

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The main task of elections in a democratic state is not only to elect representatives of power, but also to ensure the legitimacy of newly elected persons and the political system as a whole. Today, elections are one of the most democratic ways for voters to freely express their opinion in matters of appointing the heads of legislative and executive bodies of power. Consequently, the most important and indispensable condition for a democratic system is free elections. Elections are designed to perform functions such as electing a new political elite, resolving conflicts, reflecting the interests and opinions of various peoples, social strata and groups of society, mobilizing the population to support party programs and social values, etc. PR-technologies occupy a special place in election campaigns. In this regard, the article examines PR-technologies used by parties in the 2020 parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan. The study covers the time period from September 4 to October 3, 2020. As part of the study, a linguistic analysis of information posted on the official websites and social pages of parties, media reports and reports of relevant organizations was carried out. Based on the results of the study, a number of practical recommendations have been developed that must be taken into account during the next parliamentary and presidential elections.
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Afiyah, Siti, Rusydi Rusydi, and Rizky Dwi Chorniawan. "PENUNDAAN PELAKSANAAN PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH SERENTAK MENURUT SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN." MIMBAR YUSTITIA 5, no. 2 (2022): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/mimbar.v5i2.2627.

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This research is based on the government's steps in the midst of the current COVID-19 pandemic and with the simultaneous 2020 Regional Head Elections being held initially on 23 September 2020 and postponed to December 2020. The Simultaneous Regional Head Election is a Regional head elections are carried out directly by people who meet the requirements, which are carried out simultaneously in regions in Indonesia. The 2020 simultaneous elections is the fourth batch of simultaneous elections conducted for regional heads as a result of the December 2015 election. There are 270 regions that carry out Simultaneous Pilkada 2020, the details are 9 provinces, 224 regencies, and 37 cities.
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Chaudhry, Hassan Nazeer, Yasir Javed, Farzana Kulsoom, et al. "Sentiment Analysis of before and after Elections: Twitter Data of U.S. Election 2020." Electronics 10, no. 17 (2021): 2082. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/electronics10172082.

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U.S. President Joe Biden took his oath after being victorious in the controversial U.S. elections of 2020. The polls were conducted over postal ballot due to the coronavirus pandemic following delays of the announcement of the election’s results. Donald J. Trump claimed that there was potential rigging against him and refused to accept the results of the polls. The sentiment analysis captures the opinions of the masses over social media for global events. In this work, we analyzed Twitter sentiment to determine public views before, during, and after elections and compared them with actual election results. We also compared opinions from the 2016 election in which Donald J. Trump was victorious with the 2020 election. We created a dataset using tweets’ API, pre-processed the data, extracted the right features using TF-IDF, and applied the Naive Bayes Classifier to obtain public opinions. As a result, we identified outliers, analyzed controversial and swing states, and cross-validated election results against sentiments expressed over social media. The results reveal that the election outcomes coincide with the sentiment expressed on social media in most cases. The pre and post-election sentiment analysis results demonstrate the sentimental drift in outliers. Our sentiment classifier shows an accuracy of 94.58% and a precision of 93.19%.
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Marisa, Hizra, Ade Pornauli, Achmad Indra, and Alya Aurora. "The Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) 2020 During Covid-19 Pandemic: A Projection." Journal of Election and Leadership 1, no. 2 (2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/joels.v1i2.4424.

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This study aims to find out a projection and how the development of elections during COVID-19 pandemic. The regional heads elections is one manifestation of the reform movement in 1998 which wants a change in state administration after being dominated by authoritarianism to become democratic. This election is known to the public as a venue for the election of regional heads who will serve or lead. Covid-19 pandemic is a virus transmission and causes an outbreak ove the world including Indonesia. A number of regions contributed to the 2020 elections. The regional head election system in 2020 is the third time held in Indonesia. The ballot is planned to be held simultaneously on September 2020. The total area that will carry out simultaneous regional head elections in 2020 is 270 regions with 9 provinces, 224 districts and 37 cities. The government regulation in lieu of law number 2/2020 on the local election was finally set by President Joko Widodopada on May 4th, 2020. The election which originally took place on September 23rd was finally postponed for 3 months, which became on December 2020. This step was criticized because it was considered ignoring COVID-19 pandemic.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections 2020"

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Kodra, Eralda. "Les partis politiques en Albanie : la difficile démocratisation d’une société post-totalitaire (1990-2020)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bordeaux, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022BORD0172.

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Cette thèse étudie, à travers les partis politiques en Albanie, la difficile démocratisation d'une société post-totalitaire. Les partis jouent le rôle de mécanisme de représentation à l'intérieur d'un système politique démocratique. Leur étude et celle des systèmes partisans reste un sujet de recherche essentiel pour la compréhension du fonctionnement des nouvelles démocraties d'Europe centrale et orientale, telle l'Albanie. Partis et systèmes de partis sont les principaux acteurs de la politique dans les sociétés post-communistes et, de plus, y apparaissent comme les principaux porteurs d'identités sociales. L'analyse des partis politiques et du système politique, comme celle des principaux acteurs politiques, doit permettre de mieux comprendre le processus de démocratisation de la société politique albanaise.Le sujet porte sur la naissance et le développement de l'espace politique pluraliste en Albanie à partir des années 1990. L’objet de cette thèse vise à suivre les processus de création, de développement et de stabilisation des partis politiques et du système partisan. Il s'agit donc d'analyser l'origine des partis politiques et les différences idéologiques existant entre eux, d'identifier ceux qui peuvent prétendre à la conquête du pouvoir, de mesurer les conséquences de l'installation du pluralisme politique dans une société sortant de plus de 45 ans de communisme, et également de préciser leurs sources de financement. La vie politique albanaise depuis 1991 a connu des fluctuations permanentes, avec la création et la mort des partis politiques, les coalitions, l'émergence et l'épanouissement des grands partis, les conflits et crises politiques. Ce qui reste le dénominateur commun de ces 30 années en ce qui concerne les partis politiques est leur position dominante par rapport aux institutions, à la loi et à la société elle-même et leur adoption d’une variété de rôles finalement assez proches de ceux que jouait l’État-parti dans la période communiste. En Albanie, les partis politiques outrepassent leur rôle. Ils jouissent d'une grande puissance, dans la mesure où ils ont des moyens de contrôle sur tous les pouvoirs, législatif, exécutif et judiciaire<br>This thesis studies, throughout the political parties in Albania, the difficult democratization of a post-totalitarian society. The parties cope with a representation mechanism inside a democratic political system. Their study and that of party systems remains an essential research subject in order to understand the functioning in Central and Eastern Europe’s new democracies, such as Albania. Parties and party systems are the main actors in politics for post-communist societies and, moreover, appear as the main bearers of social identities. The analysis of political parties and political systems, as well as that of the main political actors, should allow for a better understanding of the democratization process in Albanian political society.The topic explains the birth and development of the pluralist political space in Albania beginning with the 1990s. The purpose of this thesis is to follow the creation processes, the development and the stabilization of these political parties and the party system. Thus, this subject analyzes the political parties origins and the ideological differences existing between them, in order to identify those which can claim the conquest of power, and measure the depth of political pluralism consequences, in a society having experienced more than 45 years of communism, and also specify their finance sources. Albanian political life since 1991 has experienced permanent fluctuations, with the creation and death of political parties, coalitions, the emergence and development of major parties, conflicts and political crises. What remains the common denominator of these 30 years with regard to political parties is their dominant position in relation to institutions, to the law and to society itself and their adoption of a variety of roles ultimately fairly close to those played by the party-state in the communist period. In Albania, political parties overstep their role. They enjoy great power, insofar as they have means of control over all the powers, legislative, executive and judicial powers
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Mellet, Xavier. "La composition médiatique des populismes : une comparaison France-Japon." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0037/document.

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Cette thèse propose une réflexion sur le concept de populisme aujourd’hui, à partir d’une comparaison entre des cas français et japonais. Elle se focalise sur des périodes de campagne électorale et l’étude d’éléments présents dans les comptes rendus de presse écrite. Son raisonnement est structuré en deux parties. La première présente le concept de populisme et ses problèmes actuels, puis propose une réflexion d’ordre méthodologique, centrée sur la volonté de ne pas séparer les populistes des démocrates, et de considérer le populisme comme intrinsèque au politique. Dans le lignage de la théorie de la « raison populiste » d’Ernesto Laclau, cette partie définit une théorie du populisme comme composition médiatique : il y a du populisme quand s’opère avec succès une composition autour d’un élément dont on perçoit la trace médiatique. La seconde partie s’attache à étudier ce phénomène à travers une comparaison France-Japon. Elle définit les caractéristiques principales des compositions telles qu’elles se réalisent dans les deux pays, s’agissant à la fois de la composition de l’incarnation (comment l’on devient chef) et de celle du projet politique (comment l’on devient un enjeu central), au sein des élections législatives japonaises de 2005 et 2009, et de l’élection présidentielle française de 2007. Une attention particulière a été accordée à François Bayrou, Ségolène Royal (2007) et Koizumi Junichirō (2005) ; ainsi qu’à la privatisation de la poste (2005), le changement de gouvernement (2009), et mai 68 (2007). La conclusion de ce travail propose une théorie du populisme comme émergence et des pistes méthodologiques futures centrées sur la notion de « monade »<br>This thesis offers a study of the concept of populism today, through a comparison between French and Japanese cases. It focuses on election campaigns and the study of elements present in newspapers articles. The reasoning is divided into two parts. The first one analyzes the current problems of the concept of populism, and then proposes a methodological reflection, based on a will not to distinguish populist people from democrats, and the empirical inclusion of populism and the political. Following Ernesto Laclau’s “populist reason” theory, this part gives a definition of populism as a “mediatic composition”: populism exists when a composition is successfully created around an element that is visible within mass media content. The second part is dedicated to the study of such phenomena through a Japan-France comparison. It defines the main characteristics of the compositions seen in both countries, with particular regard to incarnation (how to become a leader) and the political project (how to become a central issue), within the 2005 and 2009 Japanese legislative elections and the French 2007 presidential election. It dwells on the specificities of each country regarding the emergence of populist dynamics, consisting of elementary expansions within a campaign, whatever its nature (proposition, person, enemy…). A particular attention is given to François Bayrou, Ségolène Royal (2007) and Koizumi Junichirō (2005); as well as the postal privatization (2005), the change in government (2009) and May 68 (2007). The conclusion proposes a theory of populism as emergence and some methodological prospects based on the notion of ‘monad’
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Pflanz, Kristina. "System Breakdown: The Dispute Elections of 1876 and 2000." Thesis, Boston College, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/392.

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Thesis advisor: Marc Landy<br>The election of 2000 was the most tumultuous election of the present day - an election that involved numerous lawsuits and was ultimately decided by the votes of Supreme Court Justices. What many Americans do not know or remember is that there was another election in 1876 with largely similar circumstances - disputed electoral votes (in Florida again) and a winner (Rutherford B. Hayes) produced by a Supreme Court Justice. This essay aims to examine these two elections in detail in order to demonstrate the flaws of the U.S. Constitutional system and the different manners in which they were resolved. The second part of the essay aims to determine whether the purported illegitimacy of the two winners (Hayes and Bush) affected their respective presidencies<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2005<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Political Science<br>Discipline: College Honors Program
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Vergara, Rafael. "Strategic voters in the 2000 Mexican elections /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3129949.

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Ferreira, Marcos Francisco Soares. "O USO DO TWITTER NAS ELEIÇÕES PRESIDENCIAIS NO BRASIL EM 2010." UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE PONTA GROSSA, 2012. http://tede2.uepg.br/jspui/handle/prefix/334.

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Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:43:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos francisco soares ferreira.pdf: 1978054 bytes, checksum: e78bba4d9dfc01921d522faf9bb33501 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-29<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>The work of this dissertation has as its object of study "The use of Twitter in the 2010 presidential elections." It has as main objectives: 1) Analyze Twitter as a communication tool in the elections. 2) Identify the use of Twitter by the three main candidates for presidency of the republic in the presidential elections in Brazil in 2010. This is an exploratory research, which systematizes the empirical data collected directly from Twitter candidates surveyed. To that end, we collected all the tweets of the three candidates surveyed: Dilma Roussef, Marina Silva and Jose Serra, published between 06/07/2010 and 06/11/2010.The survey results were organized into three chapters, the first of which is democracy, elections and public sphere, the second discusses the elections in Brazil and the third chapter presents the use of Twitter in the presidential elections in Brazil.<br>O presente trabalho de dissertação de mestrado tem como objeto de estudo “O uso do Twitter nas eleições presidenciais de 2010.” Apresenta como objetivos principais: 1) Analisar o Twitter como ferramenta de comunicação nas eleições. 2) Identificar o uso do Twitter pelos três principais candidatos a presidência da república no Brasil nas eleições presidenciais em 2010. Trata-se de uma pesquisa exploratória, que sistematiza dados empíricos coletados diretamente do Twitter dos candidatos pesquisados. Para isto foram coletados todos os tweets dos três candidatos pesquisados: Dilma Roussef, Marina Silva e José Serra, publicados entre 06/07/2010 e 06/11/2010.Os resultados da pesquisa foram organizados em três capítulos, sendo que o primeiro trata da democracia, esfera pública e eleições, o segundo aborda as eleições no Brasil e o terceiro capítulo apresenta o uso do Twitter nas eleições presidenciais no Brasil.
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Ragones, Timothy. "A content analysis of the on-air language of CNN election night coverage in 2000 and 2002 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p1422957.

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Kratochvíl, Jakub. "Midterm elections 2010 - Impact of electorate expectations on midterm." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-74554.

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This thesis focuses on analysis of the importance of electorate expectations for voter behavior in mid-term elections. We will modify the traditional Alesina-Rosenthal model to include electorate expectations. Using this new model, we will show that Obama's loss in the 2010 mid-term elections was caused by high electorate expectations which were created during the campaign for Presidency in 2008. With the help of our framework, we will demonstrate that electorate expectations played a crucial role in several historical mid-term elections.
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Shumba, Gabriel. "International standards and the 2000/2 elections in Zimbabwe and Ghana: a critique." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/981.

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"This study is a comparative analysis of how free and fair recent presidential elections in two African countries were. On a wider frame, the yardsticks used in this work are international norms and principles that govern the conduct of elections. Recourse is also made to regional instruments and norms where appropriate. The case study will focus on Zimbabwe, representing the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and Ghana, representing the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The reasons for selecting these countries only are given below. Zimbabwe held a crucial presidential election between the 9th and 11th of March 2002. Ghana held its presidential runoff that took place on the 28th of December 2000 that will be the subject of this investigation. Both elections were momentous in that they were heralded by unprecedented and cataclysmic events in the two countries' post-colonial scenario. In the case of Zimbabwe, the presidential election attracted such singular international interest that the question of sovereignty that had hitherto never been raised regarding the conduct of elections became a topical issue in domestic, regional and international fora. Furthermore, human rights concerns that had characterized the 2000 parliamentary elections paled into insignificance by comparison. In Ghana, the election was 'arguably the most important since independence in 1957'. Indeed, the election was so important that it is characterised locally as 'Ghana's second independence'. The reason the election was crucial is that it marked the exit of the country's longest serving head of state. The election also marked a smooth transition in a democratic process that ushered in an opposition party into office. Because these elections were of profound interest not only in the countries they were held but also in Africa and internationally, examining the regulatory framework of the elections as well as their human rights context is not only of academic importance to scholars of political science and democratisaton but also of practical relevance to human rights defenders, political parties and the voting public." -- Chapter 1.<br>Under the supervision of Edward Kofi Quashigah at the Human Rights Study Centre, University of Ghana<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2002.<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM
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Scherr, Steven J. "Prelude to 2000 the election controversy in Florida during the election of 1876 /." Connect to online resource - WSU on-site and authorized users, 2005.

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Musumeci, Maria D. "COVID-19 Threat Perceptions and Voting in the 2020 Presidential Election." University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1628025640916147.

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Books on the topic "Elections 2020"

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Hadžiabdić, Irena. Priručnik za posmatrače izbora: Lokalni izbori 2020. Centralna izborna komisija Bosne i Hercegovine, 2020.

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Karner, Florian. Monitoring thematique des medias sur le processus de l'election presidentielle d'octobre 2020 en Cote D'Ivoire: Rapport final 2021. Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, 2020.

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Kalaba, Jovan. Priručnik za rad biračkih odbora u Bosni i Hercegovini: Lokalni izbori 2020. Centralna izborna komisija Bosne i Hercegovine, 2020.

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Gayte, Marie, Blandine Chelini-Pont, and Mark J. Rozell, eds. Catholics and US Politics After the 2020 Elections. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82212-5.

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author, Loya Shlomi, та Yaʻari Yehudah editor, ред. Ketsad shuntah ha-shiṭah ha-poliṭit be-Yiśraʼel, 1990-2020: How the Israeli political system was changed 1990-2020. Ṭeper, 2021.

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Cuevas, Héctor. Radiografía de las elecciones dominicanas 2020. [publisher not identified], 2021.

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(Organization), Elections Cameroon. General report on the conduct of the 9 February 2020 twin legislative and municipal elections as well as of the 22 March 2020 legislative rerun: Rapport général sur le déroulement du double scrutin législatif et municipal du 9 février 2020 et des élections législatives partielles du 22 mars 2020. ELECAM, 2020.

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Qāḍī, Khālid Muḥammad. al-Waʻy bi-intikhābāt al-barlamānīyah, Miṣr 2020. Khālid Muḥammad al-Qāḍī, 2020.

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Souverein, Jan. (Re)configuración del campo político en Bolivia: Balance y horizontes del ciclo electoral 2020-2021. Fundación Friedrich Ebert Bolivia, 2022.

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Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition. Ilani ya uchaguzi ya wanawake: Uchaguzi wa serikali za mitaa 2019, na uchaguzi mkuu 2020 : ajenda ya mwanamke, turufu ya ushindi 2019/2020. Mtandao wa Watetezi wa Haki za Binadamu Tanzania, 2019.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections 2020"

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Stolicki, Dariusz. "Redistricting and Gerrymandering after the 2020–2021 Census." In The Crossroads Elections. Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003440895-5.

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Cain, Bruce E. "The Elections of 2020." In Developments in American Politics 9. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89740-6_2.

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Fink-Hafner, Danica. "Changes in the Party System (1989–2022)." In Party System Changes and Challenges to Democracy. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54949-6_7.

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AbstractBased on the indicators presented in Chapter 5, four changes to the party system in Slovenia are revealed: the transitional party system (1989–1991); the consolidation of the first party system based on the 1991 constitution (1992–2000 elections); the destabilization of the first party system (2004–2008 elections); and the continuous radical renewal of the party system (2011–2022 elections). A comparative analysis of these four changes in the party system shows that party system fragmentation has been a constant characteristic. While the party system had become institutionalized during the 1990s, its deinstitutionalization started after the 2000 elections and radically intensified after the 2011 elections. Similarly, polarization was already increasing after the 2000 elections. The radical short-term decline in Slovenia’s democracy (2020–2021) cannot be explained without taking other factors into account.
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Wayne, Stephen J. "The 2020 Elections and Their Consequences." In The Biden Presidency. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003176978-2.

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Spitzer, Robert J. "Looking Down the Barrel of the 2020 Elections." In The 2020 Presidential Election. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83872-0_9.

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Galdieri, Christopher J., Tauna S. Sisco, and Jennifer C. Lucas. "Identity Politics in the Wake of 2020." In Identity Politics in US National Elections. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28384-0_8.

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Grimm, Linda. "Election Observers Report on Kyrgyzstan Elections : October 5, October 6, October 13, and October 16, 2020." In Historic Documents of 2020. CQ Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781071839034.n44.

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Ehin, Piret, and Liisa Talving. "Elections and Special Voting Arrangements." In International Series on Public Policy. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-52096-9_4.

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AbstractThe COVID-19 pandemic has had a disruptive effect on elections worldwide. Faced with health risks that a mass event such as an election poses, national decision-makers have had to make two major choices: whether to hold elections as scheduled or postpone them, and whether and how to modify the way elections are conducted. With regard to the second question, both policy and academic debates have focused on the introduction and expansion of special voting arrangements, including early, postal, proxy and remote internet voting, as well as the availability of the mobile ballot box. This chapter examines policy responses to the pandemic in the realm of election management in 27 member states of the European Union (EU), focusing on decisions to hold, postpone and modify elections. We find that 15 out of 60 scheduled national, regional and local elections were delayed in EU-27 over the first two years of the pandemic, with the length of the delay varying from seven weeks to nearly half a year. Most of the postponed events were local elections scheduled for the spring of 2020. In nationwide elections held amid the health crisis, voter turnout fell by 2.9 percentage points on average. We also find extensive differences among EU countries in terms of the use of special voting arrangements (SVAs). While 16 countries introduced new SVAs or expanded existing ones during the first two years of the pandemic, the modifications were, overall, limited in scope, attesting to the complexities of changing electoral legislation and practices over a short period of time. While the question of how to conduct elections amid the pandemic gave rise to heated debates in many EU countries, the controversies were most pronounced—and contributed to democratic backsliding—in settings where democracy had been eroding already before the health crisis.
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Foreman, Sean D. "The 2020 Elections Overview: A Campaign Cycle Like No Other." In The Roads to Congress 2020. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82521-8_1.

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Brown-Foster, Walton. "African American Women in 2020 US Politics, the Stony Road Walked." In Identity Politics in US National Elections. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28384-0_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Elections 2020"

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Krogmann, Alfred, Magdaléna Němčíková, Ján Veselovský, and Andrej Svorad. "Geographical approach to the analysis of elections on the example of parliamentary elections in Slovakia in 2016." In 27th edition of the Central European Conference with subtitle (Teaching) of regional geography. Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9694-2020-8.

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With regard to surprising results of Parliamentary elections in Slovakia their geographic dimension is also important. The aim of this article is to analyze the milieu of elections and the subsequent spatial differentiation of the results of the 8 parties which were successful to enter the Parliament. Election data were processed via the diversification of election preferences, the identification of areas of election support and correlation analysis by means of which the mutual cohesion of individual parties election results was studied. We found out that within the diversification of election preferences the one party dominance – the winning SMER – SD (40 out of Slovakia’s 79 districts) – prevails. Further we have dealt with the identification of areas of political parties support, with emphasis to their core regions.
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Boamfa, Ionel. "ELECTORAL PROCESSES IN THE OLT COUNTRY (1300-2020)." In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2022/s01.003.

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The article aims to highlight the chrono-spatial distribution of electoral processes in the Olt Country (southern Transylvania, Romania), in the last seven centuries. For the medieval era we have information related to the election of members (boyars) of the Superior Seat of Fagara?, an institution of regional autonomy preserved by both the Muntenian rule (before 1462) and the Transylvanian (XVI-XVII centuries), and in the first phase (XVIIIth century), by the Habsburg Court in Vienna too. For the middle of the XIXth century, we have information related to the district elections of the revolutionary year 1848, the municipal elections of 1861, or those related to the Transylvanian Diet of 1863. From the period of the Austro-Hungarian dualism (1867- 1918) the available data are related to legislative and local elections. After the Union of Transylvania with Romania (December 1, 1918), the electoral data refer, both for the interwar period (1919-1939), for the communist regime (1946-1989) and for the years of post-communist democracy (after 1989), both to parliamentary and local elections. The last interval also includes detailed electoral data, at communal level, related to both legislative and local elections. In conclusion, the analysis of the electoral results for the entire interval highlights the presence, mainly among the winners of electoral competitions, of Romanian representatives � including for the period before 1918 � and the "alignment" of the Olt Country, in the last century, to Romanian national trends.
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Bredereck, Robert, Piotr Faliszewski, Michal Furdyna, Andrzej Kaczmarczyk, and Martin Lackner. "Strategic Campaign Management in Apportionment Elections." In Twenty-Ninth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Seventeenth Pacific Rim International Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-PRICAI-20}. International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2020/15.

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In parliamentary elections, parties compete for a limited, typically fixed number of seats. We study the complexity of the following bribery-style problem: Given the distribution of votes among the parties, what is the smallest number of voters that need to be convinced to vote for our party, so that it gets a desired number of seats. We also run extensive experiments on real-world election data and measure the effectiveness of our method.
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Caballero, Michael. "Predicting the 2020 US Presidential Election with Twitter." In 2nd International Conference on Soft Computing, Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning (SAIM 2021). AIRCC Publishing Corporation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5121/csit.2021.111006.

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One major sub-domain in the subject of polling public opinion with social media data is electoral prediction. Electoral prediction utilizing social media data potentially would significantly affect campaign strategies, complementing traditional polling methods and providing cheaper polling in real-time. First, this paper explores past successful methods from research for analysis and prediction of the 2020 US Presidential Election using Twitter data. Then, this research proposes a new method for electoral prediction which combines sentiment, from NLP on the text of tweets, and structural data with aggregate polling, a time series analysis, and a special focus on Twitter users critical to the election. Though this method performed worse than its baseline of polling predictions, it is inconclusive whether this is an accurate method for predicting elections due to scarcity of data. More research and more data are needed to accurately measure this method’s overall effectiveness.
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Dagen, Tomislav, and Marijana Majnarić. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORAL LEGISLATION – LAW vis á vis JUSTNESS OF ELECTORAL LEGISLATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA IN THE PAST 20 YEARS." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18302.

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In the last twenty years, through the democratic development of the Republic of Croatia, the problem of modernizing parliamentary electoral legislation and the need and desire to create a better and fairer electoral system as a whole, which will bring the Republic of Croatia into European integration and the map of Western democracies comes “to the surface”. In order for the implementation of the political desire to join Western democracies and bring the Republic of Croatia closer to the European Union realize its full potential, the electoral system was changed in 1999, and since then seven elections have been held for the Croatian Parliament, and the Republic of Croatia has in the meantime become a full member of the European Union. On this democratic path and democratic-parliamentary progress of the Republic of Croatia, a constant and unchanged circumstance (parliamentary anomaly) was noticed, which the Constitutional Court warned about back in 2010, and that is the need to create a fairer electoral system, since these existing ones call into question legality and constitutionality of the election results (the warning which the Croatian Parliament still ignores). Therefore, in this paper, the authors, by analyzing the existing electoral system and comparing the 2000 and 2020 elections, identify its shortcomings, inconsistencies between the Act on Election of Representatives to the Croatian Parliament and the Act on Constituencies. Further analysis in this paper refers to the fact of imbalance in the number of voters in different constituencies in which an identical number of representatives is elected (malapportionment), and the lack of “justness” that allows issues of political engineering and forming post-election coalitions, as well as the possibility of representatives “entering” the Croatian Parliament with a minimum number of votes obtained. Also, the authors try to confirm the thesis that the existing electoral system of electing representatives to the Croatian Parliament as a legislative body of the Republic of Croatia needs to be made more just in order to completely fulfill its purpose of creating parliamentary democracy in accordance with the rule of law and the will of the people. In light of the above, the paper will compare and analyze the results of the aforementioned parliamentary elections and their shortcomings, and will provide an overview of the necessary changes and the creation of a future more just electoral system, which the Republic of Croatia certainly needs and which will reduce to a minimum the difference between law and justice in the procedures for the election of representatives to the Croatian Parliament.
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Shakya, Garima. "Protecting Elections." In CoDS COMAD 2020: 7th ACM IKDD CoDS and 25th COMAD. ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3371158.3371213.

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Singh, Shivdeep, and Geeta Sikka. "YouTube Sentiment Analysis on US Elections 2020." In 2021 2nd International Conference on Secure Cyber Computing and Communications (ICSCCC). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icsccc51823.2021.9478128.

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Singh, Aditya, Avinash kumar, Nishtha Dua, Vipul Kumar Mishra, Dilbag Singh, and Apeksha Agrawal. "Predicting Elections Results using Social Media Activity A Case Study: USA Presidential Election 2020." In 2021 7th International Conference on Advanced Computing and Communication Systems (ICACCS). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icaccs51430.2021.9441835.

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Singh, Maneet, S. R. S. Iyengar, Akrati Saxena, and Rishemjit Kaur. "A Bi-level Assessment of Twitter Data for Election Prediction: Delhi Assembly Elections 2020." In WWW '22: The ACM Web Conference 2022. ACM, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3487553.3524673.

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Passi, Kalpdrum, and Rakshit Sorathiya. "Political Analytics on Election Candidates and Their Parties in Context of the US Presidential Elections 2020." In 11th International Conference on Data Science, Technology and Applications. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0011296300003269.

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Reports on the topic "Elections 2020"

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Kolarzik, Nina, and Aram Terzyan. The State of Human Rights and Political Freedoms in Belarus: Was the Crisis Inevitable? Eurasia Institutes, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-4-2020.

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The rule of Alexander Lukashenko in Belarus has created one of the most resilient authoritarian regimes in post-communist Europe. Meanwhile, the turmoil triggered by the 2020 presidential election has put in the spotlight the mounting challenges facing Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule. This paper investigates the state of human rights and political freedoms in Belarus, focusing on the main rationale behind the turmoil surrounding the 2020 presidential election. It concludes that the political crisis following the elections is the unsurprising consequence of Lukashenko’s diminishing ability to maintain power or concentrate political control by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents.
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Terzyan, Aram. http://eurasiainstitutes.org/files/file/psrp_2024_number_1.pdf. Eurasia Institutes, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-1-2024.

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This paper delves into the political landscape of post-war Armenia, focusing on both domestic and foreign policy implications of the 2020 war. While Nikol Pashinyan’s government has not delivered its promises of bringing peace and prosperity to the country, Pashinyan managed to win the 2021 snap parliamentary elections. Nevertheless, the elections have not resolved Armenia’s political crisis, one in which it has found itself since 2020. Combined with the war and its aftermath, the COVID-19 pandemic has also invited challenges, which resulted in an increased human toll, slowdown of economy, and deepened public anger and mistrust of the authorities. In effect, Armenia is faced with a myriad of challenges, ranging from unresolved issues with neighboring countries to the Armenian government’s limited agency in terms of redefining relations with increasingly coercive Russia.
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Terzyan, Aram. Belarus in the Wake of a Revolution: Domestic and International Factors. Eurasia Institutes, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-3-2020.

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This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.
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Kemoklidze, Nino. Proportional Representation: Implications for Georgia. Institute of Development Studies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.111.

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In a process that spanned over three years, Georgia adopted some important changes to its constitution that is meant to complete the country’s transition from a “semi-presidential to a parliamentary system of governance” (Civil.ge, 17 Dec. 2018). In the last 2020 parliamentary elections, Georgia’s current (revised) electoral mixed system was already the most proportional the country had seen in three decades (Bogishvili, 2020). 120 Members of Parliament (MPs) were elected proportionally by a party list (previously the number was 77) and the remaining 30 were single mandate (majoritarian) MPs elected by the ‘first-past-the-post’ rule (previous number was 73) (Bogishvili, 2020; OSCE, 2021, p.6). However, in the next parliamentary elections, due to take place in 2024, Georgia is meant to move to a fully proportional system (Civil.ge, 17 Dec. 2018). This rapid review explores some of the questions surrounding proportional representation in Georgia. In particular, what do these constitutional changes mean for Georgia? What might be some of the implications of Georgia’s move to proportional representation in 2024 and how might this affect governance? The report examines some of the main aspects of these constitutional changes during 2017-20 and puts them in context. It outlines some of the main discussions in Georgia concerning opportunities and challenges often associated with proportional representation and highlights some of the main points that emerge from these discussions on the future dynamics of governance in Georgia. Material summarised in this report is based on a mixture of (online) newspaper articles, government and other reports, and policy, and practitioner-based literature.
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Bachtiar, Hasnan, Kainat Shakil, and Chloe Smith. Use of Informal Sharia Law for Civilizational Populist Mobilization in the 2024 Indonesian Elections. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0035.

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The Defenders Front of Islam or the Front Pembela Islam (FPI) is an Islamist civilizational populist movement in Indonesia. Its religious and political blueprints have been a challenge to the elites in power. In 2017 and 2019, it was involved in the contest of electoral politics to fight against the elites by implementing the populist politics that tends to undermine the democratic process. As a result, it was banned in 2020 but re-established a year later. In 2024 elections, it supports for Anies Baswedan-Muhaimin Iskandar to compete against Prabowo Subianto-Gibran Rakabuming and Ganjar Pranowo-Mahfud MD. The findings suggest that by applying the Islamist civilizational populism, the FPI instrumentalizes the informal religious law to support its political mobilization. It emphasizes the legal-centric perspective of “sharia,” which gives the FPI’s activists and its wider audience only one imperative option to solve the problem: join in the populism. We arguably state that the informal religious law can contribute to the process of Islamist civilizational populist mobilization.
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Chauvin, Juan Pablo, and Clemence Tricaud. Gender and Electoral Incentives: Evidence from Crisis Respons. Inter-American Development Bank, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004458.

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While there is evidence of gender differences in leaders behavior, less is known about what drives these gaps. This paper uncovers the role of electoral incentives. Using a close election regression discontinuity design in Brazil, we first show that female mayors handled the COVID-19 crisis differently over the year 2020, which ended with new municipal elections. We find that having a female mayor led to more deaths per capita at the beginning of the pandemic a period characterized by uncertainty about the severity of the threat but to fewer deaths per capita later in the year, a period where this uncertainty was reduced. We provide additional evidence that female mayors were less likely to close non-essential businesses early on, and more likely to do so at the end, and that residents in female-led municipalities were more likely to stay at home in the weeks surrounding the election. We then show that these results can be rationalized by a simple political agency model where politicians seek re-election and where voters assess female and male politicians actions differently. Consistent with this interpretation, we show that the gender differences we find are driven exclusively by mayors who were not term-limited and thus allowed to run for re-election, and that the effects are stronger in municipalities with greater gender discrimination. Taken together, the results suggest that female and male leaders face different electoral incentives and adapt their policy decisions to voters expectations.
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Egeresi, Zoltán. Bulgarian Elections: Ahead of New Polls? Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.35.

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The current analysis describes the path to the elections in Bulgaria on 11 July, 2021, as well as their outcome. It argues that the political stalemate after the April elections can be overcome by the new election results. In July a recently founded party, There Is Such A People (ITN), led by late-night showman Slavi Trifonov, was able to overtake Boyko Borisov’s party, which has not been achieved by any other politician for 12 years. Nevertheless, Trifonov’s party will not be able to form a government alone without forming a coalition with other parties because it is far from a majority in parliament. Without a coalition,there is high probability for lasting political instability in Bulgaria. According to the pessimistic scenario, snap elections will be held along with the presidential elections in mid-autumn of 2021.
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Bridges, Kate. AARP Alaska: 2022 Elections. AARP Research, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00550.009.

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Garai, Nikolett. Policy Brief on the Upcoming Czech Parliamentary Elections 2021 : Possible Scenarios and the Effects of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Results of the Election. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.e-2021.03.

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The next parliamentary elections of the Czech Republic, which will be held on 8 and 9 October 2021, is a key political event for the Hungarian foreign policy expert community to watch this year because a possible new government without the participation of ANO 2011 can engage in a new European and neighbourhood policy of the Czech Republic. This analysis lists the key social and political factors that can shape the results of the election, outlines three possible scenarios of the election outcome, and highlights the implications of a possible government change on Czech-Hungarian relations.
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Haider, Huma. Political Settlements: The Case of Moldova. Institute of Development Studies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.065.

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The new elite in post-1991 independent Moldova gradually captured state institutions, while internal drivers of reforms have generally been weak. Civil society has had limited effectiveness; and the media is largely dominated by political and business circles (BTI, 2022). The Moldovan diaspora has emerged in recent years, however, as a powerful driver of reform. In addition, new political parties and politicians have in recent years focused on common social and economic problems, rather than exploiting identity and geopolitical cleavages. These two developments played a crucial role in the transformative changes in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2020 and 2021, respectively.1 The new Moldovan leadership has experienced many challenges, however, in achieving justice and anti-corruption reforms—the primary components of their electoral platform—due to the persistence of rent-seeking and corruption in the justice sector (Minzarari, 2022). This rapid review examines literature—primarily academic and non-governmental organisation (NGO)-based—in relation to the political settlement of Moldova. It provides an overview of the political settlement framework and the political history of Moldova. It then draws on the literature to explore aspects of the social foundation and the power configuration in Moldova; and implications for governance and inclusive development. The report concludes with recommendations for government, domestic reformers, Moldovan society, and donors for improving inclusive governance and development in Moldova, identified throughout the literature. This report does not cover political settlement in relation to Transnistria.
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