Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections in 1946

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections in 1946'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections in 1946"

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Molina, José E., and Carmen Pérez. "Evolution of the Party System in Venezuela, 1946–1993." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166372.

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The 1946 election for Venezuela's National Constituent Assembly marked the beginning of democratic electoral processes and the modern party system in that country. Although interrupted by ten years of dictatorship (1948-1958), nine national elections for president and parliament have been held since 1946. In conjunction with these elections, the Venezuelan party system has passed through four stages: a predominant party system (1945-1948), a limited multiparty system (1958-1973), an attenuated two-party system (1973-1993), and recently, the return to a limited multiparty system (1993-) (Sartori 1976).
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Rupasov, Alexander I. "Organization of the First Post-War Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in Leningrad in October 1945 – February 1946: Documents from the Central State Archive of St. Petersburg." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2020): 836–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-3-836-847.

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By decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of October 5, 1945, the first post-war elections to this supreme body of state power were scheduled for February 10, 1946. The political leadership attached exceptional importance to the election campaign launched in autumn 1945. The election campaign and its results could have been an indicator of the mood of Soviet society, permitting to estimate whether the victory in the war had been able to neutralize the accumulated fatigue from the hardships of the war and prevent the growth of negative feelings among the population towards the communist party and Soviet leadership. Thus, the authorities paid special attention to the organization of the elections to the Supreme Soviet in Leningrad, the city which survived the siege. Political and ideological support for the election campaign of autumn 1945 – winter 1946 was not the only task that the Soviet and party structures in Leningrad were concerned about. Purely organizational and technical aspects of the elections required coordination between a large number of departments and organizations. One of the most serious organizational problems was lack of trained personnel to work in election commissions. The Central State Archive of St. Petersburg has some limited number of documents that allow us to study the organizational and technical side of the elections in Leningrad in 1945-1946.
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Connelly, John. "East German Higher Education Policies and Student Resistance, 1945–1948." Central European History 28, no. 3 (September 1995): 259–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011845.

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Those who opposed Communist rule in East Germany often did so because Communism in practice strongly reminded them of the fascism they had experienced in the Third Reich. The new East German regime was also one that attempted total control of people's lives; therefore it became natural to describe it as totalitär. Most sensitive to the similarities between the old and new regimes were university students. They displayed stronger direct opposition to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) in the years from 1946–1949 than any other social group. This is reflected in the political battles that were fought in universities during these years, leading to SED election failures in the elections of the postwar years: 1946/47 and late 1947. The latter were the last freely contested elections in East Germany until 1989. It is also reflected in the disproportionate number of students arrested by Soviet and East German authorities in the early postwar years.
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Butler, Daniel M., and Matthew J. Butler. "Splitting the Difference? Causal Inference and Theories of Split-party Delegations." Political Analysis 14, no. 4 (2006): 439–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpj010.

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We provide an introduction to the regression discontinuity design (RDD) and use the technique to evaluate models of sequential Senate elections predicting that the winning party for one Senate seat will receive fewer votes in the next election for the other seat. Using data on U.S. Senate elections from 1946 to 2004, we find strong evidence that the outcomes of the elections for the two Senate seats are independent.
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Jacobson, Gary C. "Strategic Politicians and the Dynamics of U.S. House Elections, 1946–86." American Political Science Review 83, no. 3 (September 1989): 773–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962060.

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Analysis of both district-level and aggregate time-series data from postwar House elections supports the thesis that strategic political elites play a pivotal role in translating national conditions into election results and therefore in holding members of Congress collectively accountable for the government's performance. More high-quality candidates run when prospects appear to favor their party; they also win significantly more votes and victories than other candidates in equivalent circumstances. Thus, strategic career decisions both reflect and enhance national partisan tides. The electoral importance of strategic politicians has grown over time in tandem with the trend toward candidate-centered electoral politics. This has rendered the effects of national forces less automatic, more contingent, thus threatening the capacity of elections to enforce some degree of collective responsibility.
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Knutsen, Carl Henrik, Håvard Mokleiv Nygård, and Tore Wig. "Autocratic Elections." World Politics 69, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 98–143. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000149.

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Do elections reduce or increase the risk of autocratic regime breakdown? This article addresses this contested question by distinguishing between election events and the institution of elections. The authors propose that elections stabilize autocracies in the long term but at the price of short-term instability. Elections are conducive to regime survival in the long run because they improve capacities for co-optation and repression but produce short-term instability because they serve as focal points for regime opposition. Drawing on data from 259 autocracies from 1946 to 2008, the authors show that elections increase the short-term probability of regime failure. The estimated effect is retained when accounting for the endogeneity of autocratic elections; this finding is critical, since some autocrats may or may not hold elections because of perceived effects on regime survival. The authors also find that this destabilizing effect does not operate in the long term. They find some, although not as strong, evidence that elections stabilize autocratic regimes in the medium to long term, despite their destabilizing immediate effects. These temporal effect patterns are present for both executive and legislative elections, and they are robust to using different measures, control variable strategies, and estimation techniques. In line with expectations, both effect patterns are much clearer for multiparty autocratic elections than for completely uncontested elections.
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Ravegnani, Riccardo. "La campagna elettorale per le elezioni comunali di Venezia del 24 marzo 1946." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 73, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 29–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9284.

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The paper analyses the forms of communication used and managed in the city of Venice just before the 1946 municipal election. The development started in the 70s and 80s in the sector of information has irrevocably changed the communication of politics. As a result of these changes, politics has left behind many of the traditional elements of the twentieth century. The article tries to retrace an historic pre-television moment in which the original public stage – understood as a physical space of aggregation – was not only alive but, perhaps, was at its peak. The first free elections after World War II, a symbol of struggle for freedom, were the dress rehearsal of the effectivity of the electoral democracy. For this reason the municipal elections of 1946 have had a central role in the Italian history, especially for what happened before the vote: namely the first free electoral campaign.
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Szymański, Adam, and Jakub Wódka. "Manipulation of Vote Choice – Impediment to the Electoral Integrity in Turkey?" Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (September 15, 2017): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2017.22.3.8.

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Turkey has had a fairly long tradition of regular, competitive polls and multi-party democracy begun in 1946. However, in the last decade, with the consolidation of Justice and Development Party’s (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) grip on power, there has been a growing concern about the integrity of elections in this state. In subsequent elections the ruling party resorted to a plethora of means inhibiting their competitiveness. Thus, the article seeks to survey the extent of election malpractices in Turkey with the focus on manipulation of vote choice as most disturbing group of electoral malpractices and, without prejudging, to address the fundamental questions about whether elections in Turkey, notwithstanding the irregularities, still meet democratic, international standards, or whether Turkey is sliding into electoral autocracy.
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Forlenza, Rosario. "The Italian Communist Party, local government and the Cold War." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (May 2010): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903513544.

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The Italian national elections of 18 April 1948 handed power to the Christian Democratic Party. The Italian Communist Party had, however, gained significant municipal control in the local elections of 1946. For the Communists, the local level became the testing ground where administrative practices, political initiatives, social alliances and economic projects were developed. The leaders and the intellectuals worked to outline the cultural framework of a political project which could challenge national politics from town councils. Meanwhile, with a view to making gains in the local elections of 1951–1952, propaganda was used in an attempt to diffuse and proselytise municipal political programmes among different social classes in a divided socioeconomic environment.
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Malik, Muhammad Shoaib, Shahzad Qaisar, and Riffat Haque. "Role of the Central Committee of Action in Organization of the Provincial Muslim Leagues." Global Political Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-ii).03.

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All India Muslim League lost 1936 elections which propelled Jinnah to re-organize the party on modern grounds. But the re-organization was not that much efficacious due to the absence of effective checks and balances overworking of provincial branches. Initial endeavors to keep check overworking and organization of the provincial Leagues were short successes on the part of the Central League. The working of the Central Civil Defence Committee accentuated the need for a separate body for such tasks. Jinnah brought his idea to life in 1944 by establishing the Central Committee of Action. This was the most authoritative body after Jinnah having powers to affiliate and disaffiliate provincial branches. Moreover, this body not only re-organized the provincial branches but also settled their intra-party disputes effectively. The working of branches improves substantially due to the committee's initiatives for grassroots level activities. The 1946 elections testified logic behind the formation and its result-oriented working to improve Provincial Leagues.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections in 1946"

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Marshall, Paul Michael. "The Union Party and the 1936 presidential election." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/47133/.

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The legacy of the Union Party, while small, should not be ignored. Although historians have largely disregarded the role of the Union Party in the 1936 presidential election, the argument presented in this thesis suggests that the Union Party emerged from a wide base of popular political opposition to the New Deal. Its failures were many, both as a party and as a coherent force. Ultimately, the Union Party faced a considerable power in the shape of the New Deal coalition, and the newly formed party proved incapable of draining voters away from the incumbent, President Franklin Roosevelt. The New Deal, moreover, was singularly successful in galvanising the American people. By turning his 1936 election campaign into a referendum on the success of the New Deal, Roosevelt challenged the electorate to choose the nation's future direction: an America where collective prosperity would be maintained, or a return to the divisive, individualistic self-interest that had brought about the Depression. The electorate made their choice clear: over 27.5 million Americans voted for Roosevelt – over 10 million more than for the Republican candidate, Alf Landon. Only 892,000 voted for William Lemke, presidential candidate of the Union Party.
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Witmer, Richard Clarence. "Partisan turnover in congressional elections, 1972-1996: A district level approach." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284021.

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Prior research on congressional elections is decidedly candidate centered. While candidates are important to the electoral process, the individual is but one of a number of factors in congressional elections. In this research I expand the debate on congressional elections to include how political parties survive across time in congressional districts. To do this I model party turnover from 1972 to 1996 using a number of district level attributes. This includes whether an incumbent candidate is seeking reelection, competitiveness of the district in the previous election, length of time a district has supported the incumbent party, district context (and district context change) and region of the country. The probability of a quality challenger emerging in a congressional district is also estimated given the aforementioned district level attributes. Presence of a quality challenger is then added to the district level model and the probability of party turnover is estimated. To estimate the effects of district level attributes on party turnover, an event history analysis with a logit specification is used. This allows for the inclusion of duration dependence given a binomial dependent variable. The implications for this research are numerous, including the effects of party turnover on representation and redistributive benefits for a congressional district. A second implication focuses on how political context affects the survival of political parties in congressional districts given the redistricting process. Finally, the possible effects of district level attributes and party turnover on party mobilization and voter turnout are discussed.
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Zabel, Randel L. "Campaigns, independent voters, and the 1996 Russian presidential election /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008482.

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Araujo, Camilo Buss 1981. "Marmiteiros, agitadores e subversivos : política e participação popular em Florianópolis, 1945-1964." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281142.

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Orientador: Fernando Teixeira da Silva
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T05:25:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Araujo_CamiloBuss_D.pdf: 5977929 bytes, checksum: fbba05f5e02bd679fece451f97368b5b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: Entre 1945 e 1964, o Brasil vivenciou um período de criação de partidos políticos e eleições diretas para os principais cargos dos poderes do executivo e legislativo. Foi também um contexto marcado pela euforia desenvolvimentista, por greves e por motins urbanos contra o aumento do custo de vida. O trabalhador na condição de eleitor tornava-se central para a conquista do poder público. Florianópolis, ao contrário de outras capitais ou de cidades com grandes indústrias, não tinha um grande contingente de operários. Sua dinâmica assentava-se na condição de centro administrativo do estado de Santa Catarina. Contudo, a ausência de uma classe operária em sentido "clássico¿ não significou a esterilização das lutas sociais. A partir da análise de fontes variadas ¿ como jornais, pesquisas de opinião, dados eleitorais, documentos parlamentares ¿ essa tese investigou os canais de diálogo estabelecidos entre classes trabalhadoras e grupos políticos. Verificou-se uma conjuntura mais complexa do que as tradicionais interpretações da história política catarinense. Alguns postulados que tomavam o estado como polarizado entre UDN e PSD, com um PTB fraco e restrito ao papel de "fiel da balança¿ no equilíbrio entre os dois maiores partidos, foram relativizados. Interpretações consagradas, tendo por base os resultados das eleições, afirmaram que Florianópolis apresentava "forte predomínio¿ do PSD. Todavia, a investigação das múltiplas experiências tecidas entre candidatos, partidos e trabalhadores, consubstanciada com a análise da distribuição dos votos dos candidatos por regiões da cidade, permitiu enxergar para além da prevalência de uma sigla. Lideranças políticas, lembradas posteriormente como "donos da cidade¿, como Aderbal Ramos da Silva, nem sempre tiveram esse reconhecimento. Personagens taxados de "agitadores¿ ou "demagogos¿, como Manoel de Menezes, foram forças políticas expressivas e, algumas vezes, colocaram em xeque o domínio dos chamados grandes partidos. A relação entre políticos e classes trabalhadoras florianopolitanas não foi e nem pode ser pensada como mera reprodução das movimentações nacionais tampouco como epifenômeno isolado em suas peculiaridades. A partir das relações entre o regional e o nacional, esse trabalho tentou compreender as instáveis alianças entre os atores sociais e os variados meios através dos quais as classes trabalhadoras inseriram a luta por direitos na pauta política da cidade
Abstract: Between 1945 and 1964, Brazil experienced a period of political parties creation and of the establishment of direct elections for the most important positions of the executive and legislative powers. The period was also marked by developmentalist euphoria, strikes and urban riots against the rising on the living cost. The worker, recognized in the voter condition, became central to the achievement of public power.Florianópolis, unlike other capitals or cities with large industries, had no significant contingent of workers. The city¿s dynamic relied on the condition of administrative center of the state of Santa Catarina. However, the absence of a working class in the "classic¿ sense did not mean the sterilization of social struggles. From the analysis of various sources ¿ such as newspapers, opinion polls, electoral data, parliamentary documents, this study investigated the channels of dialogues established between the working classes and political groups. It was verified a more complex conjuncture than the traditional interpretation of Santa Catarina political history. Some understandings of the state as polarized between UDN and PSD, with a weak PTB, restricted to the role of "true balance¿ in the equilibrium between the two major parties, were relativized. Interpretations based on the results of the elections equally affirmed that Florianópolis presented "strong predominance¿ of PSD. However, the investigation of multiple experiences woven among candidates, parties and workers, embodied with the analysis of the vote distributions of the candidate for city regions, allowed seeing beyond the prevalence of one acronym. Political leaders, such as Aderbal Ramos da Silva, later remembered as the 'city owner¿, was not always recognized. On the other hand, characters labeled as "troublemakers¿ or "demagogues¿, likeManoel de Menezes, were significant political forces, sometimes able to put into question the dominance of the so-called big parties. The relationship between politics and the working class from Florianópolis was not, nor can it be thought of, as mere reproduction of national movements, neither as epiphenomenon isolated in its peculiarities. Thus, from the relations between the regional and the national, the present work seeks to understand the unstable alliances between social actors and the various means by which the working classes inserted the fight for rights on the political agenda of the city
Doutorado
Historia Social
Doutor em História
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Norcross, Baxter. "War, Race, and Gender in American Presidential Elections in 1964 and 1972." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/80.

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This paper examines the partisan shift that took place in American Presidential elections during the Vietnam War. Specifically, I examine the landslide elections of 1964 and 1972 and how race, gender, and American casualties played a part in the shift.
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Kessing, Christopher. "Macroeconomic Indicators of Working Class Voter Abstention in US Presidential Elections, 1948-2004." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1322.

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In this paper I explore the causal relationship between the strategic economic interdependence advanced by Western democracies after WWII and the "puzzle of participation" in US presidential elections. More specifically, I seek to illustrate first how economic convergence within the West and then the transition from Keynesian to monetarist policy rhetoric reflexively diminish the degree to which US working class voters can realistically petition their elected officials regarding the most salient matters of economic self-interest. My results indicate that from 1948-2004, the working public became more isolated from their most salient economic decisions, voted less often due to heretofore unexplored macroeconomic indicators.
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Chang, Ka-mun, and 張家敏. "Democratization and urban economic change in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1987. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975008.

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Lavrova, Victoria N. "The role of the oligarchs in 1996 presidental election in Russia." Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1265093.

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This thesis explored the role of the six wealthy Russian businessmen, the oligarchs, in 1996 reelection of President Boris Yeltsin. This research was qualitative and descriptive. The goal was to collect the information from various sources and summarize it, demonstrating how the interference of the oligarchs reflected on the process of the election, as well as on the careers of their own.The research concluded that the oligarchs' role was, first of all, in the organization and financing a highly effective election campaign team; consolidating the business elite and big capital around Yeltsin, using the media that they controlled as a tool of pro-Yeltsin propaganda; and influencing some key decision taken by Yeltsin. The result was Yeltsin's victory, and the increase of the oligarchs' wealth and political power.This ability of the oligarchs to manipulate politics completely cemented the interrelation between business and politics in Russia, which contributed to Russia's reputation as a country of corruption and lawlessness.
Department of Political Science
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Gouvea, Heitor B. "An Iridescent Dream: Money, Politics, and the American Republic, 1865-1976." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2218.

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Thesis advisor: R. Shep Melnick
The United States now has an extensive, publicly controlled, and bureaucratic system of election regulation. Until roughly a century ago, however, elections were viewed as private party contests subject to minimal state regulation. We examine how this changed, considering in particular the role played by the courts, given that for much of the nineteenth century they viewed the parties as private, constitutionally protected associations. We consider how and why the libertarian argument concerning free speech came to prominence in the campaign debate, and find that at first neither the reformers nor the courts at any level viewed this as a fundamental obstacle to--or even an issue to be considered in--the regulation of money in politics. This shift from a private to a public electoral system had a significant impact on American democracy that has not often been examined. To understand these changes, we examine the arguments put forth by advocates of cam-paign finance reform from the nineteenth to the latter part of the twentieth centuries. We focus on how the proponents justified these laws and how state and federal courts responded to these arguments, paying particular attention to court rulings on the constitutionality of these unprecedented statutes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and to the evolution of their jurisprudence in this regard during the twentieth century
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Crawford, Jordan. "The ideological gap behavioral trends of the politically active, 1976-2004 /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5669.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 11, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
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Books on the topic "Elections in 1946"

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Fakers: The 1946 elections. Boulder: East European Monographs, 2010.

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Proteccionismo político en México, 1946-1977. México, D.F: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2001.

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1946 yılı Konya belediye seçimleri. 2nd ed. Konya: Gençlik Kitabevi, 2011.

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Britta, Oltmer, ed. Die Landtagswahlen 1946 in der SBZ: Die Landtagswahlen 1946 in der SBZ, eine Untersuchung der Begleitumstände der Wahl. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 2000.

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Norton, Clifford. New Zealand parliamentary election results, 1946-1987. [Wellington]: Department of Political Science, Victoria University of Wellington, 1988.

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Falsificatorii: "alegerile" din 1946. București: RAO International Publishing Company, 2007.

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Nihon no sōsenkyo 1946-2003. Tōkyō: Tōkyō Daigaku Shuppankai, 2005.

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1928-, Kaplan Karel, ed. Die Parlamentswahlen in der Tschechoslowakei: 1935, 1946, 1948 : eine statistische Analyse. München: Oldenbourg, 1986.

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Konya'da çok partili dönem genel seçimleri, 1946-1957. 2nd ed. Konya: Palet Yayınları, 2011.

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Kocian, Jiří, and Vít Smetana. Květnové volby 1946--volby osudové?: Československo před bouří. Praha: Pro Nadační fond angažovaných nestraníků vydalo naklakatelství Euroslavica, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections in 1946"

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Vlavianos, Haris. "The Elections of March 1946: Pandora’s Box." In Greece, 1941–49: From Resistance to Civil War, 113–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21857-8_5.

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Mason, Andrea. "From the Referendum to the Elections, June 1946 to January 1947." In British Policy Towards Poland, 1944–1956, 117–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94241-4_5.

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Cook, Chris, and John Paxton. "Elections." In European Political Facts, 1900–1996, 163–277. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26383-7_5.

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Gibbs, A. M. "The US Elections, 1948." In Shaw, 484–85. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-05402-2_288.

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Schmeets, Hans, and Jeanet Exel. "Backgrounds of the elections." In The 1996 Bosnia-Herzegovina Elections, 13–19. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-5738-4_2.

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Phelps, Nicole M. "The Election of 1916." In A Companion to Woodrow Wilson, 173–89. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118445693.ch9.

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Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1916." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 102–4. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-30.

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Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1936." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 117–20. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-35.

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Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1940." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 121–23. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-36.

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Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1944." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 124–26. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-37.

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Conference papers on the topic "Elections in 1946"

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Abstract:
Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Reports on the topic "Elections in 1946"

1

Kump, Mary. Truman's election in 1948. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2468.

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