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Marshall, Paul Michael. "The Union Party and the 1936 presidential election." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/47133/.
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The legacy of the Union Party, while small, should not be ignored. Although historians have largely disregarded the role of the Union Party in the 1936 presidential election, the argument presented in this thesis suggests that the Union Party emerged from a wide base of popular political opposition to the New Deal. Its failures were many, both as a party and as a coherent force. Ultimately, the Union Party faced a considerable power in the shape of the New Deal coalition, and the newly formed party proved incapable of draining voters away from the incumbent, President Franklin Roosevelt. The New Deal, moreover, was singularly successful in galvanising the American people. By turning his 1936 election campaign into a referendum on the success of the New Deal, Roosevelt challenged the electorate to choose the nation's future direction: an America where collective prosperity would be maintained, or a return to the divisive, individualistic self-interest that had brought about the Depression. The electorate made their choice clear: over 27.5 million Americans voted for Roosevelt – over 10 million more than for the Republican candidate, Alf Landon. Only 892,000 voted for William Lemke, presidential candidate of the Union Party.
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Witmer, Richard Clarence. "Partisan turnover in congressional elections, 1972-1996: A district level approach." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284021.
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Prior research on congressional elections is decidedly candidate centered. While candidates are important to the electoral process, the individual is but one of a number of factors in congressional elections. In this research I expand the debate on congressional elections to include how political parties survive across time in congressional districts. To do this I model party turnover from 1972 to 1996 using a number of district level attributes. This includes whether an incumbent candidate is seeking reelection, competitiveness of the district in the previous election, length of time a district has supported the incumbent party, district context (and district context change) and region of the country. The probability of a quality challenger emerging in a congressional district is also estimated given the aforementioned district level attributes. Presence of a quality challenger is then added to the district level model and the probability of party turnover is estimated. To estimate the effects of district level attributes on party turnover, an event history analysis with a logit specification is used. This allows for the inclusion of duration dependence given a binomial dependent variable. The implications for this research are numerous, including the effects of party turnover on representation and redistributive benefits for a congressional district. A second implication focuses on how political context affects the survival of political parties in congressional districts given the redistricting process. Finally, the possible effects of district level attributes and party turnover on party mobilization and voter turnout are discussed.
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Zabel, Randel L. "Campaigns, independent voters, and the 1996 Russian presidential election /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008482.
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Araujo, Camilo Buss 1981. "Marmiteiros, agitadores e subversivos : política e participação popular em Florianópolis, 1945-1964." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281142.
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Orientador: Fernando Teixeira da SilvaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T05:25:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Araujo_CamiloBuss_D.pdf: 5977929 bytes, checksum: fbba05f5e02bd679fece451f97368b5b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: Entre 1945 e 1964, o Brasil vivenciou um período de criação de partidos políticos e eleições diretas para os principais cargos dos poderes do executivo e legislativo. Foi também um contexto marcado pela euforia desenvolvimentista, por greves e por motins urbanos contra o aumento do custo de vida. O trabalhador na condição de eleitor tornava-se central para a conquista do poder público. Florianópolis, ao contrário de outras capitais ou de cidades com grandes indústrias, não tinha um grande contingente de operários. Sua dinâmica assentava-se na condição de centro administrativo do estado de Santa Catarina. Contudo, a ausência de uma classe operária em sentido "clássico¿ não significou a esterilização das lutas sociais. A partir da análise de fontes variadas ¿ como jornais, pesquisas de opinião, dados eleitorais, documentos parlamentares ¿ essa tese investigou os canais de diálogo estabelecidos entre classes trabalhadoras e grupos políticos. Verificou-se uma conjuntura mais complexa do que as tradicionais interpretações da história política catarinense. Alguns postulados que tomavam o estado como polarizado entre UDN e PSD, com um PTB fraco e restrito ao papel de "fiel da balança¿ no equilíbrio entre os dois maiores partidos, foram relativizados. Interpretações consagradas, tendo por base os resultados das eleições, afirmaram que Florianópolis apresentava "forte predomínio¿ do PSD. Todavia, a investigação das múltiplas experiências tecidas entre candidatos, partidos e trabalhadores, consubstanciada com a análise da distribuição dos votos dos candidatos por regiões da cidade, permitiu enxergar para além da prevalência de uma sigla. Lideranças políticas, lembradas posteriormente como "donos da cidade¿, como Aderbal Ramos da Silva, nem sempre tiveram esse reconhecimento. Personagens taxados de "agitadores¿ ou "demagogos¿, como Manoel de Menezes, foram forças políticas expressivas e, algumas vezes, colocaram em xeque o domínio dos chamados grandes partidos. A relação entre políticos e classes trabalhadoras florianopolitanas não foi e nem pode ser pensada como mera reprodução das movimentações nacionais tampouco como epifenômeno isolado em suas peculiaridades. A partir das relações entre o regional e o nacional, esse trabalho tentou compreender as instáveis alianças entre os atores sociais e os variados meios através dos quais as classes trabalhadoras inseriram a luta por direitos na pauta política da cidade
Abstract: Between 1945 and 1964, Brazil experienced a period of political parties creation and of the establishment of direct elections for the most important positions of the executive and legislative powers. The period was also marked by developmentalist euphoria, strikes and urban riots against the rising on the living cost. The worker, recognized in the voter condition, became central to the achievement of public power.Florianópolis, unlike other capitals or cities with large industries, had no significant contingent of workers. The city¿s dynamic relied on the condition of administrative center of the state of Santa Catarina. However, the absence of a working class in the "classic¿ sense did not mean the sterilization of social struggles. From the analysis of various sources ¿ such as newspapers, opinion polls, electoral data, parliamentary documents, this study investigated the channels of dialogues established between the working classes and political groups. It was verified a more complex conjuncture than the traditional interpretation of Santa Catarina political history. Some understandings of the state as polarized between UDN and PSD, with a weak PTB, restricted to the role of "true balance¿ in the equilibrium between the two major parties, were relativized. Interpretations based on the results of the elections equally affirmed that Florianópolis presented "strong predominance¿ of PSD. However, the investigation of multiple experiences woven among candidates, parties and workers, embodied with the analysis of the vote distributions of the candidate for city regions, allowed seeing beyond the prevalence of one acronym. Political leaders, such as Aderbal Ramos da Silva, later remembered as the 'city owner¿, was not always recognized. On the other hand, characters labeled as "troublemakers¿ or "demagogues¿, likeManoel de Menezes, were significant political forces, sometimes able to put into question the dominance of the so-called big parties. The relationship between politics and the working class from Florianópolis was not, nor can it be thought of, as mere reproduction of national movements, neither as epiphenomenon isolated in its peculiarities. Thus, from the relations between the regional and the national, the present work seeks to understand the unstable alliances between social actors and the various means by which the working classes inserted the fight for rights on the political agenda of the city
Doutorado
Historia Social
Doutor em História
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Norcross, Baxter. "War, Race, and Gender in American Presidential Elections in 1964 and 1972." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/80.
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This paper examines the partisan shift that took place in American Presidential elections during the Vietnam War. Specifically, I examine the landslide elections of 1964 and 1972 and how race, gender, and American casualties played a part in the shift.
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Kessing, Christopher. "Macroeconomic Indicators of Working Class Voter Abstention in US Presidential Elections, 1948-2004." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1322.
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In this paper I explore the causal relationship between the strategic economic interdependence advanced by Western democracies after WWII and the "puzzle of participation" in US presidential elections. More specifically, I seek to illustrate first how economic convergence within the West and then the transition from Keynesian to monetarist policy rhetoric reflexively diminish the degree to which US working class voters can realistically petition their elected officials regarding the most salient matters of economic self-interest. My results indicate that from 1948-2004, the working public became more isolated from their most salient economic decisions, voted less often due to heretofore unexplored macroeconomic indicators.
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Chang, Ka-mun, and 張家敏. "Democratization and urban economic change in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1987. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975008.
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Lavrova, Victoria N. "The role of the oligarchs in 1996 presidental election in Russia." Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1265093.
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This thesis explored the role of the six wealthy Russian businessmen, the oligarchs, in 1996 reelection of President Boris Yeltsin. This research was qualitative and descriptive. The goal was to collect the information from various sources and summarize it, demonstrating how the interference of the oligarchs reflected on the process of the election, as well as on the careers of their own.The research concluded that the oligarchs' role was, first of all, in the organization and financing a highly effective election campaign team; consolidating the business elite and big capital around Yeltsin, using the media that they controlled as a tool of pro-Yeltsin propaganda; and influencing some key decision taken by Yeltsin. The result was Yeltsin's victory, and the increase of the oligarchs' wealth and political power.This ability of the oligarchs to manipulate politics completely cemented the interrelation between business and politics in Russia, which contributed to Russia's reputation as a country of corruption and lawlessness.Department of Political Science
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Gouvea, Heitor B. "An Iridescent Dream: Money, Politics, and the American Republic, 1865-1976." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2218.
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Thesis advisor: R. Shep MelnickThe United States now has an extensive, publicly controlled, and bureaucratic system of election regulation. Until roughly a century ago, however, elections were viewed as private party contests subject to minimal state regulation. We examine how this changed, considering in particular the role played by the courts, given that for much of the nineteenth century they viewed the parties as private, constitutionally protected associations. We consider how and why the libertarian argument concerning free speech came to prominence in the campaign debate, and find that at first neither the reformers nor the courts at any level viewed this as a fundamental obstacle to--or even an issue to be considered in--the regulation of money in politics. This shift from a private to a public electoral system had a significant impact on American democracy that has not often been examined. To understand these changes, we examine the arguments put forth by advocates of cam-paign finance reform from the nineteenth to the latter part of the twentieth centuries. We focus on how the proponents justified these laws and how state and federal courts responded to these arguments, paying particular attention to court rulings on the constitutionality of these unprecedented statutes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and to the evolution of their jurisprudence in this regard during the twentieth century
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Crawford, Jordan. "The ideological gap behavioral trends of the politically active, 1976-2004 /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5669.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 11, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
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Parry, Jason. "Building the Labour Representation Committee : Labour, locality and the 1906 General Election." Thesis, University of Reading, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.631682.
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It has long been recognised that the 1906 General Election was of particular significance for the Labour Party. Having entered into a secret electoral agreement with the Liberal Party, this was the year in which Labour first secured a significant parliamentary presence and transformed itself from the Labour Representation Committee (LRC) to Labour Party. However, whilst historians have focused on the longer processes launched by the election, little attention has been paid to the conduct of the election itself, either in the constituencies or in relation to how a relatively unknown political party presented itself to the electorate. In using the 1906 General Election as a focal point, this study uses seven constituency case studies to analyse the LRC's variegated growth across the country. In so doing, it will concentrate on the party's grass roots to argue that Labour was essentially a local party, reflective of the socioeconomic and cultural contexts from which it emerged, and with its success dependent on its ability to present its politics as an integrated part of the communities it appealed to. A comparative methodology is applied throughout this study, not only with regard to providing a national and local perspective on Edwardian politics, but also in relation to the experience and approaches of the Liberal and Conservative parties. By exploring a relatively neglected period of Labour's history, this study will facilitate a reappraisal of the LRC and contribute to a growing literature centred on the means by which political parties interacted with the electorate. Rather than being seven local case studies in one, therefore, this thesis fully embraces and considers Labour's relationship with locality in order to explain its early experience of British politics
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Trinkūnas, Raimundas. "II Lietuvos Seimas 1923 - 1926 m." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2007. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2007~D_20070816_175354-38110.
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II Lietuvos Seimas 1923 – 1926 m. Santrauka.
Lietuva, 1918 m. paskelbusi nepriklausomybę, pasuko demokratijos keliu. Lietuvos piliečiai galėjo tiesiogiai rinkti atstovus į Seimą, kurie atstovavo jų interesus. Istorikai daugiau tyrė Steigiamojo Seimo veiklą, nes šis Seimas padėjo pamatus tolesniam teisinės valstybės gyvavimui, nemažai tirtas III Seimas dėl savo darbų ir prezidento A. Smetonos įvykdyto valstybės perversmo. II Seimas mažai susilaukė dėmesio, todėl istorikams lieka aktualu užpildyti parlamentarizmo tyrimuose spragas. Šio darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti II Seimo veiklą, nuveiktus darbus. Tikslui pasiekti keliami uždaviniai: 1. pateikti politinės situacijos II Seimo išvakarėse apžvalgą, 2. išanalizuoti II Seimo rinkimų eigą ir rezultatus, 3. pristatyti Seimo kiekybinius ir kokybinius rodiklius, bei 4. aptarti atliktus Seimo darbus vidaus (politinėje, kultūrinėje, ekonominėje ir tautinėje sferoje) ir užsienio politikoje.
Pirmajame Seime (1922 – 1923 m.) iš 78 Seimo narių – 38 buvo krikščionys demokratai (pozicija), o kita dalis opozicinės frakcijos. Toks skaičius lėmė, kad opozicija ir pozicija negal���jo tinkamai dirbti. Opozicija ginčijo Respublikos prezidento, vyriausybės išrinkimo teisėtumą (legitimumą), nesutardavo svarbiais klausimais. Todėl prezidentas A. Stulginskis 1923 kovo 13 d. paleido I Seimą. 1923m. gegužės 12-13 d. įvyko rinkimai į Antrąjį Seimą, kurie parodė, kad šį kartą rinkėjai buvo aktyvesni. Antrajame Seime daugiausia vietų iškovojo krikščionių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The second Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania 1923 - 1926 Raimundas Trinkūnas Summary Lithuania, declared its independency in 1918, turned to the democracy way. Lithuanians were able to elect representatives directly to Seimas, who represented their interests. Historians started studying more about Constituve Seimas work, because this Seimas put the base for the further life of the juridical state existence, the III Seimas was researched quite in an intensive way as well because of its works and the revolution carried out by the president A. Smetona. The II Seimas got quite little attention. Due to that, it is of present interest to historians to fill the gaps in the researches of parliamentarism. The aims of this work – to analyze the movement and achieved works of the II Seimas. These tasks are raised in order to reach the aim: 1) to produce the review of the II Seimas Eve political situation; 2) to analyze the II Seimas election course and results; 3) to present the quantitive and qualitive indexes of Seimas, and: 4) to discuss about Seimas achieved works in inner (political, cultural, economical and national sphere) and foreign policy. From the 78 Seimas members in the First Seimas (1922-1923) – 38 members were Christian Democrats (position), and the others were opposition fractions. Because of such a number, position and opposition couldn’t work in a proper way. The opposition argued about Republic president, state election legitimacy, and disagreed about important... [to full text]
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Atlan, Catherine. "Elections et pratiques électorales au Sénégal (1940-1958) : histoire sociale et culturelle de la décolonisation." Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0093.
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Crines, Andrew. "Michael Foot, the role of ideology and the Labour leadership elections of 1976 and 1980." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2010. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/9646/.
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The orthodox interpretation of Michael Foot's election as Labour Party leader in 1980 is that it resulted from a left-wing surge within the broader Party throughout the 1970s. This thesis challenges this assumption. It does so by presenting a contextualised analysis of Foot, the Labour Party and the leadership elections of 1976 and 1980. This thesis argues that it was Foot's reputation and loyalty in government that enabled his political evolution to accelerate towards becoming a conciliatory figure during his leadership. To undertake this reconsideration of the orthodoxy, this thesis has adapted a previously illuminating research approach as utilised by Timothy Heppell. Heppell has produced a number of analyses upon ideological compositions of the Conservative Party during leadership elections, and, more recently, the Labour Party. This research approach was initially devised to consider only ideology. The approach has been improved by this thesis by including non-ideological considerations in order to draw out Labour specific factors in this analysis, because the extent to which the approach can be transferred to a different party at a different time required scrutiny. It is also necessary to acknowledge the need for a re-categorisation of the ideological factions within the Labour Party in order to gain a more complete understanding of Labour's ideological eclecticism. The social democratic right, the centrists, the inside left and outside left demonstrate that the simple assumption of 'left' and 'right' conceals a more complex Parliamentary composition. It is important to contextualise the analysis with a philosophical and historical discussion which places Michael Foot within Labour history. This enables a greater understanding of why he became the Labour leader to emerge. Foot's appropriateness as leader can only be fully appreciated by considering those who influenced him and his career in the Party along with the divided nature of the Labour Party over the period prior to his election. Through these discussions it becomes clear that Foot was able to secure the leadership because of his loyalty to the Labour Party, his record in government, and his Parliamentary interpretation of socialism which separated him from the outside left. This enabled him to be a leader the mainstream of the Party were able to broadly accept at a time of extreme division. His increased appropriateness as leader becomes more evident when contrasted against the likelihood of destructive divisions had a more ideologically dogmatic candidate such as Denis Healey or Tony Benn secured the leadership. The prevailing circumstances as well as the man must, therefore, be considered. This thesis also evaluates Foot's leadership with a view to demonstrate his ability to navigate the Labour Party following his election. The conclusion must be drawn that Labour's ability to prevail without disintegrating illustrates Foot's success as leader, and that the simplistic view that his leadership was simply the result of a left-wing surge is inadequate.
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Ho, Karl Ka-yiu. "Dealignment Decades on: Partisanship and Party Support in Great Britain, 1979-1996." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278532/.
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This dissertation surveys electoral change in Great Britain during the period between 1979 and 1996. It analyzes the long-term factors and the short-term dynamics underlying the evolution of three aspects of the electorate: party identification, voting intentions and party support in inter-election periods. Drawing on cross-sectional and panel data from the British Election Studies and public opinion polls, I investigate the impacts of long-term socialization and short-term perceptions on voters' political decisions. I hypothesize that, over the last four elections, perceptual factors such as evaluations of party leaders and issues, particularly economic concerns, emerged as the major forces that account for the volatility in electoral behavior in Britain. Accordingly, this study is divided into three sections: Part I probes into the evolution in party identification across age cohorts and social classes as illustrated in trends in partisanship. Part II focuses on changes in voting intentions as affected by perceptual factors and party identification. Part III investigates the public's support for governing parties by analyzing the dynamics of aggregate party support during inter-election periods.
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Mairry, Louis. "La vie politique dans le departement du doubs sous la troisieme republique (1870-1940)." Paris 4, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA040075.
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Sous la iiieme republique, de 1970 a 1940, le departement du doubs a eu une evolution politique originale. Il choisit d'abord la republique et la gauche: en 1885, tous les parlementaires sont republicains et les radicaus dominent la vie politique du departement de 1898 a 1914. Mais, en 1936, le doubs est un des rares departements qui se donne uniquement des deputes de droit (cinq( alors que les trois senateurs le sont deja depuis 1921. Quand, comment, pourquoi ce passage de la gauche a la droite? contrairement a l'opinion courante ce renversement politique n'est pas du a la guerre de 1914-1918 qui, dans le domaine de la politique pure, n'a ete qu'une parenthese ("union sacree"). En fait, la reconquete electorale par la droite debute des 1900-1901 en partant des scrutins locaux (cantonaux et municipaux) pour deboucher logiquement sur les succes senatoriaux et legislatifs. Trois raisons: une droite moderee unie et disciplinee autour de fortes personalites (r. De moustier, g. Pernot, g. Japy); le declin des radicaux (divises et sans programme); le refus de l'extremisme politique (de gauche comme de droite)Under the third republic, from 1870 to 1940, the departement of the doubs had a singular political evolution. First, it chose the republic and the left: in 1885 every parlementary is republican and the radicals dominate politival life in the departement from 1898 to 1914. But in 1936 it's of the few departements which provides it self solely with members of parliament form the right (five), when its three senators have been from the right since 1921. When, how, why this change from legt to right? contrary to the popular opinion, this turnaround isn't due to the great war (1914-1918) which in the political world was nerely a parenthesis ("sacred union"). In fact, the electoral reconquest by the right begins as early as 1900-1901, based on local ballots (country and municipal) first, to lead to senatorial and legislative successe. To this, three reasons: a moderate right, united and disciplined around strong personalities (r. De moustier, g. Pernot, g. Japy); the decline of the radicals, divides and with no programme; the refusal of political extrimism, from the left as from the right
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Ventresca, Robert A. "In God's country, state, society and democracy in the Italian election of 1948." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ49908.pdf.
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Bargagliotti, Vicki Marie. "Content analysis of visual manipulation" and metaphors used in national news magazines during the 1996 presidential elections." Scholarly Commons, 1998. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/2342.
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This investigation is based upon the old, but popular Chinese Proverb- "one picture is worth more than a thousand words" (Bartlett, 1980, p. 132). This researcher examined presidential campaign photographs in hopes of finding a possible media bias toward political candidates. This study confirmed two previous studies (Moriarty and Popovich, 1991 and Moriarty and Garramone, 1986), which reported that the media does, in fact, attempt to balance the visual coverage of political candidates during a presidential election.
All visuals, including photographs and illustrations from Time, Newsweek and U.S. News & World Report of candidates Bill Clinton and Bob Dole were used for this study. Data from these national news magazines were collected from September 2 (the kick-off after the Labor Day) to November 4 (the weekly edition just prior to the election on November 5).
Moriarty and Garramone ( 1986) developed coding definitions to identify 15 visual attributes of presidential campaign photographs. These attributes include: activity, posture, arms, bands, eyes, expression, interaction, camera angle, portrayal, position, size, props, setting, dress and family association. All visuals were coded as more favorable, less favorable or neutral.
A total of 282 visuals were used in this study. The results concluded that Bill Clinton was in 183 visuals, while Dole was in 99 visuals. If one looks at the sheer number or quantity of the visuals, they would assume that Clinton did out photograph Dole. This assumption would lead one to believe that the media was biased, but in fact, most of the visuals that were coded were "more favorable" to both of the candidates.
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Lakes, Ross Allen. "The making of a hero : Franklin Roosevelt's preparation for a third-term presidential election." Virtual Press, 1988. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/544137.
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This study offers a mythical examination of the addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt during his first two terms of presidency. The direction of the study is to determine the use of the hero persona in Roosevelt's goal of gaining an unprecedented third-term presidential reelection.The study overviews the historic American public attitude toward the concept of a president being elected for a third consecutive term. Close attention is given to the fears of Americans during the late thirties generated from both the Great Depression and the current war in Europe and Asia. Drawing upon comments from various authorities and particularly those of Roosevelt's 1940 election opponent Wendal Willkie, the study establishes that many Americans were afraid that a third-term election would give Roosevelt too much power, and that many compared this power to/ dictatorships like those in Italy and Nazi Germany.-.Examination of numerous addresses by Roosevelt before the 1940 election reveals that FDR established a dramatistic rhetorical framework in which he cast a variety of players including the American people, Congress, the financial leaders of the Nation, foreign countries and dictatorships. These were cast as villains, victims and heroes.Two of the victims were democracy and the American Dream, both being threatened from without and from within America. The study looks at ways Roosevelt cast himself in this drama as the hero and defender of these two myths.Department of Speech Communication
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Smaragdis, George. "There you go again : an analysis of Jimmy Carter's debate tactics in his debate with Ronald Reagan /." Thesis, This resource online, 1996. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-02132009-170951/.
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Garreau, Bernard. "Femmes et politique : le cas des femmes élues en Sarthe de 1945 à 2010." Phd thesis, Université du Maine, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00714657.
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Tout en s'inscrivant dans le cadre général de l'histoire des femmes et de l'histoire électoralecontemporaine, la thèse se veut d'abord une thèse d'histoire locale quantitative et fait appel égalementà quelques données relevant d'autres disciplines (science politique, droit public, sociologie). Tout endonnant lieu à une comparaison avec l'évolution constatée au plan national, la thèse s'intéresse àl'histoire d'une population donnée (toutes les catégories de femmes élues), dans un espacegéographique donné (le département de la Sarthe), sur une période donnée (1945-2010).L'augmentation du nombre de femmes élues et la diversification des fonctions auxquelles elles ontaccédé sont appréhendées au travers d'une interrogation qui exprime la problématique de la thèse, àsavoir : quelle est la portée de cette progression et quelle signification peut-on y donner ? En réponsela thèse s'efforce de montrer que cette progression quantitative des femmes élues s'est accompagnéed'un certain nombre de pratiques réglementaires ou comportementales qui en limitent la portée et ennuancent la signification. Le plan chronologique adopté permet de mettre en relief les trois phases quiont marqué l'histoire des femmes élues en Sarthe de 1945 à 2010 en reliant chacune à la problématiquegénérale. Cette articulation générale de la thèse débouche ainsi sur un plan en 3 parties intituléesrespectivement : Les années 1945/1970 : une présence tolérée, un statut inchangé ; Les années1970/1990 : une présence acceptée, une pression contenue ; Les années 1990 / 2010 : une présencereconnue, une inégalité maintenue.
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Mihatsch, Moritz Anselm. "Stories of a failed nation : Sudanese politics 1945-69." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:96421286-02ab-49bd-92be-31f74526110d.
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Between 1945 and 1969 the Sudanese achieved independence and overthrew a military junta with a popular uprising. Nevertheless both democratic periods were quickly ended by military coups. At the same time a civil war divided the country. The thesis asks why the democratic structures were so unstable, and unable to end the conflict between north and south. It argues that the ideas about the Sudanese nation by different groups were so contradictory, that no nation could be built. As a result, the political system failed to find a stable form and to deliver policy results to the constituents. The thesis is using political parties as units of analysis and primarily the constitutional process and, secondarily, questions of independence and sovereignty, as prisms. It discusses the history of the political parties within the context of the political history of Sudan. The discussions about the constitution are understood as one form of expressing ideas about the nation. The thesis presents the different suggestions for the constitution by different parties, especially in regards to governance, federalism, and religion. These contradictory ideas led to the failure of the constitution writing process. The thesis argues that the contradictory positions of the parties created a dual deadlock, which led to a breakdown of democracy. Firstly, due to reciprocal distrust, widely diverging platforms, and generally the difficulty of forming coalition governments, especially in the absence of a democratic tradition, coalitions became extremely unstable and politicians were forced to invest a lot of time and effort to keep coalitions alive and in consequence concrete political actions did not receive enough attention. Secondly, the divergent perceptions of the nation led to a situation where they stopped to see each other as part of the same nation and therefore stopped to recognise others as legitimately participating in the political process.
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Alcantara, Jose Carlos [UNESP]. "O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.
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alcantara_jc_dr_assis.pdf: 2609481 bytes, checksum: dcd797ffa53022a54bbd831deccf17a7 (MD5)Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.
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Emons, Thomas. "Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /." Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.
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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).
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Aylor, Brooks 1970. "Importance and determinants of trait use in evaluations of candidates in the 1996 United States presidential election." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282760.
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For more than forty years, communication and political science researchers have examined how receivers evaluate sources. Valuable attention to source credibility in the communication literature has yielded numerous categorizations of the dimensions receivers use to evaluate sources. Little recent work in communication, however, has focused on source evaluations, and much of the previous work has been criticized for not recognizing the context-specific nature of source credibility. Important work in political science has focused on receiver evaluations of political officials. This literature, however, has not produced consistent results as to the importance of individual trait types in the evaluation of presidential candidates. Most of this work did not examine determinants of trait use in the evaluation of presidential candidates, including receiver demographics, media use, and political disaffection. Neither communication nor political science researchers have adequately recognized the commonalities which exist in their separate examinations of source evaluations. The current study draws upon communication and political science research to examine respondents' use of candidate traits in a specific and important context, the evaluation of presidential candidates. The study explores the importance of competence, character, empathy, and leadership traits in evaluations of presidential candidates during a time of increasingly negative media coverage of presidential candidates and high levels of political disaffection among citizens. Another important contribution of the study to the literature on trait evaluations is its examination of determinants of trait use in evaluations of presidential candidates. The 1996 American National Election Studies pre- and post-election interviews were used to answer the questions posed in the study. Results suggest that empathy and leadership were more important than character or competence in respondents' evaluations of Bill Clinton, Bob Dole, and Ross Perot in 1996. Economic conditions and party identification were also strong predictors of the vote in 1996. The results provide strong evidence that empathy and leadership were more important in 1996 than in presidential elections of the last three decades. The study suggests important sex differences in trait use, as well as significant relationships between media use, political knowledge, and political disaffection and use of traits to evaluate candidates.
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Vernet, Laurène. "L'Europe à l'aune des élections présidentielles françaises, 1965-2012." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL187.
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Alors que les citoyens français se montrent plutôt enclins à la communauté européenne, et que la France poursuit son intégration et sa coopération régionales, les candidats aux élections présidentielles parlent peu de l’Europe comme d’un véritable enjeu électoral. Cette thèse étudie la place de l’Europe comme enjeu, thème et sujet électoral dans les différentes structurations du débat médiatico-politiques. Au cœur des programmes, des allocutions et des débats des candidats de diverses familles politiques, elle démontre que l’Europe est un sujet glissant, souvent relégué à la dernière place des préoccupations électorales. Un sujet qui dérange le candidat et le citoyen car son traitement politique présuppose une définition stricte du rôle de la France dans l’Europe et de la finalité de l’Europe elle-même. Un sujet qui est aussi au cœur de clivages politiques flottants. A la croisée des notions de souveraineté, d’indépendance, de grandeur voire d’identité, les analyses de la place de l’Europe dans les élections présidentielles démontrent un espace de confrontation politique quasi vide, non investi par les candidats et les électorats. Cette étude démontre que cette immersion au cœur de la problématique de la place de l’intérêt national rend compte d’un processus de désidéologisation du thème européen latent et, au regard de l’écologie électorale aux référendums européens et aux élections présidentielles suivantes, d’un repli populiste en puissance dont le traitement politique du sujet européen n’est peut-être pas le dernier responsable. Quelle France souverainiste ou européiste s’exprime dans les élections présidentielles françaises de la Ve République, pour quelle Europe ?French citizen since the 1960s have seemed to be generally in favour of the idea of a European community, and later, the European Union. However, French politicians who have run for presidential elections did not feel the need to include Europe as an electoral topic in their campaigns. If in the 1990s, Europe did become a programmatic data, it was still not considered as a topic that could create political cleavages. This thesis studies the place of Europe as an electoral issue and as a programmatic data inside the political debates. Through the analysis of the electoral programmes, the campaign speeches, and the debates, this essay demonstrates that Europe was a delicate topic and a political space of confrontation that candidates have invested very little. Europe disturbed the candidates as well as the citizen because its political treatment presupposed a strict definition of France’s role in Europe and the purpose of Europe itself. At the crossroads of the notions of sovereignty, independence, grandeur and identity, this thesis analyzes the place of Europe in the national presidential elections. Our immersion in the heart of the issues of national interests reveals a process of desideologisation of the European theme. It also shows, in regard to the electoral ecology, that there was, during the following European referendums and presidential elections, a potential populist tendency which the political treatment of the European issue was maybe not the only culprit. Which of soverainist France or europeanist France expressed itself in the French presidential elections from the Ve republic, for which Europe?
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Freire, Danilo Alves Mendes. "Entre urnas e armas: a competitividade do Poder Executivo e as Guerras Civis, 1976 - 2000." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-15082012-114934/.
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A guerra civil é a forma de violência coletiva mais importante de nossa época. Embora pesquisas recentes tenham apontado alguns elementos como determinantes das guerras civis, a influência dos fatores políticos nos conflitos internos ainda é controversa. O presente estudo analisa, por meio de regressão estatística, a relação entre a competitividade do poder executivo e a incidência de guerras civis de 1976 a 2000. Os achados indicam que tanto eleições com candidatos únicos como votações multipartidárias reduzem a incidência de guerras civis. Ademais, os resultados dão apoio às hipóteses levantadas pela literatura recente de que terreno montanhoso, grande população, sistema políticos centralizados e a existência de conflitos anteriores aumentam significativamente o risco de incidência de guerras civisCivil War is the most important form of collective violence of our time. Although recent research has yielded some determining elements to civil war, the influence of political factors on internal conflicts remains disputed. This study analyzes, by means of statistics regression, the correlation between the competitiveness in the Executive Branch and the incidence of civil war from 1976 to 2000. The findings indicate that both single-candidate and multi-party elections reduce the incidence of civil war. Furthermore, the results lend support to the hypotheses put forward by recent literature that mountainous terrain, large population, centralized political system, and the existence of former conflicts significantly heighten the risk of incidence of civil war
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King, Bridgett A. "The Effect of State Policy on the Individual Vote Decisions of African Americans in Presidential and Midterm Elections, 1996 to 2008." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1342496746.
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Cruz, João Batista Carvalho da. "Da formação ao desafio das urnas: o PTB e seus adversários nas eleições estaduais de 1947 no Rio Grande do Sul." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2010. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/1879.
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Previous issue date: 28Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos
A criação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) marcou profundamente a política no Rio Grande do Sul no período 1945-64. Com uma tradição de bipolaridade, a política gaúcha daquele contexto se caracterizou pela oposição entre um campo mais progressista, representado pelo PTB, e outro conservador, liderado pelo Partido Social Democrático (PSD). Neste estudo buscamos analisar a atuação do PTB nas eleições estaduais de 1947, recorrendo para isso a elementos da teoria do campo político desenvolvida por Pierre Bourdieu. Procuramos compreender a trajetória inicial e o tipo de capital político que o partido então acumulou. As fontes utilizadas são os periódicos da época, artigos, entrevistas e depoimentos de lideranças partidárias, bem como um conjunto de cartas trocadas entre as mesmas. Uma possível contribuição do presente trabalho será evidenciar a importância que aquela disputa eleitoral assumiu no processo de formação do PTB gaúcho, especialmente por se tratar de um momento privilegiado para a criação de símb
The foundation of the Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) – “Brazilian Labor Party” – deeply marked the politics in Rio Grande do Sul from 1945 to 1964. With bipolarity tradition the gaucha politics of those decades was defined by the conflict between a more progressive posture, represented by the PTB, and a more conservative one, leaded by the Partido Social Democrático (PSD) – “Social Democratic Party”. The present study intends to analyze the role PTB played at the gubernatorial elections of 1947, based on aspects from Pierre Bourdieu’s political field theory. This study also seeks understanding the initial trajectory and the political capital the party accumulated at that time. The sources were periodic newspapers, articles, interviews and declarations of leading parties and a set of letters traded between them as well. A possible contribution of this study might be proving the importance of that particular political dispute had in the foundation process of the “gaucho” PTB mainly for being such a propi
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Tiberj, Vincent. "Le choix d'un président : les modes d'évaluation des électeurs français (1995) et américains (1996)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002IEPP0032.
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Brennan, Paul. "L'etat en irlande. Aspects de son developpement. 1801-1949." Paris 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA030071.
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Entre 1801 et 1949 l'irlande connait deux etats successifs : l'etat britannique et l'etat irlandais. Afin de les etudier cette these se divise en quatre grandes parties. La premiere, intitulee l'irlande dans l'etat britannique, traite de la mise en place de l'union, des trois grands enjeux : la religion, la constitution et l'economie, si importants pour le developpement de l'etat, et des modalites d'organisation nationaliste. La deuxieme partie, intitulee l'etat britannique en irlande, etudie le fonctionnement de l'etat a travers le gouvernement, l'administration, le pouvoir local, le systeme electoral et les elections. A son tour, elle contient une interrogation sur la differenciation de l'eta par rapport a la societe civile et pose le probleme de l'integration de l'irlande dans l'etat. La naissance de l'etat irlandais est le titre de la troisieme partie. On y etudie l'effrondrement de l'ancien ordre dans un contexte de violence; a la violence politique des irlandais repond la violence de l'etat britannique. La quatrieme partie, les developpements de l'etat irlandais, examine les fondements du nouvel etat et cherche a en decrire la nature par une analyse de ses constitutions, des effets de la guerre civile, de son institutionnalisation, de son lien avec la grande-bretagne et de sa quete de reconnaissance internationaleBetween 1801 and 1949 there were two successive states in ireland, the british state and the irish state. In order to study them this thesis is divided into four main parts. The first, entitled ireland in the british state, deals with the setting up of the union, the three major issues : religion, the constitution and the economy, which were of such importance for the development of the state. The second part, entitled the british state in ireland, studies the workings of the state through its government, administration, local government, electoral system and elections. In turn it questions state differentiation from civil society and considers the integration of ireland in the state. The birth of the irish state is the title of the third part. The collapse of the old order in a context of popular and state violence is its object. In the fourth part, the developments of the irish state are investigated. The nature of the new state is studied through an analysis of its constitutions, the effects of the civil war, the creation of its new institutions, its links with great britain and its quest for international recognition
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André, Patrick. "Les parlementaires bonapartistes de la Troisième République (1871-1940)." Paris 4, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA040135.
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Après 1870 et l'instauration de la Troisième République, les fidèles du second Empire ne s'avouent pas vaincus. Ils mènent la défense de leur cause sur le thème de la révision des institutions républicaines par le recours au plébiscite. Cependant, les quelques deux-cent-soixante-quatre députés et sénateurs partisans de l'appel au peuple élus de 1871 à 1940 rejoignent l'opposition monarchiste et conservatrice. Cette alliance contre-nature désoriente leur électorat et scelle leur échec définitif. Mais leur erreur stratégique est également le reflet de leur profit sociologique éminemment élitiste. Grands notables de type classique, les cadres bonapartistes sacrifient en effet leurs convictions politiques - réduites à une ultime fidélité dynastique - sur l'autel de leurs intérêts particuliers. Un dictionnaire biographique précise, enfin, les parcours individuels de tous les parlementaires plébiscitairesThose who remained faithful to the second Empire after the installation of the third Republic refused to accept their defeat. To promote their cause, they look up the theme of a revision of the republics institutions by means of the plebiscite. Moreover, the 264 deputies and senators who were elected between 1871 and 1940 (and who supported the idea of the "appel au peuple") identified themselves with the conservative and monarchist opposition. This unnatural alliance confused their electors and led, in the long term, to their collapse. This tactical error was, in itself, a reflection of their social background, which was that of an elite group, these "grands notables" who, at the same time constituted the cadres of bonapartism, sacrificed their political convictions on the altar of personal interest. Ultimately they were left with same a sort of fidelity to the dynasty. The compilation of a biographical dictionary enables on to pin point exactly how the careers of these plebiscitary parliamentarians evolved
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Nunez, Lopez Lidia. "Electoral system stability and change: an analysis of the barriers and incentives to reform in European democracies since 1945." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209101.
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Electoral systems have an enormous importance on how political power is distributed, on governability and the dynamics of representation of any given democratic society. Political science has traditionally considered electoral systems to be stable institutions and has paid more attention to understand how political parties adapt to the electoral rules than to how “electoral institutions themselves are adapted by political parties” (Benoit 2004). However, given their importance, unveiling the factors that influence the change and the choice of electoral rules is crucial and an increasing number of studies has addressed the issue since the 1990s. This dissertation lies at the crossroads between traditional explanations of the stability of electoral systems and the more recent interpretations of electoral system change. Through three empirical parts, this thesis shows how these literatures are reconcilable and complementary. This study encompasses a comprehensive set of explicative factors at the micro, meso and macro levels that shed light on the incentives and barriers to reform electoral systems. Methodologically, the large-N approach of this thesis goes beyond the usual case studies and small-N analyses that characterize the field of electoral system change. Besides, the consideration of cases of reforms and cases of stability contributes to a better understanding of the determinants of electoral system change. While traditional accounts of electoral system change are predominantly based on political parties’ self-interest, this study demonstrates that the context matters. In this regard, this dissertation has three main findings.
Firstly, this study calls into question the body of literature addressing the change of electoral institutions by analyzing the impact of different barriers in the success of reform debates. At the party level, it shows how intraparty division can constitute an important factor to explain institutional inertia. The analysis is based on the responses of Irish Members of Parliament (Teachtaí Dala, or TDs) to a number of survey items designed to measure their evaluations of the current electoral system. The study discusses how the heterogeneity of preferences within parties over this issue may act as a barrier for reform. Besides, at the micro level, it sheds light on the determinants of individuals’ incentives to support reform. Beyond the classical power-seeking motivations, individual legislators also appear to be driven by values and attitudes about the quality of democracy.
Secondly, this thesis focuses on institutional contexts. This study analyzes the capacity of institutions to deter reforms using empirical evidence of the occurrence of reforms and the duration of electoral systems in 17 European countries. Drawing on Lijphart’s framework of the patterns of democracy, this research analyzes the extent to which the elements that differentiate between majoritarian and consensus democracies can hinder electoral reforms. On the one hand, it shows the impact of individual institutions on the occurrence of reform and the duration of electoral systems. It demonstrates that higher numbers of veto players, more proportional electoral systems, limited vested interests of the incumbent parties, constitutional rigidity and the existence of judicial review can reduce the likelihood of reform. On the other hand, this study demonstrates that the different combinations of institutional elements provide important explanatory leverage on the duration of electoral systems. In this regard, contrary to what is often assumed, it is shown that the occurrence of electoral reforms is linked to the incumbents’ capacity to develop their preferred policies. Those systems in which power is more concentrated, that is majoritarian systems, appear to be those in which electoral systems reforms are more frequent.
Finally, the thesis explores the impact of external shocks on the likelihood of reform. On the basis of an analysis of a dataset of electoral reforms that have been enacted in Europe since 1945, this study demonstrates that economic crises and citizens’ dissatisfaction with democracy are related to the introduction of electoral reforms. However, the mechanism is mediated by the existence of new parties that capitalize on this dissatisfaction and that can threaten the established parties. In these circumstances, restrictive reforms – those that aim at hindering the entry of new parties - are more likely to be introduced, though too late to prevent the entry of these newcomers.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Alcantara, Jose Carlos 1941. "O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local /." Assis : [s.n.], 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.
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Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre MendesBanca: Clodoaldo Bueno
Banca: Áureo Busetto
Banca: Lupércio Antônio Pereira
Banca: Maria Lúcia Bertachini Nosella
Resumo: O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
Abstract: An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.
Doutor
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Conceição, Bruno da Silva. "Nacionalização partidária em marcha : processo de distanciamento dos partidos brasileiros da regionalização (1945-2014)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/180579.
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Dans le long processus de construction du système des partis brésilien, l'incertitude persiste sur la possibilité de faire avancer le processus de nationalisation des partis. Les partis politiques brésiliens avec leurs bases organisationnelles et leurs votes électoraux sont-ils nationalisés ou régionalisés par territoire national? La thèse proposée est qu'il ya une nationalisation progressive des partis brésiliens, depuis la première expérience démocratique (1945-1964), à travers le système des deux partis de la dictature civilo-militaire (1964-1986) à la démocratie (1986-2014), ce qui réduit les effets de régionalisation caractéristique des premières phases des partis du pays. Par conséquent, l'analyse se concentrera sur un indicateur important pour mesurer le degré de nationalisation du parti, à savoir: Parti Nationalisation Score (PNS). Les données empiriques qui seront utilisées pour analyser la nationalisation du parti brésilien proviennent des statistiques électorales des partis politiques pour occuper un siège à la Chambre des représentants et dans les assemblées publiques disponibles dans la base de données de la Cour Supérieure (TSE) ou de la recherche documentaire bibliographique. Les résultats de cette thèse montrent que les partis brésiliens contemporains se situent à un haut niveau de nationalisation, se distanciant du régionalisation.No longo processo de construção do sistema partidário brasileiro, uma incerteza ainda paira sobre a possibilidade de avanço do processo de nacionalização partidária. Por acaso estariam os partidos políticos brasileiros com suas bases organizativas e votações eleitorais nacionalizadas ou regionalizadas pelo território nacional? A tese proposta é de que há uma gradativa nacionalização dos partidos brasileiros, desde a primeira experiência democrática (1945-1964), passando pelo bipartidarismo da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1986) até a redemocratização (1986-2014), diminuindo os efeitos característicos de regionalização das primeiras fases de partidos do país. Para tanto, a análise se concentrará em um importante indicador para mensurar o grau de nacionalização partidária, qual seja: o Party Nationalization Score (PNS). Os dados empíricos que serão usados para analisar a nacionalização partidária brasileira provêm das estatísticas eleitorais dos partidos políticos para ocupação de uma cadeira na Câmara dos Deputados e nas Assembleias Estaduais disponíveis no banco de dados do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE) ou de pesquisa bibliográfica documental. Os resultados desta tese mostram que os partidos brasileiros contemporâneos estão em um patamar elevado de nacionalização distanciando-se da regionalização.
In the long process of building the Brazilian party system, uncertainty still lingers over the possibility of advancing the process of party nationalization. Are the Brazilian political parties with their organizational bases and electoral votes nationalized or regionalized by national territory? The thesis proposed is that there is a gradual nationalization of Brazilian parties, from the first democratic experience (1945-1964), through the bipartisanship of the civil-military dictatorship (1964-1986) to the re-democratization (1986-2014), reducing the effects of the characteristic regionalization of the first phases of the country's parties. To do so, the analysis will focus on an important indicator to measure the degree of party nationalization, namely: Party Nationalization Score (PNS). The empirical data that will be used to analyze the Brazilian party nationalization comes from the electoral statistics of the political parties to occupy a seat in the Chamber of Deputies and in the State Assemblies available in the database of the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) or from bibliographic documentary research. The results of this thesis show that contemporary Brazilian parties are on a high level of nationalization, distancing themselves from regionalization.
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Scheessele, Marie E. "The rise of Jesse Jackson : a fantasy theme analysis of his 1988 presidential campaign." Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/722233.
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This study investigated Time's reporters' portrayals of Jesse Jackson throughout his 1988 campaign. Chapter one introduced the study and provided an extensive literature review of. Ernest Bormann's Fantasy Theme Analysis and its uses. Chapter Two presented a biographical profile of Jackson and served as a prelude to the discussion of Jackson's 1988 presidential campaign. Chapter Three included the actual analysis and interpretation of the study. The following themes were discovered in the five 'time periods that emerged from the investigation: the underdog, the free from scrutiny, the preacher, the leader of black people, the poet, and the loser of the nomination themes. Chapter Four summarized this study and provided implications and suggestions for future research.Department of Speech Communication
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Chérel, Evelyne. "Politique et religion en coree du sud : jeunesse catholique [kat'ollik ch'ongnyon] et les elections generales de mai 1948. un exemple de politisation d'une revue catholique." Paris 7, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA070054.
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LES ANNEES 1945-1950 SONT UNE PERIODE CHARNIERE DE L'HISTOIRE DE LA COREE. ELLES CON♭ DUISENT DE LA FIN DE LA COLONISATION JAPONAISE A LA GUERRE DE COREE. EN CE TEMPS OU LE NORD NORD DE LA COREE EST OCCUPE PAR L'ARMEE SOVIETIQUE ET LE SUD PAR L'ARMEE AMERICAINE, L' EGLISE CATHOLIQUE COREENNE DEVELOPPE UN NOUVEAU TYPE DE RELATION AVEC LE POLITIQUE : ELLE OPTE POUR UNE PARTICIPATION ACTIVE AU POLITIQUE. A L'APOGEE DE CE PROCESSUS, SE TROUVE SON ENTREE DANS LA CAMPAGNE ELECTORALE DES ELECTIONS GENERALES DE MAI 1948, ELECTIONS FONDATRICES DE LA REPUBLIQUE DE COREE, AU SUD. QUELLES SONT LES LOGIQUES QUI L'AMENENT A FAIRE CE CHOIX ? AFIN D'APPORTER DES ELEMENTS DE REPONSE A CETTE QUESTION, ON A CHOISI DE PRIVILEGIER L'ETUDE D'UNE REVUE MENSUELLE, JEUNESSE CATHOLIQUE, PUBLIEE PAR LE VICARIAT DE SEOUL. EN ANALYSANT L'EVOLUTION DU CONTENU DE CETTE REVUE, ON TENTE AINSI DE DISCERNER QUELS SONT LES ELEMENTS INHERENTS A LA DOCTRINE SOCIALE CATHOLIQUE QUI INFLUENCENT LA PARTICiPATION DE L'EGLISE CATHOLIQUE COREENNE AU POLITIQUE. DE MEME, ON COMPARE LES PROPOSITIONS POUR LA SOCIETE FORMULEES PAR LA REVUE AVEC CELLES DES ACTEURS DU CHAMP POLITIQUE, CE QUI PERMET DE PRECISER DE QUELS GROUPES POLITIQUES L'INSITUTION RELIGIEUSE EST LA PLUS PROCHE. ON OBSERVE EGALEMENT LES RELATIONS EXISTANTES ENTRE LE PERSONNEL POLITIQUE ET LE PERSONNEL RELIGIEUX. UN DERNIER AXE DE TRAVAIL EST D'ANALYSER LA COMPREHENSION DES ENJEUX NATIONAUX ET INTERNATIONAUX FORMULEE PAR LA REVUE. CES DIRECTIONS DE RECHERCHES PERMETENT DE COMPRENDRE LES LOGIQUES SOUS-TENDANT LE SOUTIEN ACTIF QUE L'INSTITUTION RELIGIEUSE A APPORTE AUX ELECTIONS GENERALES, ELECTIONS POURTANT CONTROVERSEES ET BOYCOTTEES PAR UNE GRANDE PARTIE DE LA CLASSE POLITIQUE COREENNE.
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Henningsson, Börje. "Det röda Dalarna : Socialdemokrater, anarkosyndikalister och kommunister inom Dalarnas Arbetarrörelse 1906-1937." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3995.
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This dissertation investigates the internal struggles within the labour movement in Dalarna at the beginning of the twentieth century. I investigate Social Democracy, Anarcho-Syndicalism and Communism, the three major factions of the working class. I study the relationship between these organisations and their supporters in the complex socio-economic area of Dalarna. I have based my study on the three party programs and their answer to two central questions of the time: Will the conflicts of society lead to revolution? and How should politics and production be organised in the non capitalist society to come? Generally, anarcho-syndicalists argue that state power must be transformed to local government, social democrats hope to make different social interests compromise into political consensus. Communists want a proletarian state through social revolution. How were those ideologies received in Dalarna? In the beginning, anarchists fought social democrats: The opposition excluded from social democracy 1917 was also more influenced by anarchism than by communism. The opposition founded a party, witch towards the 1920´s turned from anarchism into communism, and the small farmers, that erlier had been attracted by the anarchist influenced rural propaganda, left and more industrial workers joined. Simultaneously, anarchists reorganised from a political party to a syndicalistic trade union, gradually mowing from the industrialised south to northern Dalarna. Communists, mainly left in the industrialised south, were shaken by two splits in the 1920´s and they lost their ability to compete with the social democrats in democratic elections. In Dalarna, social democrats, confronting anti-parliamentary anarchy and totalitarian communism alike, won the contest within the labour movement: At the end of the period, they dominated the area.
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Medeiros, Diogo Frizzo de. "Da classe média à periferia? O PT nas eleições municipais paulistanas (1996-2012)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-10042014-122715/.
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Este trabalho busca analisar a trajetória do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) nas eleições para prefeito de São Paulo no período de 1996 a 2012, tendo como foco seu desempenho nos diversos estratos socioeconômicos do eleitorado paulistano. Ao longo das eleições municipais disputadas, o partido cresceu e assumiu a posição de principal protagonista nas disputas, vencendo em 2000 e 2012. Entretanto, a consolidação desse crescimento não se manifestou de maneira uniforme nos diversos estratos socioeconômicos da cidade. A hipótese sugerida é a de que houve mudanças significativas no perfil do eleitorado petista. A partir da análise da literatura sobre o comportamento eleitoral na cidade, procurou-se reconstituir as características iniciais do eleitor do PT, a fim de verificar quais eram seus principais aspectos. Para essa análise, foram utilizados os dados dos surveys eleitorais das eleições paulistanas de 1996 a 2012 e, para verificar a existência de padrões geográficos na votação da agremiação nos distritos da cidade, foi empregada a técnica de análise espacial. Com isso, foi possível observar que: (1) nas primeiras eleições disputadas, o PT apresentava uma base popular, embora de pouca expressão, localizada geograficamente em uma região especifica: os distritos próximos ao ABC paulista; (2) houve mudanças na composição da base eleitoral do PT a partir das eleições de 2000, passando de um partido com um perfil de classe média (de 1985 a 2000) para um partido com apelo mais popular (de 2004 em diante). Se até então o voto petista estava localizado em uma periferia geográfica determinada da cidade, ele passa a acompanhar essa transformação, ganhando expressão na periferia socioeconômica do eleitorado paulistano.This dissertation aims at analyzing the trajectory of the Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT) in the municipal elections for the post of Mayor of the city of São Paulo over the period comprising the years between 1996 and 2012 and it focuses on the partys performance with regard to the various socio-economic strata in São Paulo citys electoral roll. In the course of the municipal elections held over that period, the party was able to expand to the point of reaching the position of main protagonist in election fights, beating its opponents both in 2000 and 2012. Nevertheless, consolidation of such growth has not taken place in a uniform manner concerning the citys various socioeconomic strata. The hypothesis investigated herein is that there have been significant changes in the profile of PT voters. Departing from careful analysis of the available literature on the citys electoral behavior, one has sought to reconstruct the initial characteristics of PT voters so as to obtain their main features. So as to draw up this analysis, data from electoral survey researches of the São Paulos 1996-2012 municipal elections were closely examined. Additionally, the spatial analysis method was used in order to verify the existence of any geographic patterns related to the voters choice of this political organization in the various districts of the city. As a result, the following elements were found: 1) in the early elections taken, PT showed a popular power base, which, despite being of limited scope, was geographically situated within a specific area, i.e., the districts close to the so-called São Paulos ABC (the neighboring towns of Santo André, São Bernardo and São Caetano); 2) since the elections held in 2000, there have been changes in the make-up of PTs electoral base, seeing that it has moved from a party which had a middle-class profile (between 1985-2000) to one having a wider popular appeal (from 2004 onwards). Up until 2004 PTs winning ballots could be located in and around a certain geographic periphery of the city, but since then they have undergone the transformation described above and thus have gained volume in the socioeconomic periphery of São Paulos electoral body as a whole.
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Joyce, Marnie. "The structure of political judgement as a function of expertise : a multidimensional scaling analysis of the Australian 1996 Federal Election policy statements /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09SPS/09spsj89.pdf.
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Chen, Huei-ling. "Agenda setting in Taiwan's first presidential election, 1996 : a comparison of coverage in three newspapers and public perceptions of issues and candidates." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30557.
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This study aimed to examine agenda-setting in the context of Taiwan's first presidential election held in 1996 by comparing newspaper coverage and data from extended focus groups. Three major Taiwanese newspapers, the United Daily News, the China Times, and the Liberty Times, were content-analysed to investigate the newspaper agendas on important issues, campaign issues and candidates' images; eight focus groups with a total of 92 voters from Taichung were conducted to learn the public agendas on key issues and image attributes linked to presidential candidates. The use of extended focus groups in this study proved to be innovative and useful. By providing opportunities for participants to clarify and justify their responses, this research method helped avoid some methodological criticism surrounding previous agenda-setting research and gain further insights into understanding what issues and candidates' images were most important in the public minds and why their perspectives were formed in this way.;The results showed that Taiwanese newspapers do, to a certain degree, influence the public agendas on key campaign issues and salient image attributes linked to candidates Chen Li-an and Peng Ming-min. Participants with different gender and educational backgrounds generally showed similarities in their issues, campaign, and image agendas despite certain variations in order of importance. However, the study showed that education had some influence on agenda-setting of the press. It was found that the views of lesser educated female (LEF) participants on the five key campaign issues were closer to the newspaper coverage of those issues. On the other hand, higher educated participants, especially females, were more easily influenced by the newspapers in their perceptions of the top five substantive attributes linked to candidates Chen Li-an, Lee Teng-hui, and Peng Ming-min.
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Payet, François. "Politique et pouvoirs locaux dans un cirque : Cilaos (1945 à 2001)." Thesis, La Réunion, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LARE0020/document.
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Cette thèse s'appuie sur des recherches documentaires effectuées aux Archives Départementales de La Réunion (Journaux et documents administratifs locaux). Elle est la première étude sur une longue durée sur la vie politique à Cilaos, dernière commune née sur l'île française de La Réunion en 1965. Sur ce territoire particulier, qu'est le cirque de Cilaos, les acteurs politiques ont un rôle primordial pour son développement. Dans ce site, où les remparts forment une arène politique, tous les coups sont permis (fraude, alliance improbable, copinage). C'est ainsi un laboratoire idéal pour une étude de l'évolution de ses élections locales (et ses mœurs) et du développement socio-économique par ces acteurs. L'un d'eux est une pièce majeur de ce jeu de pouvoirs, surnommé le « Lion », Irénée Accot. Il œuvre à l'émancipation politique de sa commune face à sa ville-mère Saint-Louis. À sa mort, son héritage idéologique est lourd à porter pour ses potentiels dauphins. Après une période de remise en cause, l'un d'eux parvient à renouer avec ce glorieux passé, Paul TécherThis thesis is based on documentary researches in the Departmental archives of Reunion (Newspapers and local administrative documents). It is the first study over a long length on the political life in Cilaos, last municipality born on the French island of Reunion in 1965. On this specific territory, that is the “circus” of Cilaos, the political actors have a key role for its development. In this site, where ramparts form a political arena, all the blows are allowed (fraud, unlikely alliance, favoritism). It is so an ideal laboratory for a study of the evolution of its local elections (and its morals) and of the socio-economic development by these actors. One of them is a play major of this game of powers, dubbed the "Lion", Irénée Accot. He works in the political emancipation of his municipality in front of his city-mother Saint-Louis. Upon his death, his ideological inheritance is so hard to carry for his potential dolphins. After a period of adjournment, one of them manages to reconnect with this glorious last, Paul Técher
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Canelas, Rapaz Paulo José. "Le Président de la république portugaise : la construction de la figure présidentielle portugaise depuis 1986." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020075/document.
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La présente thèse dit ce qu’est le Président de la République Portugaise, elle le nomme. Pour ce faire, elle montre comment la figure présidentielle s’est construite depuis 1986, depuis que la démocratie portugaise n’est plus « à l’ombre des épées ». A cette fin, la thèse examine d’abord la légitimité particulière du Chef de l’Etat lusitain, directe mais apartisane. Celle-ci doit être comprise à la lumière de l’histoire politique et constitutionnelle du Portugal qui a connu le parlementarisme éclaté et la dictature personnelle. Elle examine ensuite la position du Président de la République au sein de l’architecture constitutionnelle portugaise au moyen de ses pouvoirs et de ses relations avec le Gouvernement en tant que fonction et en tant qu’organe. Si la présidence portugaise ne détermine pas la politique générale du pays, les différents titulaires de la charge présidentielle ont su participer à la formation de la volonté politique de l’Etat grâce au développement d’une magistrature qui leur est propre. Leurs prises de parole et leurs actions de terrain ont permis au Président de la République d’avoir une réalité par-delà le dispositif constitutionnel. De ces différents éléments, la thèse infère enfin la qualification du régime politique portugais et se clôt sur la dénomination de la figure présidentielle portugaise, telle qu’elle a été et s’est construiteThis doctoral dissertation tells what the President of the Portuguese Republic is and gives it a name. To this end, it shows how the Portuguese presidential figure has built itself since 1986, since the Portuguese democracy has no more been under the “shadow of swords”. To reach this goal, the dissertation begins by focusing on the president’s legitimacy, direct but unpartisan. Its particular legitimacy cannot be understood without referring to Portugal’s political and constitutional history which went through fragmented parliamentarism and personal dictatorship. Then it considers the presidential position within the Portuguese constitutional framework using its powers and looking into its relations with the Government as a function and as an organ. If the Portuguese presidency does not fix the country general policy, it does take part in the State’s will formation due to the emergence of a proper magistracy. Speech and field acts have given a reality to the President beyond the constitutional purview. Finally, this doctoral dissertation infers the qualification of the Portuguese political regime and ends by naming the Portuguese presidential figure, as it has been built and as it has been built itself
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BENALLEGUE, CHAOUIA NORA. "Mouvement ouvrier, mouvement syndical en algerie (1919-1954) essai d'histoire sociale." Paris 7, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA070026.
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Il s'agit d'une etude du mouvement ouvrier et syndical en algerie, entre 1919 (fin de la premiere guerre mondiale) et 1954 (declenchement de l'insurrection nationale algerienne), dans sa double composante algerienne et europeenne. La premiere guerre mondiale connait un grand mouvement migratoire d'algerie vers la france, motive par le conflit (combattants et travailleurs) qui va perdurer apres la fin des hostilites, engendrant au sein de cette emigration de nouvelles formes d'organisation de la resistance anti-coloniale. Les annees 1930 et 1940 voient s'amorcer en algerie meme, le processus de formation du mouvement ouvrier qui connait, dans son expression syndicale, les grands tournants du mouvement syndical "metropolitain", cependant que dans l'action revendicative, autant que dans l'action politique, les ouvriers algeriens empruntent, apres la seconde guerre mondiale essentiellement, une voie propre, inserant progressivement leurs luttes dans le combat anti-colonialiste, sans parvenir toutefois, et ce jusqu'a la veille de novembre 1954, a edifier une organisation syndicale tout a fait autonomeThis essay aims to study the worker and trade - union movements in algeria, between 1919 (the end of the first world war) and 1954 (the starting of the national algerian insurrection), in its double composition, algerian and european people. The first world war knows a large migratory movement from algeria to france, as a result of the war (fightingmen as well as workers), and will last after the end of the hostilities. This will promote new shapes of resistance to colonialism, inside this migratory population. During the thirties and the forties, we see, in algeria itself, the beginning of a process of establishing the worker movement. This latter knows, in its trade - union voicing, the main turning ponts of the "metropolitan" trade - unions. Nevertheless, in their demanding actions, as well as in the political ones, the algerian workers start with new forms of struggle. Their progressively insert their fights in the anticolonialist one. But, they don't manage to build up truly autonomous trade - union, up to the last day before november 1954
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BAGAINI, ANNA MARIA. "LOST IN PEACE. ASCESA E DECLINO DEL PARTITO LABURISTA NEL QUADRO DELLA STORIA POLITICA ISRAELIANA (1948-2001)." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/40679.
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La tesi analizza il contemporaneo declino elettorale del Partito Laburista israeliano in relazione agli eventi storici, ai cambiamenti sociali e demografici che hanno portato ad un effettivo cambiamento del sistema politico. In particolar modo la ricerca si sofferma sulla lettura dei risultati elettorali, cercando di sottolineare come le dinamiche sopra indicate abbiano influenzato i trend elettorali e l'offerta politica del partito stesso. Fino a giungere agli anni Novanta, passaggio fondamentale in cui cogliere le ragioni per le quali il Partito Laburista sembra tutt'ora non riuscire invertire il trend negativo degli ultimi quindici anni.This thesis analyzes the contemporary electoral decline of the Israeli Labor Party in relation to historical events, social and demographic changes that have led to an effective change in the Israeli political system. In particular, the research focuses on the electoral results, trying to underline how the dynamics indicated above have influenced the electoral trends and the political offer of the party itself. The Nineties represent a fundamental passage in which it is possibleto understand the reasons why the Labor Party seems unable, still today, to reverse the negative trend of the last fifteen years.
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Erickson, Benjamin M. "A Rhetorical Criticism: Bill Clinton's A Man from Hope; Bringing Together Myth, Identification and Civic Engagement." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2006. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/EricksonBM2006.pdf.
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Viñarás, y. Domingo Antonio José. "Eivissa y Formentera, 1931-1936: sociedad, economía, elecciones y poder político." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de les Illes Balears, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/123286.
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A través de la prensa ibicenca de los años republicanos advertimos una sociedad en
pleno proceso de transformación, aunque continuase siendo una comunidad
conservadora muy influenciada por la Iglesia, en la cual pervivía un caciquismo
clientelista consentido y de base política. En ella encontramos, junto a las débiles
organizaciones políticas de izquierdas o el camaleónico Partido Liberal-Disidente/
Partido Republicano de Centro, formaciones dinásticas derechistas como el Partido
Liberal Regionalista Ibicenco, cuyo líder se convirtió interesadamente al regionalismo
tras haber roto con la dirección provincial y nacional del Partido Liberal. Tal adscripción
regionalista, no asumida enteramente por los votantes, fue una de las causas que
comportaron el descalabro electoral de sus candidatos en todas las convocatorias de
1931 y, con ello, la disolución de la formación y el nacimiento del Partido Social
Agrario-CEDA y, posteriormente, del Partit Regionalista d’Eivissa.
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Bolton, Anthony J. ""The Best Form of Assistance Always is the Kind That Enables Folks to Help Themselves": Public Reaction to the New Deal in Hancock, Seneca, and Wood Counties of Ohio." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1617017851410995.
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Soldati, Franklin. "Por que as pessoas votam? Uma abordagem perspectiva do comparecimento eleitoral do juizforano nos três níveis do executivo do Brasil entre 1996-2014." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2016. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/6131.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O estudo propõe o conceito de uma Ontossociologia a partir da análise comparada do comportamento eleitoral na cidade de Juiz de Fora e de outros importantes municípios, nas eleições para o executivo no Brasil no período 1996-2014. Nele pretendeu-se comprovar que o comportamento eleitoral do juizforano pode ser lido sob quaisquer variáveis componentes do ato eleitoral. Como objetivo demonstrar que Comparecer às urnas de votação, de alguma forma, tende a indicar que o eleitor acata o sistema político eleitoral por se sentir incluído nos benefícios societários. “Abster-se“, por outro lado, tende a representar que o eleitor sente-se excluído das benesses sociais produzidas pela sociedade. ”Votar Válido” representaria concordar de algum modo com as listas eleitorais. “Votar Nulo” é discordar das mesmas listas, enquanto “Votar em Branco“ é o medo de realizar escolhas eleitorais. Como consequência desses resultados a proposição do conceito de uma Ontossociologia. Por isto, após uma revisão da literatura da área, e de seguir as pistas de uma tradição de estudos político eleitorais, o sentido da tese rumou à proposta de resignificar o conceito de engajamento eleitoral ao adicionar à ideia de “Alienação Eleitoral“, sua contraparte, a de uma “Efetividade Eleitoral“. A pesquisa ainda propiciou rearranjar o conceito de Comportamento Eleitoral. Assim, “Comparecer“ e “Votar Válido“ ou “Votar Nulo“ pode ser entendido como “Aceitação das Listas Eleitorais”, pois de alguma forma o eleitor é beneficiário dos dividendos produzidos pela sociedade, situação em que o eleitorado concorda com o sistema político eleitoral. De outra parte ”Abster-se” ou ”Votar em Branco” demonstraria ”Rejeição às Listas Eleitorais”, pois representa a exclusão social desse tipo de eleitor, em que o eleitor nega o modelo adotado. O estudo ainda permitiu incluir a ideia de um continuum entre sofisticação política e indigência social. O primeiro polo representaria o cidadão ativo, capaz de pensar e de viver a política ativamente enquanto o segundo polo é representado pelo sujeito que por algum motivo não somente se abstém dos processos eleitorais mas foi abandonado / abandonou os laços sociais comunitários e perambula. Tudo redunda na possibilidade que o alcance dos índices eleitorais propostos interfira na análise da fragmentação parlamentar e em consequente análise da estabilidade política do país dada a atual configuração do sistema político eleitoral, com representação proporcional específica. A construção de modelos ideal típicos denominados de Grupos Políticos Primários e Grupos Políticos Secundários, pensados para conter as motivações políticas primevas, determina o “conceito” e conclui a tese.
The study proposes the idea of an Onto-Sociology concept starting from the compared analysis of the electoral behavior in the city of Juiz de Fora and of other important municipal districts, in the elections for the Executive branch in Brazil in the period of years 1996 – 2014. Such study intended to prove that the electoral behavior of the “Juizforano” can be examined under any of the variable components of the electoral action. The purpose is to demonstrate that: “To Appear to Vote,” in some way might indicate that a voter accepts the electoral political system, since he/she feels included in the societal benefits. "To Abstain”, on the other hand, might indicate that such voter feels excluded from the benefits provided by the society of which he/she is included. "To Validly Vote" would represent to agree in some shape or form with the electoral lists. "To Null Vote" might indicate he/she disagrees with the same lists, while “To Cast a Blank Vote" could be due to fear of making an electoral choice. Thus the proposition of the concept of an Onto-Sociology due to the aforementioned results. Upon researching the literature and following the trends of socio-political studies, the thesis ultimately steered toward proposing a new concept, expanding on from "Electoral Alienation", but along with, that of "Electoral Effectiveness," hence reshaping the idea of electoral engagement. The research still provided the opportunity to redefine the concept of voting behavior. Therefore, to "Appear to Vote" and to "Validly Vote" or to "Null Vote" can be understood as "Acceptance of the Electoral Lists", because in some way the voter is a beneficiary of the dividends produced by society, situation in which the electorate agrees with the electoral political system. On the other hand, to "Abstain” or to "To Cast a Blank Vote" would demonstrate "Rejection to the Electoral Lists", because it represents the social exclusion of that voter profile, in that the voter denies the adopted model. The study still proposes the idea of a continuum that sprawls across between political sophistication and social destitution. The first pole would represent the active, inquisitive citizen, thus politically active, while the second pole is represented by the citizen that for some reason not only refrains from the electoral processes but has potentially abandoned / been abandoned by the community social ties and therefore wanders along without any kind of civic participation. The result is the possibility that the reach of the proposed electoral indexes might interfere with the analysis of the parliamentary fragmentation and in the consequent analysis of the political stability of the country, given the current configuration of the political-electoral system, with specific proportional representation. The construction of ideal-typical models of Primary Political Groups and Secondary Political Groups, thought to contain the primeval political motivations, thus determines the "concept" and it concludes the thesis.
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Guillemin, Philippe. "Communisme et politique frontiste des origines du front unique a son application francaise 1919-1927." Reims, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994REIMD002.
Full textAbstract:
La constitution en mars 1919 de la iiieme internationale communiste concretise une double certitude : la revolution sera mondiale et s'annonce imminente. La mise en place des differentes sections nationales, consecutive a ce postulat, s'inscrit alors dans un contexte rapidement contradictoire : celui d'une revolution introuvable. Ainsi en est-il du parti francais ne en decembre 1920 d'une scission difficile. La necessite de conquerir les masses que le communisme etait suppose conduire, inspire alors a lenine au iiieme congres de juillet 1921 une politique d'adresse a la social democratie afin de seduire une classe ouvriere que majoritairement elle inspire encore. Cette politique frontiste - vouee a souligner la capacite des partis communistes a etre exemplaires dans l'action - va echouer, d'abord sur le refus francais de s'allier a ceux dont on venait a peine de se separer, ensuite sur l'interpretation sectaire et gauchisante imposee par les instances de l'internationale presidee par zinoviev. Le centrisme stalinien et la these du "socialisme dans un seul pays" proposee fin 1924 devaient pourtant permettre de l'automne 1925 a l'ete 1927 d'initier les premisses d'une politique frontiste plus effective. Desormais convaincu de devoir prendre en compte la realite social democrate et de pratiquer une alliance plus constructive, le parti communiste francais imaginait a peine les formes possibles d'une reelle politique frontiste que l'internationale stalinienne imposait le tournant radical du "classe contre classe" de novembre 1927. En fait, avant l'avenement du front populaire, le parti communiste francais - isole - n'avait pas conquis sa base populaireThe constitution in march 1919 of the third communist international gives concrete expression to a twofold certainty : the universality and the imminence of the revolution to come. The setting up of the various national sections, resulting from this postulate, takes place in a rapidly contradictory environment : that of the unattainable revolution. Such is the case for the french party, which springs from a painful split in december 1920. The necessity to conquer the masses that communism is supposed to lead, inspires lenin to launch, during the third congress in july 1921, a policy of address to socialdemocracy, in order to seduc a working class the majority of which still relies on it. This frontist policy - aiming at highlighting the capacity of communist parties to exemplary action - will fail, owing first to the french refusal to enter into an alliance with those they have just seceded from, then to the sectarian and ultra-leftist interpretation imposed by the authorities of the international, under zinoviev. Stalinian centrism and the thesis of "single-country socialism" which arise late in 1924 are yet to allow the initiation of the premises of a more effective frontist policy, from the autumn of 1925 to the summer of 1927. Henceforth convinced of the necessity to take into account the social democratic reality and to practise a more constructive alliance, the french communist party is hardly imagining the various ways to a real frontist policy when the stalinian international imposes the radical move to "class versus class" in november 1927. In fact, before the advent of the popular front, the french communist party, highly isolated, has not conquered its popular rank and file