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1
Molina, José E., and Carmen Pérez. "Evolution of the Party System in Venezuela, 1946–1993." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166372.
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The 1946 election for Venezuela's National Constituent Assembly marked the beginning of democratic electoral processes and the modern party system in that country. Although interrupted by ten years of dictatorship (1948-1958), nine national elections for president and parliament have been held since 1946. In conjunction with these elections, the Venezuelan party system has passed through four stages: a predominant party system (1945-1948), a limited multiparty system (1958-1973), an attenuated two-party system (1973-1993), and recently, the return to a limited multiparty system (1993-) (Sartori 1976).
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Rupasov, Alexander I. "Organization of the First Post-War Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in Leningrad in October 1945 – February 1946: Documents from the Central State Archive of St. Petersburg." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2020): 836–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-3-836-847.
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By decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of October 5, 1945, the first post-war elections to this supreme body of state power were scheduled for February 10, 1946. The political leadership attached exceptional importance to the election campaign launched in autumn 1945. The election campaign and its results could have been an indicator of the mood of Soviet society, permitting to estimate whether the victory in the war had been able to neutralize the accumulated fatigue from the hardships of the war and prevent the growth of negative feelings among the population towards the communist party and Soviet leadership. Thus, the authorities paid special attention to the organization of the elections to the Supreme Soviet in Leningrad, the city which survived the siege. Political and ideological support for the election campaign of autumn 1945 – winter 1946 was not the only task that the Soviet and party structures in Leningrad were concerned about. Purely organizational and technical aspects of the elections required coordination between a large number of departments and organizations. One of the most serious organizational problems was lack of trained personnel to work in election commissions. The Central State Archive of St. Petersburg has some limited number of documents that allow us to study the organizational and technical side of the elections in Leningrad in 1945-1946.
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Connelly, John. "East German Higher Education Policies and Student Resistance, 1945–1948." Central European History 28, no. 3 (September 1995): 259–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011845.
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Those who opposed Communist rule in East Germany often did so because Communism in practice strongly reminded them of the fascism they had experienced in the Third Reich. The new East German regime was also one that attempted total control of people's lives; therefore it became natural to describe it as totalitär. Most sensitive to the similarities between the old and new regimes were university students. They displayed stronger direct opposition to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) in the years from 1946–1949 than any other social group. This is reflected in the political battles that were fought in universities during these years, leading to SED election failures in the elections of the postwar years: 1946/47 and late 1947. The latter were the last freely contested elections in East Germany until 1989. It is also reflected in the disproportionate number of students arrested by Soviet and East German authorities in the early postwar years.
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Butler, Daniel M., and Matthew J. Butler. "Splitting the Difference? Causal Inference and Theories of Split-party Delegations." Political Analysis 14, no. 4 (2006): 439–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpj010.
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We provide an introduction to the regression discontinuity design (RDD) and use the technique to evaluate models of sequential Senate elections predicting that the winning party for one Senate seat will receive fewer votes in the next election for the other seat. Using data on U.S. Senate elections from 1946 to 2004, we find strong evidence that the outcomes of the elections for the two Senate seats are independent.
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Jacobson, Gary C. "Strategic Politicians and the Dynamics of U.S. House Elections, 1946–86." American Political Science Review 83, no. 3 (September 1989): 773–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962060.
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Analysis of both district-level and aggregate time-series data from postwar House elections supports the thesis that strategic political elites play a pivotal role in translating national conditions into election results and therefore in holding members of Congress collectively accountable for the government's performance. More high-quality candidates run when prospects appear to favor their party; they also win significantly more votes and victories than other candidates in equivalent circumstances. Thus, strategic career decisions both reflect and enhance national partisan tides. The electoral importance of strategic politicians has grown over time in tandem with the trend toward candidate-centered electoral politics. This has rendered the effects of national forces less automatic, more contingent, thus threatening the capacity of elections to enforce some degree of collective responsibility.
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Knutsen, Carl Henrik, Håvard Mokleiv Nygård, and Tore Wig. "Autocratic Elections." World Politics 69, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 98–143. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000149.
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Do elections reduce or increase the risk of autocratic regime breakdown? This article addresses this contested question by distinguishing between election events and the institution of elections. The authors propose that elections stabilize autocracies in the long term but at the price of short-term instability. Elections are conducive to regime survival in the long run because they improve capacities for co-optation and repression but produce short-term instability because they serve as focal points for regime opposition. Drawing on data from 259 autocracies from 1946 to 2008, the authors show that elections increase the short-term probability of regime failure. The estimated effect is retained when accounting for the endogeneity of autocratic elections; this finding is critical, since some autocrats may or may not hold elections because of perceived effects on regime survival. The authors also find that this destabilizing effect does not operate in the long term. They find some, although not as strong, evidence that elections stabilize autocratic regimes in the medium to long term, despite their destabilizing immediate effects. These temporal effect patterns are present for both executive and legislative elections, and they are robust to using different measures, control variable strategies, and estimation techniques. In line with expectations, both effect patterns are much clearer for multiparty autocratic elections than for completely uncontested elections.
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Ravegnani, Riccardo. "La campagna elettorale per le elezioni comunali di Venezia del 24 marzo 1946." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 73, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 29–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9284.
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The paper analyses the forms of communication used and managed in the city of Venice just before the 1946 municipal election. The development started in the 70s and 80s in the sector of information has irrevocably changed the communication of politics. As a result of these changes, politics has left behind many of the traditional elements of the twentieth century. The article tries to retrace an historic pre-television moment in which the original public stage – understood as a physical space of aggregation – was not only alive but, perhaps, was at its peak. The first free elections after World War II, a symbol of struggle for freedom, were the dress rehearsal of the effectivity of the electoral democracy. For this reason the municipal elections of 1946 have had a central role in the Italian history, especially for what happened before the vote: namely the first free electoral campaign.
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Szymański, Adam, and Jakub Wódka. "Manipulation of Vote Choice – Impediment to the Electoral Integrity in Turkey?" Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (September 15, 2017): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2017.22.3.8.
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Turkey has had a fairly long tradition of regular, competitive polls and multi-party democracy begun in 1946. However, in the last decade, with the consolidation of Justice and Development Party’s (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) grip on power, there has been a growing concern about the integrity of elections in this state. In subsequent elections the ruling party resorted to a plethora of means inhibiting their competitiveness. Thus, the article seeks to survey the extent of election malpractices in Turkey with the focus on manipulation of vote choice as most disturbing group of electoral malpractices and, without prejudging, to address the fundamental questions about whether elections in Turkey, notwithstanding the irregularities, still meet democratic, international standards, or whether Turkey is sliding into electoral autocracy.
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Forlenza, Rosario. "The Italian Communist Party, local government and the Cold War." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (May 2010): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940903513544.
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The Italian national elections of 18 April 1948 handed power to the Christian Democratic Party. The Italian Communist Party had, however, gained significant municipal control in the local elections of 1946. For the Communists, the local level became the testing ground where administrative practices, political initiatives, social alliances and economic projects were developed. The leaders and the intellectuals worked to outline the cultural framework of a political project which could challenge national politics from town councils. Meanwhile, with a view to making gains in the local elections of 1951–1952, propaganda was used in an attempt to diffuse and proselytise municipal political programmes among different social classes in a divided socioeconomic environment.
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Malik, Muhammad Shoaib, Shahzad Qaisar, and Riffat Haque. "Role of the Central Committee of Action in Organization of the Provincial Muslim Leagues." Global Political Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-ii).03.
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All India Muslim League lost 1936 elections which propelled Jinnah to re-organize the party on modern grounds. But the re-organization was not that much efficacious due to the absence of effective checks and balances overworking of provincial branches. Initial endeavors to keep check overworking and organization of the provincial Leagues were short successes on the part of the Central League. The working of the Central Civil Defence Committee accentuated the need for a separate body for such tasks. Jinnah brought his idea to life in 1944 by establishing the Central Committee of Action. This was the most authoritative body after Jinnah having powers to affiliate and disaffiliate provincial branches. Moreover, this body not only re-organized the provincial branches but also settled their intra-party disputes effectively. The working of branches improves substantially due to the committee's initiatives for grassroots level activities. The 1946 elections testified logic behind the formation and its result-oriented working to improve Provincial Leagues.
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Prévost, Jean-Guy. "The 1946 Allied Mission to Observe Greek Elections." Histoire & mesure XXXIII, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 163–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/histoiremesure.8146.
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Kritzer, Herbert M. "Competitiveness in State Supreme Court Elections, 1946-2009." Journal of Empirical Legal Studies 8, no. 2 (May 12, 2011): 237–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1740-1461.2011.01208.x.
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Stonecash, Jeffrey M. "Reconsidering the Trend in Incumbent Vote Percentages in House Elections." American Review of Politics 24 (November 1, 2003): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.225-239.
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The rise in the vote percentage for House incumbents since 1946 has been a central concern in election studies. The presumed increase has prompted numerous attempts to explain it. The increase has also served as a basis for considerable commentary about change in the nature of contemporary politics and elections. This analysis argues that the presumed increase is largely an artifact of the questionable decision to exclude uncontested elections. As the number of uncontested races declined from the 1950s through the 1960s, adding in these districts created an apparent increase that arguably did not really occur. When all incumbent races are considered, the pattern over the last 50 years is one of no increase in the percentage of the vote received by incumbents.
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STASIUK, Oleksandra. "STALINIST DEMOCRACY, OR HOW ELECTIONS WERE RIGGED IN THE SOVIET UNION." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 243–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-243-248.
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Systematic violations of electoral legislation and the use of manipulative technologies during election campaigns to the representative branch of government in the USSR are considered. The Soviet electoral system, which was formed in the Soviet Union after the adoption of the so-called Stalin Constitution, had nothing in common with democracy. The party's dictatorship prevented the free expression of the will of citizens based on universal direct equal suffrage declared in the Constitution, turning the election into a farce of voting for a single pro-government candidate. Examples of protests of citizens against violation of the election legislation by the regime leaders and non-transparency of election procedures are shown. The author gave the text of a document on falsifications committed by employees of the Zaporizhia party apparatus (Ukrainian SSR) during the preparations for the elections to the Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian SSR in February 1947. The document was found by Russian scientists in the Central Archives of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation and published in the collection of documents "Lubianka. Stalin i MHB SSSR. Mart 1946 ‒ mart 1953: Dokumenty vysshykh orhanov partiinoi i hosudarstvennoi vlasti". The study demonstrated the need to falsify the election results in the Soviet Union came up from the specific role of the state democratic institutions, which were to legitimize the will of the only ruling Communist Party. Keywords Soviet electoral system, guided democracy, party dictatorship.
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Horowitz, Joel. "Industrialists and the Rise of Perón, 1943-1946: Some implications for the Conceptualization of Populism." Americas 47, no. 2 (October 1990): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007372.
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Support by a segment of industrialists for Juan Perón has been a crucial feature of much writing about Peronism. This has been sustained by such diverse authors as Torcuato Di Tella, Miguel Murmis and Juan Carlos Portantiero, and Guillermo O'Donnell. Moreover, in many discussions of the nature of populism—in which Peronism is considered an epitome of the phenomenon—a critical role is played by a multiclass alliance which included both workers and industrialists. Yet in 1945 industrialists as a group did not support Perón. The year 1945 is critical to any discussion of the nature of Peronism because it was then that Perón built his core constituency. In addition, there occurred what can only be considered the founding myth of Peronism—the massive workers' demonstration of October 17. Later Perón was able to expand his support, but his base was created in 1945. In order to better understand both the development of Perón's support and then to reflect on what this tells us about the nature of populism, the relationship between Perón and industrialists will be explored from the military's seizure of power in June 1943 to the presidential elections in February 1946. During this period—although Perón was rapidly gathering power—he was not formally head of the government.
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BRUNET, LUC-ANDRÉ. "The Creation of the Monnet Plan, 1945–1946: A Critical Re-Evaluation." Contemporary European History 27, no. 1 (December 14, 2017): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000418.
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Drawing on an extensive range of French archival sources as well as Jean Monnet's papers, this article challenges several commonly held views regarding the establishment of the Monnet Plan by re-examining the domestic political context in post-war France. It reveals that the distinctive ‘supra-ministerial’ structure of the Monnet Plan was developed only after, and in direct response to, the October 1945 legislative elections in which the French Communist Party won the most seats and subsequently gained control of France's main economic ministries. Furthermore, Monnet managed to convince communist ministers to surrender important powers from their ministries to Monnet's nascent planning office on false premises, a finding that challenges the usual depiction of Monnet as an open and honest broker.
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Creuzberger, Stefan. "The Soviet Military Administration and East German Elections, Autumn 1946." Australian Journal of Politics and History 45, no. 1 (March 1999): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00056.
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Fjelde, Hanne. "Political party strength and electoral violence." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (January 2020): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319885177.
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Existing research on the causes of electoral violence has focused on structural determinants and election-specific characteristics but has paid less attention to the role of political agents that contest elections. This study addresses this gap by examining the relationship between the organizational strength of political parties and the risk of electoral violence. The study argues that strong political parties enhance the prospect for peaceful electoral dynamics for two reasons. First, having strong party organizations reduce incentives for violent electoral manipulation because these organizations enable more cost-efficient ways to mobilize voters. Second, strong party organizations constrain political actors from deploying electoral violence, both at the leadership and grassroot levels. The relationship between political party strength and electoral violence is studied by combining global data on the overall strength of political parties in the polity with data on violence across all national elections from 1946 to 2010. The statistical analysis accounts for a number of potentially confounding variables related to formal political institutions and election-specific characteristics. The results point to a statistically significant and substantively important association between strong political parties and a reduced risk of violent electoral conflict.
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Reuter, Ora John, and Jennifer Gandhi. "Economic Performance and Elite Defection from Hegemonic Parties." British Journal of Political Science 41, no. 1 (September 22, 2010): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123410000293.
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Hegemonic party regimes are non-democratic regimes that (1) rule with the aid of a dominant political party and (2) hold multi-party elections. Elite coalitions organized under the aegis of a hegemonic party are most vulnerable in elections that coincide with poor economic performance. A declining economy provides elites with a platform around which they can mobilize support to challenge incumbents in elections. As a result, the likelihood of defections from hegemonic parties increases as income declines. This study’s original dataset, which includes 227 elections for the chief executive in hegemonic party dictatorships from 1946 to 2004, and its case studies of defections in Zimbabwe under ZANU-PF in 2008 and Turkey under the Democratic Party in 1955 provide evidence for this proposition.
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Galeotti, Giulia. "Farsi beffe delle elettrici: la satira nel biennio 1945-1946." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (May 2009): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001006.
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- The satire that in the years 1945 and 1946 commented the enfranchising of the Italian women replicated most of the themes emerged since the reunification of the country, in the year 1861: their lack of interest in politics, their political naiveté and therefore their asserted easy manipulability. The study of articles, short stories, riddles and cartoons of the time seems to confirm that the Italian society was not ready for women's entry into politics, beyond political and cultural differences. The author underlines however the surprising absence of a theme which had played a big role in the debate of the pre-Fascist years: the old concern that women's new political rights would have broken up the traditional balance inside family life. The author suggests that the main target of the time (in a kind of political maturation) were not women voters as such, but other subjects, along the same line followed by Aristophanes: when he presented Athens governed by women, his target were not female malice and luxury, but instead men's incapacity to govern a city in decline. The same happened at beginning of the foundation of the Italian Republic: the political satire invested the two main political parties that strongly supported the universal suffrage and were expected to gain most from it, the Christian Democratic Party and the Communist Party. Key words: political satire, women enfranchising, Bonomi Act January 1945, Italian elections 2 June 1946, the crises of politics, women and politics.
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Selimović, Sead. "Political and socio-economic changes in Bijeljina from 1945. to 1953." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 178–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.178.
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The author writes about political and socio-economic changes in Bijeljina from 1945 to 1953. After the Second World War, the area of Bijeljina was part of the Tuzla District. Since 1949, Bijeljina has been an integral part of the Tuzla region, and since 1952, it has been one of the 66 districts of the People's Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The area of Bijeljina consisted of the District of Bijeljina and the City of Bijeljina. After the Second World War, the new government faced many problems: lack of adequate communication between lower and higher authorities, organization and accommodation of counties, feeding the population, buying grain, sowing, repatriation of refugees, assistance to the disabled, health problems, education, etc. In the 1945 election campaign, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) prevented the participation of civic parties in various ways. The regime spied on its political and ideological opponents. Citizens were afraid that they would be arrested as "enemies of the people" and punished. Numerous opponents of the Popular Front were removed from the voter lists. The first elections in the socialist of Yugoslavia were held on November 11, 1945. In the elections, they voted for the list of the Popular Front and the box without the list ("blank box"). The list of the Popular Front, which also included "verified" members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, won convincingly. In the Bijeljina district, 27,018 voters were registered to vote. 25,188 or 93.23% of the total number of registered voters voted. Candidate of the People's Front for the Federal Assembly of the Yugoslavia from the Bijeljina District, dr. Vojislav Kecmanović received 24,419 votes (96.95%), while the box without a list won 769 votes (3.05%). The list of the Popular Front for the Assembly of Peoples of the Yugoslavia was also "convincing" in these elections. The list won 24,457 votes or 97.10% of the total number of voters who went to the polls, while the box without the list won 731 votes or 2.90%. In the total population of Bijeljina, women were more numerous than men and made up 52.24% of the population of the District and 52.29% of the population of the City. Women played an important role in the socio-economic, cultural and educational life of Bijeljina. Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats and members of other nations lived together in the area of Bijeljina, and the number of inhabitants was continuously increasing. In 1948 there were 77,482 inhabitants and in 1953, 86,865 inhabitants which was an increase of 9,383 persons or 11.49%. Serbs made up the majority in Bijeljina County (80%) and Bosniaks in Grad (52%). He is in Bijeljina, in 1948, there were 51,031 persons or 65.86% of the population without education, 24,160 persons or 31.18% with completed primary school, and 1,649 persons or 2.13% of the population with lower secondary school. 565 persons or 0.73% had completed secondary school, and 73 persons or 0.09% of the population of Bijeljina had completed college and university. There were 32,522 women or 63.73% of the total number of persons without education and 18,509 men or 36.27% without education. In addition, the literacy of the population was at a very low level. As many as 22,139 or 37.76% of people over the age of nine were illiterate. In the area of Bijeljina, in the period 1945-1953. year, the number of primary schools increased from 34, 1946, to 53, 1953. In addition to primary schools, there were other schools: Teacher's, Gymnasium, Agricultural High School. With such a population structure in Bijeljina, the reconstruction and the first five-year plan were carried out very ambitiously. Significant economic changes were made in this period (1945-1953). These changes are visible in the field of crafts, trade, catering, agriculture.
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JIMÉNEZ, LAURA RUIZ. "Peronism and Anti-imperialism in the Argentine Press: ‘Braden or Perón’ Was Also ‘Perón Is Roosevelt’." Journal of Latin American Studies 30, no. 3 (October 1998): 551–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x9800515x.
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An analysis of the seven daily newspapers with the widest circulation in Argentina, including the Peronist La Epoca, shows the humanisation of capitalism and social justice as the main topics of discussion in Argentine society between 1930 and 1946. Newspapers and parties debated the foundations of a much desired democratic revival and depicted the government of F. D. Roosevelt as a model to be followed. By 1946 most Argentines supported the implementation of policies similar to those of Roosevelt. In the light of this, Perón and the Unión Democrática competed to present themselves as the Argentine version of the US president. The deciding factor in the 1946 elections was not the defence of national sovereignty but rather the impression of which candidate would be capable of developing a democratic system which included economic and social concerns.
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Лебедева, Lyudmila Lebedeva, Емельянов, and E. Emelyanov. "The Role of Pensioners in the American Electorate." Administration 5, no. 1 (March 16, 2017): 98–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/24708.
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The article examines fundamental demographic changes in the USA that have been shifting the electorate
and as a result - American politics; with wide gaps between the generations on key social, economic, political
issues. The US presidential elections since 1980 were dominated by baby boomers (born 1946-1964) and
prior generations, who have cast the vast majority of votes in every presidential election. The 2016 electorate
has been the most diverse in the US history due to strong growth of young generations, and especially
among Hispanic eligible voters. Millennials (born 1981–1998) and X generation (born 1965-1980) surpassed
Baby Boomers and more old generations whose choices differ significantly in many fields; but the key
problem is who really votes. The age structure of the American electorate and its influence on the election
results; the role of pensioners and those, who’ll retire in the nearest future, as voters at the federal and state
levels are in focus.
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Miners, N. J. "Plans for Constitutional Reform in Hong Kong, 1946—52." China Quarterly 107 (September 1986): 463–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000039862.
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Hong Kong has never taken the path of constitutional development towards democratic self-government followed by the rest of Great Britain's colonial empire. In 1984 the Legislative and Executive Councils were still composed entirely of officials and unofficials nominated by the Governor without a single elected member, just as they have been for the past 140 years. This anomalous position has commonly been justified in two ways: the official explanation is that there have been no demands for democratic institutions voiced by the people of Hong Kong; unofficially ministers and officials have claimed that the People's Republic of China objects to free elections and Britain has found it expedient to give heed to China's views. This has never been publicly and unambiguously admitted by any Minister of the Crown while in office to avoid diplomatic embarrassment, but a large number of comments and replies to parliamentary questions can be quoted which leave little doubt that this is in fact the case. It seems that the Chinese People's Government has always equated democratic constitutional advance in Hong Kong with moves to grant independence to the territory and so has imposed her veto on any changes which might preclude the future resumption of Chinese sovereignty. But now that Britain has formally declared her intention to restore the whole of Hong Kong to China in 1997 China has in turn declared that after 1997“The legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be constituted by elections,” and is apparently prepared to waive her longstanding objections to democratic developments in the intervening 12 years before Hong Kong reverts to Chinese sovereignty.
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Forni, Mattia. "Che ne pensi, elettore? Un sondaggio all’uscita dai seggi nelle elezioni comunali del 2012 in un borgo toscano." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 72, no. 4 (December 30, 2014): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9569.
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This article provides a deep description about local politics in Rignano sull’Arno, a small village near Florence, focusing on the features of “red” territorial political subculture that have ceased to exist, as well as those that still remain a part of voters’ behaviour. To begin with, I will draw attention to the political and electoral history of the village since 1946; going on to describe the main traits of local electors, with reference to a survey that accounted for 1220 voters, carried out during the 2012 administrative elections. I will concentrate on social and demographic characteristics, searching for a link between these qualities and the electoral results. From here I will examine the voting patterns of the local population and the motives behind such voting behaviour. I will consider the main role played by candidate’s personal characteristics in infl uencing the voters, to the detriment of party identifi cation, political values and ideology, which are becoming less and less relevant. Further topics I will illustrate in this paper are the types of sources that people gathered their information from during the election campaign and the time at which they decided how to vote. Finally, electoral instability and the changes in voter’s behaviour between the last two local elections will be analysed.
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Costalli, Stefano, and Andrea Ruggeri. "The Long-Term Electoral Legacies of Civil War in Young Democracies: Italy, 1946-1968." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 6 (July 16, 2018): 927–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018784057.
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Are there long-term legacies of civil wars on the electoral geography of post-conflict democracies? We argue that parties derived from armed bands enjoy an organizational advantage in areas where they fought and won the war. Former combatants can create a strong local party organization that serves as a crucial mobilization tool for elections. Parties have strong incentives to institutionalize this organizational advantage and retain electoral strongholds over time. We test our theory on the case of Italy (1946-1968). Our findings indicate that, on average, the communist party managed to create a stronger organization in areas where its bands fought the resistance war against Nazi-Fascist forces—and left-wing parties had a better electoral performance in those areas in subsequent elections. A stronger party organization is correlated with a positive electoral performance for many years, while the direct effect of civil war on electoral patterns decays after few years.
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Malik, Rahat Zubair. "Parliament not-Parliaments: Legislature of Pakistan in the Hatching (1947-69)." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. I (June 30, 2017): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-i).03.
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The evolution of parliamentary system in an ideological state, with two major units; miles apart on the globe, having multiple social and regional identities, and claiming being a federation has been a unique experience. After getting independence from the British, Pakistan decided to opt for a parliamentary form of government. The process was based on single house i.e. legislative assembly which was entrusted with dual responsibilities of framing the constitution and making legislation to run the state system. Initially, its membership was based on indirect elections through the elected representative on provincial basis in the elections of 1946 conducted by the British government. This system of indirect elections for national legislature was kept in practice till 1970 general elections after twenty three years of independence of Pakistan. First and second decades experienced multiple changes of electoral process and that of the practices of the floor of the constituent assembly. Apparently it is claimed that there had been major changes in the parliament of Pakistan with reference to the system of elections, and membership but certain practices seem consistent till date. The present study is an effort to analyse the early phase of the parliament which provided the basis for the parliamentary system of Pakistan.
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Grewal, Sharan, and Yasser Kureshi. "How to Sell a Coup: Elections as Coup Legitimation." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 4 (September 17, 2018): 1001–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718770508.
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Unlike other political leaders, leaders coming to power through military coups face a dual legitimation challenge: they must justify not only why they should rule but also how they came to power. Little attention has been paid to how coup leaders solve this legitimacy deficit and even less to the audiences of this legitimation. We ask: why do some coup leaders legitimate their coups by holding elections while others do not? Counterintuitively, we argue that coup leaders who oust democratically elected leaders are less likely to hold elections, except when tied to US military aid. We test these hypotheses through a data set of military coup regimes from 1946 to 2014 and trace out mechanisms through case studies of the Nigerian coup of 1983 and the Egyptian coup of 2013. This argument provides a new explanation for the emergence of authoritarian elections and a new perspective on the international dimensions of dictatorship.
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Mann, Thomas E., and Gary C. Jacobson. "The Electoral Origins of Divided Government: Competition in U.S. House Elections, 1946-1988." Political Science Quarterly 106, no. 2 (1991): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152265.
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Halmai, Gábor. "The reform of constitutional law in Hungary after the transition." Legal Studies 18, no. 2 (June 1998): 188–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1998.tb00012.x.
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In Hungary, a comprehensive amendment to the 1949 Constitution took effect on 23 October 1989. According to the new preamble of the considerably amended Constitution, the revision was needed ‘in order to promote the peaceful political transition into the rule of law realizing the multiparty system, parliamentary democracy and social market economy’. This amendment changed not only the state organisation, but also the regulation of human rights.The intention of distancing itself from the historical period of the past 40 years is expressed in para 1 of the amended Constitution, which proclaims that Hungary is a republic. With this, Hungarian constitution-making went back to a number of legal institutions incorporated in Act I of 1946 which is on the state form of Hungary adopted by the National Assembly, formed after the frst free elections after the Second World War.
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De Feo, Giuseppe, and Giacomo Davide De Luca. "Mafia in the Ballot Box." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 9, no. 3 (August 1, 2017): 134–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.20150551.
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We study the impact of organized crime on electoral results, analyzing in detail the national parliamentary elections in Sicily for the period 1946–1992. We document the significant support given by the Sicilian mafia to the Christian Democratic Party when the electoral competition by the Communist Party strengthened. We also provide suggestive evidence that, in exchange for its electoral support, the mafia obtained economic advantages in the construction sector. (JEL D72, K42, L74)
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Vliegenthart, Rens. "The Professionalization of Political Communication? A Longitudinal Analysis of Dutch Election Campaign Posters." American Behavioral Scientist 56, no. 2 (November 21, 2011): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211419488.
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This article provides an analysis of Dutch election posters in the period from 1946 to 2006. Based on the literature on the professionalization of political communication, several hypotheses are formulated regarding changes in textual and visual elements of those posters. These hypotheses focus on over-time changes in the presence and prominence of the party leader and party logo’s as well as references to specific political issues and ideology in these posters. In total, 225 posters for 23 parties in 19 elections are analyzed. Results reveal that changes in visual elements are in line with the hypotheses, with an increased use of party logo, an increasing presence and prominence of the party leader, and a decreasing focus on ideology. The textual parts of the posters, however, show no or opposite trends. The results call for a more nuanced scientific treatment of the consequences of the professionalization of political communication and demonstrate the necessity to analyze both visual and textual elements of political parties’ communication.
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Ahmad, Muhammad Shakeel, and Fazal Rabbi. "Changing Dynamic of Electoral Trends in British India: A Case Study of Elections (1946) and Referendum (1947) in NWFP." Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 36, no. 3 (2013): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsa.2013.0007.
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Rawat, Ramnarayan S. "Making Claims for Power: A New Agenda in Dalit Politics of Uttar Pradesh, 1946-48." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 3 (June 25, 2003): 585–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03003032.
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‘. . . [T]he awakened untouchable today is repeatedly asking them [the Congress] if they could not remove the ‘social evil’ of their own creation without political power, how do they expect us [the untouchables] to liberate ourselves without political power’. (Shastri, Poona Pact. 1946, p. 24)‘This is 1946, not 1932’. (Shastri, Poona Pact. 1946, p.76)Shankaranand Shastri's statements help us locate two related propositions that came to constitute Dalit politics in Uttar Pradesh in the 1940s. The first proposition deals with claims made by Dalits to acquire political power—specifically in the form of adequate representation in the provincial legislative assemblies and in the Constituent Assembly. They demanded positive discrimination in the form of reservations within legislative and executive institutions. Safeguards for Dalits, it was argued, should be incorporated into the proposed constitution for Indian citizens. The second proposition concerns achhut identity, through which Dalits hoped to reconstitute their polity in UP. The Scheduled Castes Federation (SCF) and even a section of Congress Harijans staked a claim for achhut identity to distinguish their difference from ‘other communities.’ Dalit writings increasingly depicted the Poona Pact as a great betrayal by the Congress and the British. From their experience of the two general elections of 1937 and 1946, they argued that the electoral mechanism worked out under the aegis of the Poona Pact was structured against the Dalits.
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Pedersen, Lars Schreiber. "Føreren fra Lendum." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 53 (March 2, 2014): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v53i0.118854.
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Lars Schreiber Pedersen: The Führer from Lendum
In writer Erik Aalbæk Jensen’s well-known homeland novel from Vendsyssel Perleporten (The Pearl Gate) from 1964, the figure “Kratholmmanden” (the Kratholm man), is a local farm owner and Nazi leader, who with mixed success tries to win his local area’s residents over to the cause of National Socialism. Erik Aalbæk Jensen’s “Kratholmmand” character was based on Christian Mikkelstrup. During 1934–44, Mikkelstrup was a member of the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Denmark (DNSAP) and from 1935–44 he functioned as the party leader in Horns Herred in north east Vendsyssel. Despite his passionate engagement for the cause during his 10 years in the service of the party, Mikkelstrup was only able to convince a few local residents about the joy of National Socialism. DNSAP never gained any importance in north east Vendsyssel. The local party division in Lendum, which held its meetings in Mikkelstrup’s home, numbered 20–25 members at its height. Mikkelstrup was not solely to blame for the lack of support for the party in his local area. Both he and his fellow believers fought a battle that was impossible to win. The majority of local residents, like the rest of Denmark, at no point wanted to know about DNSAP – which the county council elections in 1935 and the national elections in 1935, 1939 and 1943 clearly showed – and even a leader with a bigger profile than Mikkelstrup, who was neither much of a writer or a speaker, would hardly be likely to attract more members to the party from the region. Together with a number of dissatisfied DNSAP members, he left the party in 1944 and joined the newly-formed Nazi party “Dansk National Samling”, in which however, he did not make much of an impact. With the Liberation of Denmark in May 1945, he was arrested by the resistance movement and was subsequently found guilty of passing on information to the German Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst), which had been based in Aalborg during the occupation. He received a sentence of 18 months imprisonment. He stayed faithful to his National Socialist beliefs after the war but after his release from the prison camp at Kragskovhede in August 1946, he devoted his work to running his farm at Lendum in Vendsyssel. Christian Mikkelstrup died in 1971.
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Miller, Michael K. "The Strategic Origins of Electoral Authoritarianism." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 1 (September 18, 2017): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000394.
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Why do autocrats hold multiparty elections? This article argues that transitions to electoral authoritarianism (EA) follow a strategic calculus in which autocrats balance international incentives to adopt elections against the costs and risks of controlling them. It tests this hypothesis with a multinomial logit model that simultaneously predicts transitions to EA and democracy, using a sample of non-electoral autocracies from 1946–2010. It finds that pro-democratic international leverage – captured by dependence on democracies through trade ties, military alliances, international governmental organizations and aid – predicts EA adoption. Socio-economic factors that make voters easier to control, such as low average income and high inequality, also predict EA transition. In contrast, since democratization entails a loss of power for autocrats, it is mainly predicted by regime weakness rather than international engagement or socio-economic factors. The results demonstrate that different forms of liberalization follow distinct logics, providing insight into autocratic regime dynamics and democracy promotion’s unintended effects.
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Stone, Clarence N. "Atlanta: Protest and Elections Are Not Enough." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 03 (1986): 618–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500018187.
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Blacks hold governmental power in Atlanta. They have a two-to-one majority on the city council, and Andrew Young is in his second term as the city's second black mayor. Moreover, blacks are a substantial presence in the civic life of Atlanta. They have held the presidency of the Chamber of Commerce, and are to be found among the membership of every important board and commission in the public life of the community. The political incorporation of blacks in Atlanta is now strong enough for Mayor Young to entertain the possibility of city-county consolidation. Even with such a move, blacks presumably would remain at the center of public life in Atlanta.How such a seemingly strong form of political incorporation came about is in part a familiar story. Key facts in the city's political history are widely known:1. In 1946, Georgia's white primary was invalidated. A voter-registration drive in the black community brought nearly 20,000 new voters onto the rolls, making the black community more than a quarter of the city's electorate (Bacote, 1955).2. Atlanta's mayor at the time, William B. Hartsfield, recognized the potential for taking on Atlanta's black community as junior partners in a coalition built around the mutually reinforcing themes of economic growth and racial moderation. He and his successor, Ivan Allen, Jr., profited electorally from that coalition over the next twenty years (see Jennings and Zeigler, 1966).3. Atlanta's black community entered a new and more assertive phase in 1960 as direct-action protests signalled the end of the era of quiet accommodation between established black and white leaders (Walker, 1963).4. The 1970 census reports show that Atlanta's population balance had tilted to a black majority, and, in 1973, Maynard Jackson was elected as Atlanta's first black mayor. Jackson was reelected by a comfortable margin in 1977, and he has been followed by Atlanta's second black mayor, Andrew Young. Mayor Young was reelected in a landslide in 1985.
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Demirel, Ahmet. "Representation of the Eastern and Southeastern Provinces in the Turkish Parliament during the National Struggle and Single-Party Era (1920–1946)." New Perspectives on Turkey 44 (2011): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089663460000594x.
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AbstractThis article examines the socio-economic background of the parliamentary deputies serving during the years of the national struggle (1920–1922) and the single-party era (1923–1946) and provides new statistical data collated from recently published, detailed biographical information. I will provide a critical analysis of the socio-economic background of the deputies elected to represent the eastern and southeastern regions of Turkey and offer localism—defined as being born in the and from the constituency one represents—as a key concept to allow a better understanding of the nature of the electoral process at that time. Although localism—which can be regarded as one of the important indicators of authentic representation—was extensive during the years of the national struggle, it was replaced by bureaucratic representation during the single-party era, especially starting with the 1927 elections held right after the Sheikh Sait Rebellion. The article relates the Kurdish rebellions to the problem of representation in parliament and shows that in the rebellions' aftermath the number of the local representatives rapidly decreased. It further documents that, with the introduction of multi-party politics and democratic, free, competitive elections after the World War II, a return to localism can be observed for the eastern and southeastern provinces of Turkey.
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Sanfilippo, Anna Laura. "Le elezioni amministrative in provincia di Latina: dal difficile radicamento dei partiti di massa all'egemonia democristiana (1946-1956)." Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 69, no. 1 (June 30, 2013): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9512.
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This essay deals with the development of the mass Parties in Latina District through the results of the local elections of 1946, 1951 and 1956. The struggle between the farmers of Monti Lepini, penalized by the Drainage and the Northern settlers that took root into Agro Pontino is an important issue to understand the rooting of the parties in this area. From the first beginning of the district freedom this was a difficult aim to reach: the weakness of the Christian Democracy Party in 1946, contrary to the national situation, was pushed by the inability of the local district authorities to settle down the struggles between farmers and settles; on the other side there was the problem of the local Communist Party to create the "new party" of Togliatti due to the missing struggle for the territory freedom.
The essay tries to find out the used strategies of the Christian Democracy Party to realize a powerful "consent machine" that had the aim of allowing it to become the strongest party of the district in 1956. At the same time, the Communist Party slowly failed due to its problems in creating the "new Party".
This is an important trace of local electoral history stressing an often contrasting situation if compared to the national context.
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Salim, Hardy, and Cut Memi. "KEWENANGAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DALAM MENGADILI PERKARA PERSELISIHAN HASIL PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH (SUATU KAJIAN TERHADAP PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 97/PUU-XI/2013 JO. PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 072-073/PUU-II/2004)." Jurnal Hukum Adigama 1, no. 2 (January 21, 2019): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.24912/adigama.v1i2.2847.
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Acccording to the Arrticle 24C paragaaph (1) the Constttution of thr Republic of Indonesia of 1945, the Constitutional Court of thr Republic of Indonesia have thr power to decide upon disputes over the results of general election. The general election referred to here is elections to elect members of the legislature, regional representative councils, regional legislatures, president amd vice president. Both of thr provisions have been limitative, so there will no be any other elections that included. However, in its development, the Constittutional Court of the Republc of Indonesia is given the power to decide upon disputes ovrr the results of regional hed elections with a legal basis of the Constittutional Court Ruling Number 072-073/PUU-II/2004. However, a litle later the Constttution Court of the Republic of Indonesia issued a Consttttuional Court Ruling Number 97/PUU-XI/2013 which said tht the Constitusional Court of the Republic of Indonesia can’t have the power to decide upon disputes over the resuls of regional hed elections. This reaises problems regarding whether regional head elections are included in thr general election regime? And whether the Constitutional Court of the Republic Indonesia has thr authorty to decide upon disputes over the results of regional hed elections? Thr Author examined the issue by normative method. The results of thr resrarch show tht thr regional hesd elections is not a part of the general electiins regime and the Constututional Corrt of the Republic Indonesia can’t have thr power to decide upon disputes ovrr thr resulls of the regional hesd elections.
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Setia Putra, Imam Radianto Anwar, William Socrates Kasimat, and Purwadi Purwadi. "Political Participation of Communities in the 2018 Papua Gubernatorial Election Agenda." Jurnal Bina Praja 12, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.113-123.
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This research article aims to describe communities' participation through direct elections, citizen agreement, and the mandate of representatives with actor interaction in the 2018 Papua gubernatorial election. The regional heads who elected democratically manifest the implementation of direct elections mandated by Acts of 1945 with community participation. The participation of communities in gubernatorial elections comes to the polling places and then casts/elects the desired candidate. More than that, communities' participation explains in-depth the form of involvement and typology of community participation in organizing the Papua Gubernatorial Election. Political participation of Papua communities in terms of political participation related to elections (voting/electing). The research was conducted using a qualitative approach with a case study method to explain the Papua communities' awareness at the Papua gubernatorial election. The data was collected using three methods, namely, the documentation study method, interview method, and Focus Group Discussions (FGD) with respondents from the General Elections Commission (KPU), the Regional Government of Papua Province, the Legislative and the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP), traditional figures, religious figures, academics, and Papua communities. Based on the quantitative calculation of communities participating in the gubernatorial election, it reached 88.44% of the total voters of 3,447,008 people who entered the final voter list, meaning that many communities used their voting rights. There were three mechanisms to facilitate community political participation in the Papua gubernatorial election, including direct mechanisms, citizen agreement, and representative mandates. Increasing the quality of political participation of communities in gubernatorial elections begins with regulations governing the legal norms of gubernatorial elections. It needs adjustment to the paradigm, and various experiences of holding Papua gubernatorial elections have been running to date. The standards that must be considered starting from the system, model, mechanism, and form of involvement of gubernatorial election organizers, so that the absolute and actual political participation of the community is formed.
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McCann, Stewart J. H. "Political Conservatism, Authoritarianism, and Societal Threat: Voting for Republican Representatives in U.S. Congressional Elections From 1946 to 1992." Journal of Psychology 143, no. 4 (July 2009): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/jrlp.143.4.341-358.
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Raymond, Christopher D. "Not all social cleavages are the same: On the relationship between religious diversity and party system fragmentation." Politics and Religion 9, no. 2 (April 12, 2016): 364–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000250.
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AbstractMost studies examining the relationship between social cleavages and party system fragmentation maintain that higher levels of social diversity lead to greater party system fragmentation. However, most aggregate-level studies focus on one type of social cleavage: ethnic diversity. In order to develop a better understanding of how different cleavages impact electoral competition, this article considers another type of social cleavage: religious diversity. Contrary to previous literature, higher levels of religious diversity provide incentives for cross-religious cooperation, which in turn reduces party system fragmentation. Using a cross-national data set of elections from 1946–2011, the results show that, in contrast to most studies examining the effects of social cleavage diversity on the number of parties, higher religious diversity is associated with lower levels of party system fragmentation.
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Kimerling, A. S. "THE 1946 ELECTIONS TO THE SUPREME SOVIET OF THE SOVIET UNION IN THE MOLOTOV REGION AS AN EXAMPLE OF THE MOBILIZATION POLITICAL CAMPAIGN." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4 (2016): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2016-4-104-114.
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Lestari, Endang Puji, and Muh Risnain. "EVALUASI NORMA KEDAULATAN RAKYAT DALAM KONSTITUSI DAN PELAKSANAANNYA DALAM KERANGKA NEGARA HUKUM DEMOKRATIS." Indonesian Journal of Law and Policy Studies 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/ijlp.v1i1.2633.
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The issue of determining the winners of the presidential election, the tenure of president and vice president, the principle of electing the regional head and the legal regime of the regional head are issues that are still not completely regulated in the constitution and need improvement. Several articles in the constitution relating to people's sovereignty should the MPR make changes to article 6 paragraph (3), article 7, article 18 paragraph (4) and article 23 paragraph (2) by looking at the practice of state administration and the dynamic development of democratic life. MPR as an institution that has the authority to change the constitution can carry out the process of changing the constitution according to the mechanism of article 37 of the 1945 Constitution. such as the absence of the presidential treshold regime and separate elections between legislative elections, presidential elections, local elections. Therefore, the Parliament and the President are called upon to amend Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning elections in line with constitutional values
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Waterman, Robert. "Authority Migration and Accountability in Canadian Public Governance." Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 2 (May 9, 2014): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914000225.
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AbstractIn the tradition of democratic theory, elections are recognized as important mechanisms of accountability. However, the migration of public decision-making responsibility away from elected representatives and the emergence of new governance actors necessitate a fuller conceptualization of accountability relationships. As governments pursue partnerships with societal actors and disperse authority across multiple levels, questions of public input and accountability within the democratic governance process arise. In this paper, cases of authority migration in the provinces of British Columbia, Alberta, Ontario and Nova Scotia between the years of 1946 and 2005 are used to examine the accountability relationships between new governance actors and both government and society. The existence and relative strength of accountability relationships are evaluated using the rules stipulated in the provincial legislation. Political ideology of governing parties, geographic scale of new jurisdictions and period in time are evaluated as predictors of the strength of the accountability relationship overall.
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DUBEY, ISHA. "Between ‘Everyday’ and ‘Extraordinary’: Partition, violence and the communal riots of 1946 in Bihar." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 283–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186319000488.
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AbstractThe year 1937 saw the establishment of Congress Ministries in eight of the eleven provinces in which the provincial elections had been held, Bihar being one of them. The resounding victory of the Congress which secured a clear majority in the province of Bihar and the dismal performance of the Muslim League seemed at the time to depict the mood of the people in general. It was taken as a clear rejection of the politics of communalism and separatism and as an expression of faith in the secular credentials of the Indian National Congress. However, less than a decade later, the province was gripped by severe communal tensions and had become one of the most prominent parts of India from where the movement for Pakistan drew support. This article thus explores the nature of the communal violence that occurred in Bihar in 1946 against the backdrop of the ‘escalating’ communal tensions during the late 1930s and early 1940s. It seeks to problematise the dichotomy that exists in literature on communal violence between moments of what have been called ‘extraordinary’ violence (such as riots) and the everyday structures of (what Gyanendra Pandey has called) ‘routine violence’. Through its analysis of contemporary material produced by the Muslim League, the Congress Ministry and the provincial British administration to explain the causes of the 1946 riots in Bihar, it argues that it is in the moments of rupture presented by riots that everyday structures of violence are trivialised or normalised through processes of ‘dichotomisation’, ‘dehumanisation’ and ‘denial’.
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Shkarevsky, Denis N. "Personnel of the Penitentiary Courts in the USSR in 1944–56: Problems of Evolution." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2021): 496–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-496-507.
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The problem of existence of the camp (penitentiary) justice in the USSR remains practically unexplored. Neither has not been studied the development of its personnel. The article is to highlight the stages of the personnel potential formation of camp courts and to determine the significance of the elections of 1948–49 to the camp courts. The article is based on an analysis of previously unpublished documents stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Russian State Archives of Socio-Political History. The work is based on the use of historical, genetic, and systemic methods. For the first time, the dynamics of the development of personnel in the penitentiary justice has been revealed. There are two main stages. At the first stage, in 1944–48, the increase in formal indicators (legal education, age, work experience) was slow. The judges were selected and appointed by the People's Commissariat (Ministry) of Justice. The turning point was the election of judges of the penitentiary justice held in 1948–49. During the campaign, no more than 30% of staff by was renewed. Therefore, at the second stage, in 1949–54, the formal indicators of judges increased significantly. This, in its turn, influenced the quality of the hearings. In the early 1950s the formal indicators of the quality of the work of these bodies grew. By 1953 camp courts had higher formal cadre rates than people's courts. At the same time, the rates were lower than the indicators of supreme, regional, regional courts and other special courts. The new system for selection of personnel for penitentiary courts created new difficulties. For example, the Ministry of Justice was unable to make prompt appointments of judges on vacant positions. There was no consistent personnel reserve. Therefore, bypassing all existing norms, the practice of appointing trainee judges appeared. The sources of staff renewal in penitentiary courts remained stable during all studied period. These included other bodies of Soviet justice, such as people's courts, prosecution agencies. In penitentiary courts, the percentage of young staff with higher education was practically absent or insignificant. This ensured reception of trained staff, but led to a shortage of staff in donor bodies. Simultaneously with the election of judges of the camp courts in 1948–49, elections of people's assessors for these bodies took place. Among them, guards and camp workers predominated. Therefore, the camp courts were dependent on the penitentiary administration or were loyal to it.
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Helen, Zennis. "PEMILU YANG BERINTEGRITAS DALAM NEGARA HUKUM DEMOKRATIS." UNES Law Review 1, no. 3 (March 5, 2019): 318–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31933/law.v1i3.44.
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The journal entitled Elections with Integrity in the State of Democratic Law was made for several reasons. First, elections are a means of implementing popular sovereignty as the implementation of normative provisions of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, especially Article 1 Paragraph (2) which states that "Sovereignty be in the hands of the people and carried out according to the Constitution, ". Sovereignty in the hands of the people is also manifested through elections as a means of rotating leadership both at the national and regional levels carried out through direct, general, free and confidential principles. Secondly, elections in the 1945 Constitution are carried out by a general election commission which is referred to by the General Election Commission (KPU), Third, because the means of implementing people's sovereignty carried out by the KPU must be carried out by people who are not only professionals but also must have the main requirements, namely having dignity and integrity, Fourth, so that the implementation of the election is on track in accordance with the provisions of applicable legislation, supervision must be carried out by Law No. 7 of 2017 on Elections called the Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu) ) The General Election Commission (KPU), Bawaslu, as the EMB has hierarchical levels from the central, provincial and district / city levels. This journal has two problem formulations, namely First, What is the urgency of the election as the implementer of popular sovereignty? Second, what is the election with that integrity?
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Laksono, Fajar, and Oly Viana Agustine. "Election Design Following Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013." Constitutional Review 2, no. 2 (February 6, 2017): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/consrev223.
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The major implication from Constitutional Court Decision No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 is that the Constitution promotes fundamental changes to the design of the general election regarding both process and substance. Therefore, in order to uphold the Constitution, efforts are required to reconstruct the design of the general election, particularly so that elections are conducted in accordance with Decision No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 as a representation of the spirit and the will of the 1945 Constitution. Essentially, the current norm regarding the implementation of general elections following the election of members of the representative institution is not consistent with the stipulations in Article 22E Paragraph (1) and Paragraph (2) and Article 1 Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. Constitutional Court Decision No. 14/PUU-XI/2013 aims to realign the implementation of the elections with the intentions of the 1945 Constitution. Through implementation of the original intent method and systematic interpretation, the Constitutional Court offered its interpretation that the framers of the amended Constitution intended that general elections have five ballot boxes, with the first for the People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR), the second for the Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, DPD), the third for the president and vice president, the fourth for the Regional People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, DPRD) at the provincial level and the fifth for the DPRD at the regency level. Thus, it can be concluded that the presidential elections should be conducted simultaneously with elections of members of the representative bodies. Through this decision, the Constitutional Court revoked the prevailing norm, such that Presidential Elections and Elections of members of representative bodies were no longer valid because they violated the 1945 Constitution. The Constitutional Court introduced a new legal condition that obligated General Elections to be held simultaneously.