Academic literature on the topic 'Elections – Lesotho'

This research sought to understand the nature of election-related conflict and what needs to be done to arrest the eruption of such conflict in Lesotho. It sought the opinions of selectively respondents who have been involved in the conflicts in different ways. The interviews and documented literature revealed that what constitutes a background to election-related conflict involves issues that are many and varied. Among others such issues include the following: weak political institutions, use of vulgar language by political leadership, and the weak economy that intensifies neo-patrimonial tendencies. The research concluded that all the factors associated with the eruption of illegitimate conflicts during and after general elections in Lesotho are a result of the politicians&rsquo
desire to retain or capture national resources to satisfy their selfish interests and those of their cronies. The conflicts could be minimised if the country&rsquo
s economy could be transformed to provide the politicians with alternatives of economic survival outside the structures of government. Furthermore, to minimise the conflict, the country should consider establishing electoral courts. These have the potential of speeding up the resolution of electoral grievances, in the process preventing them from graduating into serious conflicts.

The purpose of this dissertation was to address the problem expressed in the following question: "Why have the opposition political parties in Lesotho weakened since 1993?" A qualitative approach was used. The researcher interviewed officials of twelve representative parties out of the total of eighteen parties. The responses of the interviewees are in appendix 5. This work reveals the problems of the opposition parties in Lesotho. Among others, the study addressed the following issues: the reform of the electoral system, political party funding, dominance of the ruling party, prohibitive legislation and party leadership. The potential strengths and weaknesses of the opposition parties have been noted. The MMP electoral model, introduced in 2001 and tested in 2002, created a more inclusive party system, but it is not the sole solution for the weakness of the opposition parties. Patronisation and lack of political party funding appear to be major factors.
Political Sciences
M. A. (Politics)

A Theses submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in International Relations, October 2017
This study examines the effectiveness of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance in promoting free and fair elections, focusing on Electoral Management Bodies established and operational in Ethiopia and Lesotho. It assesses practical missions conducted by the EMBs within the three levels of electoral governance theoretical framework; that is rule making, rule application and rule adjudication. This study has significant effects for consolidation of democracy and governance because the democracy discourse recognizes important correlations between quality of elections administered by democratic institutions and governance. The study established that both Ethiopia and Lesotho partially implemented the ACDEG electoral rules due to varying political wills, and that the nations’ EMBs were incompetent and faced logistical challenges. However, Ethiopia’s reluctance to genuinely incorporate and enforce the ACDEG principles within its Electoral Law limited the capacity of the NEBE to manage the 2010 and 2015 elections. Whilst Lesotho’s IEC functioned in an inadequate manner due to recurring political unstable contexts it operated within. Both Ethiopia and Lesotho encountered various electoral challenges notably, evident vote inflation, intimidation, violent incidences, unfair media coverage for opposition parties, unreliable voter registers and unsecured ballot boxes which continue to discredit elections. This study posits that the ACDEG effective implementation in promoting free and fair elections can be fruitful with constant dedication by signatory state parties’ to entirely domesticate ACDEG electoral rules in national laws; maintain impartial EMBs and cooperate with election monitors under a regulated compliance mechanism by the African Union. This would address common electoral challenges tormenting African nations; and aid to prevent non-adherence by state parties who devalue the African Union’s election regulations they willingly acceded to.
XL2018

The research was prompted by constant criticism of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) because of its poor voter registration and voters’ roll. Free and fair elections are the strong arm of democracy. The identified research problem was investigated by means of qualitative research. A thorough literature study from various sources of information, a case file analysis and structured interviews were used to gather the required data. The interviews were conducted with fingerprint experts, a data processor and constituency electoral assistants from the Lesotho Mounted Police Service, the National Identity and Civil Registry at the Ministry of Home Affairs and the IEC respectively. It was found that using fingerprints and the Automated Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS) can assist in investigations and in combating voter’s fraud, as fingerprints are unique. AFIS can be utilised for various purposes by institutions in the private and public sectors. Like any apparatus, AFIS has its own strengths and weaknesses.
Criminology and Security Science
M. Tech. (Forensic investigation)

Voters in the small southern African kingdom of Lesotho went to the polls on 25 May 2002, in the third general election since the country returned to democracy following a long period of civilian dictatorship (1970–1986) and military rule (1986–1993). Voting in all Lesotho’s general elections has usually gone smoothly, yet in every case prior to 2002 the results have been challenged, with varying severity, by the losing parties (Weisfelder, 1999). This occurred most notably in 1970, when the ruling Basotho National Party (BNP) lost the election but overrode the result, and subsequently in 1998, when the BNP—then in opposition—was at the core of an alliance of electoral losers; in the months that followed, and with the quiet support of the security forces, the capital was so paralysed that the government called for external assistance to restore order. The result was military intervention by South Africa and Botswana (who acted on behalf of the Southern African Development Community, SADC), the restoration of power to the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), and an extended period when, backed by South African muscle, long overdue reforms of the military and police were implemented. These reforms were matched by negotiations between the parties about adopting a new electoral system. The outcome moved Lesotho away from the first-past-the-post system inherited from Britain at independence (which in 1993 and 1998 had resulted in highly imbalanced results favouring the winning party) towards a Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system. Lesotho became the first country in Africa to adopt MMP at a time when discussion of electoral system change was becoming widespread throughout the continent. The issue in Lesotho in 2002 was not merely whether MMP would provide greater electoral legitimacy and political stability; subsequent events have provided a resounding ‘Yes’ (Elklit, 2002 and Southall, 2003). But there were questions about the practicality of the new system and whether voters would understand it. Was it possible to explain a new voting system to an electorate in one of Africa’s poorest countries? The main focus of this Note is to demonstrate that voters can adapt to electoral system change. Thus, it throws doubt on arguments that electoral reforms in Africa should be avoided due to a lack of sophistication among poor and largely uneducated voters. Electors in Lesotho appeared to have no great difficulty in understanding the broad principles of the new electoral system, even if the detailed mechanics of ‘mixed’ voting systems may have been beyond them.

The official result of Lesotho's general election of 1998, which saw a 79 out of 80 seat victory for the ruling Lesotho Congress of Democrats (LCD), was repudiated by the opposition, notably the former ruling Basotho National Party (BNP) and the Basutoland Congress Party (BCP). These latter parties were historic enemies but forged an alliance of convenience to contest the outcome of the election. By mobilising their supporters to occupy Maseru they successfully paralysed the capacity of the LCD to govern. After diplomatic preliminaries, this led to military intervention by South Africa and Botswana in September 1998 and their brokering of an agreement which restored the LCD to power, on the condition that a new election would be held within eighteen months, with the rules for that contest being discussed between the parties in the interim. That election has now been scheduled for April 2000. The article reviews the conduct and result of the general election of 1998. It concludes that the opposition's objections were largely spurious, but notes that the unbalanced nature of the LCD's victory – a product of the first-past-the-post electoral system – was a major cause of the wider crisis. It therefore proposes that any lasting settlement of political differences in Lesotho is going to require a new electoral system which will allow for a more inclusive outcome.

Text in English with summaries in English, Northern and Southern Sotho
Bibliography: leaves 196-215
This study explored the communicative strategies which were used by participants who were called in as witnesses before the Leon Commission and the Phumaphi Commission of Enquiry in Lesotho in 1998 and 2015 respectively. The study specifically looked into the types of communicative strategies employed, their linguistic realisations and their conversational effectiveness in providing required information to the commissions. It further compared the use of strategies by participants in both commissions. Data for this study was obtained from twenty-six audio recordings of twenty-six witnesses. The study established that participants used twelve types of communicative strategies which are classified under the following groups based on their functional characteristics: conversational category which includes strategies such as code-switching, fillers, vague language and circumlocution; a grammatical category that comprises personal pronouns, direct speech, passive voice and questioning; a sociocultural category that covers strategies such as figurative language, indirect communication, direct refusal and indirect criticism. The study established that communicative strategies such as code-switching, fillers, personal pronouns, and direct quoting were conversationally effective as participants strategically employed them to succinctly express themselves. However, strategies with concealing attributes such as those found under a sociocultural category and those under the grammatical category (passive voice and questioning) were considered conversationally ineffective as they withheld required information from the commissioners. The study further established that participants of the latter commission were even more unwilling to reveal information than those of the former, which suggests a growing unwillingness to share information to commissions of enquiry.
Phuputso ena e hlahlobile maano a puisano a neng a sebediswa ke dipaki ka pela Komishene ya Leon le Komishene ya Phumaphi ya dipatlisiso naheng ya Lesotho ka 1998 le 2015. Phuputso e nyebekollotse ka kotloloho mefuta ya maano a puisano a sebedisitsweng, tshebediso ya ona kahara puo le katleho kapa tshetiso ya ona ho fana ka tlhaiso-leseding e neng e hlokwa ke di Komishene. E boetse e bapisitse hore na dipaki dikomisheneng ka bobeli di sebedisitse maano ana jwang. Ditaba tsa boithuto bona di fumanwe ho tswa direkotong tse mashome a mabedi a metso e tsheletseng (26) tsa dipaki. Phuputso e netefaditse hore dipaki di sebedisitse mefuta e leshome le metso e mmedi (12) ya maano a puisano a arotsweng tlasa dihlopha tse latelang ho ipapisitswe le ditshobotsi tsa ona: sehlopha sa puisano se kenyelletsang maano a joalo ka tshebediso ya dipuo tse fetang bonngwe, ho kgitlela, puo e sa hlakang, le ho potoloha. Sehlopha se seng ke sa tlhophiso ya puo mme sona se na le maano a kang seemedi, puo e qotsitsweng, sehlwai-potoloho. Sehlopha sa setso sona se kenyeletsa maano a joalo ka mekgabo-puo, puo e potetseng, ho hana ka kotloloho, le nyefolo e kubutileng hlooho. Phuputso e netefaditse hore maano a puisano a joalo ka tshebediso ya dipuo tse fetang bonngwe, ho kgitlela, seemedi, le puo e qotsitsweng, di sebedisitswe hantle ka ha di atlehile ho thusa dipaki ho itlhalosa ka nepo le ho fana ka lesedi le hlakileng ditabeng tsa bona. Leha ho le joalo, maano a sa bueng puo-phara a kang a fumanwang tlasa sehlopha sa setso le a mang a sehlopha sa tlhophiso ya puo (a kang sehlwai-potoloho le dipotso), boithuto bona bo sibollotse hore a sebedisitswe ho sitisa tlhahiso-leseding e hlokwang ke bakomishenara. Phuputso e boetse e netefaditse hore dipaki tsa komishene ya morao-rao di ne di sa ikemisetsa ho fana ka tlhahiso leseding papisong le dipaki tsa komishene ya pele. Boithuto bona bo utullotse hore maikemisetso a ho fana ka tlhaiso-leseding ho dikomishene tsa dipatlisiso a qepha.
Esi sifundo sijonge ubuchule beendlela zonxebelelwano ezohlukileyo phakathi kwabantu ababemenyiwe ukuba bathathe inxaxheba njengamangqina kwiKhomishoni yoPhando KaLeon eyenzeka ngo1998 kunye neKhomishoni kaPhumaphi eyenzeka ngonyaka ka2015. Olu phando luye lwaqalasela ezindlela zokuqhakamishelana ezisetyenziswe apha, ukusetyenziswa kolwimi kunye nobuchule bokuthetha kula mangqina ngethuba enikeza ubungqina kwezi khomishoni. Olu phando luphinde lwathelekisa indlela amangqina asebenzise ngazo ezindlela zoqhakamishelwano kwezi khomishoni zombini. Ingqokelela-lwazi yolu phando ithathwe kumangqina angamashumi amabini anesithandathu apho kushicilelwe izimvo zawo kwezi khomishoni. Olu phando lufumanise ukuba la mangqina asebenzise ubuchule beendlela zonxebelelwano ezingamashumi amabini. Obu buchule beendlela zonxebebelwano ziqukwa ngokokusebenza kwazo ekuthetheni ngolu hlobo lulandelayo: ukuncokola okuquka ukuthetha iilwimi ezohlukeneyo ngexesha elinye, amazwi amafutshane angenantsingiselo asetyenziswa kwizimo ezinje ngokukhuza, ulwimi olungacacanga kunye nokusetyenziswa kolwimi ngendlela yokuba umntu athethe into inde apho ngeyethethe ngamagama ambalwa ukucacisa into afuna ukuyicacisa ngendlela engcono. Eyesibini yimo yokusetyensizwa kolwimi ngokuthetha nqo, ngokungathethi nqo kunye nokubanemibuzo. Eyesithathu kukujonga ulwimi nenkcubeko ngokuba kubukwe indlela abantu abasebenzisa ulwimi ngokweenkcubeko zabo apho bathetha besebenzisa iinkcazelo ezisuka kwiinckubeko zabo, ukungathethi nqo ngenxa yemo yabo yentlalo nokuthetha, ukungafuni ukuthetha ngenxa yezizimo zentlalo nenkcubeko kunye nokugxeka ngendlea ekwekwayo ngenxa yezizimo zentlalo nenkcubeko. Olu phando lubonise ukuba obu buchule beendlela zokuthetha lusetyenziswe ngamangqina ezi khomishoni luquke imo apho amangqina ebethetha iilwimi ezohlukeneyo ngexesha elinye, amangqina ayakwasebenzise amagama amafutshane angenantsingiselo asetyenziswa kwimo ezifana nokukhuza, aphinda acaphula. Ngowekenza ngolu hlobo, amanqina abanokalisile ukuba ezi ndlela zobuchule bokuthetha zincedisene nomsebenzi wezi khomishoni ngoba amangqina akwazile ukubangamaciko ekuchazeni izimvo zawo. Nangona kunjalo, ezinye iindlela zobuchule zoqhakamishelwano ezifana nezo zichaphazela inkcubeko nentlalo yabantu kunye nezokungathethi nqo, ziwachapahezele kakubi amangqina kuba zenze ukuba amangqina angakhululeki ekunikezeleni ubungqina apho kubonakale ukuba abakwazanga ukunikeza iinkcukaca ezibalulekileyo kwezi khomishoni ngenxa yoku. Olu phando luphinde lwabonakalisa ukuba amangqina weKhomishoni loPhando kaPhumaphi aye awodlula amangiqna weKhomishoni kaLeon ngokungafuni ukunikeza ngobungqina obuthile. Le nto ibirhanelisa ukuba bekukho umoya apha kwamangqina wokungafuni ncam ukunikeza ngobungqina kwezi khomishoni.
Linguistics and Modern Languages
D. Phil. (Languages, Linguistics and Literature)