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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections – Press coverage – Zimbabwe

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Academic literature on the topic 'Elections – Press coverage – Zimbabwe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections – Press coverage – Zimbabwe"

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Rønning, Helge. "Constitutional referendums and the media in Africa: Reporting the aborted referendum in Tanzania ‐ 2015." Journal of African Media Studies 12, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00026_1.

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The article involves three main topics. The first deals with the role of referendums in relation to constitutional processes, and how they have become increasingly common, with a focus on African developments. The second topic is a description of the referendums in relation to the media coverage of the rejected constitutional change in Zimbabwe in 2000 and in Kenya 2005, and with subsequent elections in both countries shortly after, and then the referendums that accepted constitutional change years later. The last part of the article is an analysis of coverage in the Tanzanian press of the constitutional debate before the aborted referendum in 2015, followed by some comparative reflections on the relationship between referendum and election reporting.

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Soderlund, Walter C. "A Comparison of Press Coverage in Canada and the United States of the 1982 and 1984 Salvadoran Elections." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900011628.

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AbstractThis article investigates press coverage in Canada and the United States of the 1982 and 1984 Salvadoran elections employing the concept of the “demonstration election,” which posits that some elections occur not to select governments and solve problems but rather to confer international legitimacy on the government holding the election. The press plays a vital role in creating this aura of legitimacy. There is some evidence that the American press played a legitimizing role in the elections. While the elections received twice as much coverage in the American press as they did in the Canadian press, with the exception of some differences in leader evaluation and emphasis on issues, Canadians received essentially the same media portrayal of the elections as did Americans.

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Pitts, M., and H. Jackson. "Press coverage of AIDS in Zimbabwe: A five-year review." AIDS Care 5, no. 2 (April 1993): 223–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540129308258603.

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Deacon, David, and Emily Harmer. "The present in retrospect: Press reporting of UK General Elections, 1918–2015." Journalism 20, no. 8 (May 9, 2019): 994–1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884919845445.

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This article provides a unique content analysis of 100 years of national press coverage of UK General Elections and tests four claims about historical trends in election news reporting in democratic systems: (1) that coverage is becoming more focussed on political leaders at the expense of other political sources; (2) that reporting of the personalities and personal lives of politicians has expanded; (3) that editorial treatment of politicians has become increasingly negative and (4) that news coverage is increasingly obsessed with the conduct of politics rather than its substantive content. Through the detail of this analysis, we identify areas of historical continuity as well as change and challenge overly neat periodisations and simple histories of election news reporting.

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Major, Ann Marie. "“Problematic” Situations in Press Coverage of the 1988 U.S. and French Elections." Journalism Quarterly 69, no. 3 (September 1992): 600–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909206900308.

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This study uses newspapers and magazines to find some support for Alex Edelstein's theory of the problematic approach to media content. Although 55% of the 1988 U.S. election issues were defined as problematic — especially in terms of individual or social losses of value — about half the stories were not presented in any problem context. Three-fourths of the stories from the French sample presented stories in a problem context. About one-fourth of the stories from both U.S. and French samples emphasized the horse race aspect of elections.

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Kahn, Kim Fridkin. "Characteristics of Press Coverage in Senate and Gubernatorial Elections: Information Available to Voters." Legislative Studies Quarterly 20, no. 1 (February 1995): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440147.

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Mungwari, Teddy. "Zimbabwe Post Election Violence: Motlanthe Commission of Inquiry 2018." International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 10, no. 02 (February 23, 2019): 20392–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v10i02.675.

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Zimbabwe held its national elections on 30 July 2018. The electoral process was generally peaceful until 1 August 2018, when demonstrators took to the streets of Harare demanding the immediate release of the presidential election results. Arguably, the police failed to contain the situation and sought the assistance of the military which fired live ammunition to unarmed civilians. By end of 1 August 2018, at least six (6) people had been tragically killed; injury of thirty-five (35), and extensive damage and destruction of property had been caused. Following these incidents, on 12 September 2018, the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, His Excellency Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, appointed a Commission of Inquiry in terms of Section 2(1) of the Commission of Inquiry Act [Chapter 10:07] through Proclamation 6of 2018 published in Statutory Instrument 181 of 2018, to investigate matters of public welfare arising out of the tragic events in Harare on 1 August 2018. This article argues that the Motlanthe Commission of Inquiry was biased against main opposition. The article concluded that the coverage of the public hearings was polarized and that Zimbabwe is a divided and polarized state. This article contributes towards policy and reform changes.

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Herkman, Juha. "The Finns Party: Euroscepticism, Euro Crisis, Populism and the Media." Media and Communication 5, no. 2 (March 27, 2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i2.803.

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In many European countries, populist right-wing parties have been most noticeable representatives of Euroscepticism. In Finland, the Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset) has been a constant promoter of organisational Euroscepticism through its leader, Timo Soini. The party broke through in Finland’s ‘big bang elections’ of 2011, when the most debated issue was the European economic crisis, which was dominated by Eurosceptic Soini. Research concerning the relationship between the media, populism and Euroscepticism usually focus on national or European Parliament elections. This study analyses the media portrayal of the Eurosceptic Finns Party during times other than elections, focusing on the Finland’s overall Euro crisis press coverage in 2010–2012. The analysis shows that the populist Finns Party has been a minor player in that coverage, which was dominated by the Euro positive political and economic elites. Differences between newspapers indicate that journalistic routines and political context direct media coverage toward particular framings, even when the media proclaims itself politically independent and neutral.

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Pitts, M., and H. Jackson. "AIDS and the press: An analysis of the coverage of AIDS by Zimbabwe newspapers." AIDS Care 1, no. 1 (January 1989): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540128908260238.

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Khineyko, Ilya. "The View from Russia: Russian Press Coverage of the 2004 Presidential Elections in Ukraine." Canadian Slavonic Papers 47, no. 3-4 (September 2005): 265–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00085006.2005.11092388.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections – Press coverage – Zimbabwe"

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Higgins, Michael Thomas. "Political coverage and national identity in the Scottish press : the case of the 1999 elections." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275196.

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Klinkhammer, Ruth. "Conflict or collaboration?, a study of press coverage of the 1993 and 1997 Alberta provincial elections." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0016/MQ47954.pdf.

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Namburete, Eliana Munguambe. "A Content Analysis of Mozambican Newspapers' Coverage of the 2004 Presidential Election." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4851/.

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This study focuses on the amount of coverage given by four major tabloid newspapers-Demos, Zambeze, Savana and Domingo-to the candidates of the major political parties Renamo and Frelimo, during the 2004 presidential race. The number of stories of both parties in those newspapers were counted and calculated by chi-square to determine how much one party was covered than the other identifying signs of balance or bias. The research showed that there was a significant result of 42 percent of likelihood that stories in the four newspapers would either be about Frelimo or Renamo. However, the study also revealed that Frelimo was the party covered most often by Demos, Zambeze and Savana while Renamo was covered most often by Domingo.

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Mukundu, Rashweat. "A critical discourse analysis of the coverage of operation "Restore Order" (Operation Murambatsvina) by Zimbabwe's weekly newspapers, the state-owned The Sunday Mail and the privately owned The Standard, in the period 18 May to 30 June 2005." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002925.

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On May 16 2006 the government of Zimbabwe embarked on a clean-up programme of urban centres, destroying informal human settlements and informal businesses. This operation, which the government called operation "Restore Order", resulted in the displacement of nearly one million people and left thousands of families homeless. This study is a discussion and an analysis of the coverage of the clean-up operation by two of Zimbabwe's leading Sunday newspapers, The Sunday Mail and The Standard. The Sunday Mail is owned by the Zimbabwe government and The Standard is privately owned and perceived to be oppositional to the current Zimbabwe government. The two newspapers, therefore, covered the clean-up operation from different perspectives and often presented conflicting reports explaining why the clean-up operation was carried out and the extent of its impact on the lives of millions of Zimbabweans. The chosen research approach is the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) framework as developed by Fairclough (1995). Using CDA, this study seeks to find out and expose the underlying ideological struggles for hegemony between different social and political groups in Zimbabwe and how the newspapers became actors in this process. This process is made possible by looking at how news reporting is organised in the two newspapers, issues of language use, sourcing and external factors that influenced the coverage of the operation.

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Ndimande, Dumisani Blessing. "The disputed “equitable treatment” in political party broadcasts: an analysis of the SABC coverage of the 2014 South African general elections." Thesis, Nelson Mandela University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14234.

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The aim of this study was to establish whether the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) performed according to its mandate in ensuring a fair broadcast coverage of all political parties that participated in the 2014 national general election. The study was undertaken as a result of the complaints by political parties who accused the SABC of bias during the election. The study focused on two SABC radio stations, namely SAFM and UKHOZI FM. In executing the research, particular attention was paid to the coverage of political party manifestos, town hall election debates and radio interviews. The study was written utilising the theoretical paradigm of Social Responsibility Theory, as this is largely deemed the most ethical guide in testing South African journalism. The research was conducted in accordance with the Independent Complaints Authority of South Africa (ICASA) regulations that govern broadcast media during elections. The second part of the analysis deconstructed the SABC’s media coverage of the 2014 election through Media Monitoring Africa – a non-profit organisation that monitors and reports on media coverage of elections, whilst simultaneously taking ICASA stipulated guidelines into account. The MMA and ICASA equipped the study with reports which were compiled after an intense monitoring of SABC’s coverage of the 2014 election. Through the analysis of political parties’ accessibility to the election broadcast programmes on SABC platforms, the study concluded that although there were errors, the SABC treated all parties fairly during the 2014 general elections. The study also found that poor corporate governance at the SABC did not impact directly on the public broadcaster’s ability to deliver fair election broadcasting. By conforming to the social responsibility role that calls for high professional conduct, fairness and objectivity as expected in the public broadcaster, this study found that the SABC was committed to a fair coverage of the 2014 election.

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Miller, Jerry L. "Dynamics of political advertisements, news coverage, and candidate gender : a content analysis of the campaign messages of the 1990 and 1994 California and Texas gubernatorial elections /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1996.

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7

Dekavalla, Marina. "General elections in the post-devolution period : press accounts of the 2001 and 2005 campaigns in Scotland and England." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2301.

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This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.

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Cheong, Wai Kam. "Political bias in the news coverage of the Macao Assembly Election 2005 : analysis of three local newspapers." Thesis, University of Macau, 2007. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1874178.

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9

Amzat, Ajibola Taofeek. "Voting and meaning in Hooggenoeg, Grahamstown : an audience's reception of Grocott's Mail's 2011 municipal election coverage." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011729.

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This thesis examines the meanings that residents of the township of Hooggenoeg (in Grahamstown, in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa) made of the election coverage in the Grocott’s Mail newspaper during 2011 municipal elections in South Africa. In addition, this study also sought to understand the particular set of ‘normative roles’ played by the paper, both with reference to the well-established body of theory about the normative roles of journalism in a democracy, and in terms of the paper’s own conceptualisation of its role in the functioning of local democracy. Grocott’s Mail, the oldest independent newspaper in South Africa, provided extensive pre-election coverage, which included producing and distributing an unprecedented free edition of the paper. The paper also facilitated a town hall debate in order to encourage residents to vote, and empower them to make a more informed choice about their vote. Three qualitative research methods, namely qualitative content analysis, focus group interviews, and individual interviews were used to examine the relationship between the content provided by the paper and the audience’s process of ‘making sense’ and deriving meaning from the content provided. The study concludes that Grocott’s attempt to encourage democratic culture in Grahamstown, in keeping with the more ‘facilitative’ normative roles that the local media can play, was only partially successful. Much of the election reporting subordinated the voices of the ordinary people, and privileged reporting that focussed narrowly on the voting process, and which foregrounded the views of political parties. Overall this coverage largely failed to resonate with the Grocott’s readers who live in Hooggenoeg (a largely ‘coloured’ area of Grahamstown), whose key concerns in terms of their daily life – such as poverty, unemployment, crime, lack of services – seemed, to them, unaddressed by this election coverage and, consequently, was not as engaging or convincing as the publishers/editors had hoped it would be. It can be also argued that Grocott’s narrow conceptualisation of democracy as entailing only public participation in electoral processes failed to cater for how audiences can be made aware of how they can participate in governance beyond the election period.

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10

Chari, Tendai Joseph. "Press-citizen interface in a fragile society: mapping press and citizen discourses on election violence during presidential and parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe, 2000-2013." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/22743.

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Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Media Studies, 2016
Many African countries have been holding regular elections since the “Third Wave” of democratisation which reintroduced multi-party politics on the African continent, but few of these elections meet the democratic litmus test, due to, among other factors, the prevalence of election violence. The press has been justifiably or unjustifiably indicted for these imbroglios on account of alleged transgressions linked to its overt or covert incitement to violence. In the ensuing political contestations, citizens bear the burden of diminished prospects of credible information occasioned by a highly politicised press. In the Southern African region, there is no better case to illustrate the entanglement of the press in electoral contestations than Zimbabwe. This study is a qualitative exploration of press and citizen discourses on election violence during the presidential and parliamentary elections held in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2013. A Foucauldian discursive analytic approach was used to analyse the representation of election violence in two-state-owned and four privately-owned newspapers during presidential and parliamentary elections held over the specified period spanning thirteen years. The study also examined how these press discourses interrelate with citizen discourses. Empirical data were drawn from a corpus of archival textual data comprising hard news and feature articles published in The Herald, The Sunday Mail, The Zimbabwe Independent, The Financial Gazette, Newsday and the Daily News. In-depth interviews were conducted with purposively targeted journalists and editors from the selected newspapers. In addition, in-depth-interviews were held with twenty-one (21) regular newspaper readers who were also politically engaged citizens. The main observation was that press representation of election violence was marked by antagonistic discursive practices reflective of the rivulets of political and ideological bifurcation. Consequently, competing and politically expedient journalistic philosophies emerged. The state-owned press used a model of ‘national interest’ journalism while the privately-owned press preferred the ‘human-rights’ model which crystallized into an over-arching ‘activist journalism’. This ‘activist’ journalistic approach found expression through an array of anti-democratic press discursive practices epitomised by selectivity, silence and salience, the consequence of which was that citizens were starved of credible and impartial information. This thesis argues that the anti-democratic discursive practices deployed by the press camps blunted the citizenry’s critical engagement with the exact motivations, causes and manifestations of election violence. These anti-democratic discursive practices have a potential to engender a culture of political intolerance with long-term consequences that predispose society to political conflict rather than consensus building.
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Books on the topic "Elections – Press coverage – Zimbabwe"

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Tapfumaneyi, Sharon O. M. So many rivers to cross: A report on the media portrayal of female political candidates in the March 2005 parliamentary elections. [Harare]: Media Institution of Southern Africa, 2005.

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Politics and persuasion: Media coverage of Zimbabwe's 2000 election. Avondale, Harare, Zimbabwe: Weaver Press, 2004.

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Zimbabwe, Media Monitoring Project. The propaganda war on electoral democracy: A report on the media's coverage of Zimbabwe's 2008 elections. Milton Park, Harare: Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe, 2009.

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Gandhi, Dumisani. Report on the coverage of the Makoni West and Bulawayo mayoral elections: 1-16 September 2001. [Harare]: Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe, 2001.

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Kaiulo, R. Press coverage: Election '92. Papua New Guinea: R. Kaiulo, 1992.

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Blake, Brian N. Elections and the press: Newspaper coverage of Irish General Elections, 1980-1992. Dublin: Department of Politics, University College Dublin, 1994.

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Koomson, Anthony K. Bonnah. A handbook on electoral coverage for media practitioners. Accra: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Ghana Office, 1995.

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Zimbabwe Media Training Workshop on Covering Gender Violence (2002). Report of the Zimbabwe Media Training Workshop on Covering Gender Violence: Zimbabwe, 28 January-1 February 2002. Harare, Zimbabwe]: IPS, 2002.

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Los medios en las elecciones: La agenda setting en la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: EDUCA, 2003.

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Bhutan. Media coverage of elections rules and regulations of the Kingdom of Bhutan. Thimphu: Election Commission of Bhutan, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections – Press coverage – Zimbabwe"

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Boicu, Ruxandra. "Coverage of the 2014 European Parliamentary Electoral Campaign in Romania’s Print Press (A Case Study)." In Political Communication and European Parliamentary Elections in Times of Crisis, 81–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58591-2_7.

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"Between Fear and Loathing: National Press Coverage of the 1997 British General Election." In British Elections and Parties Review, 151–65. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203044896-15.

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Reports on the topic "Elections – Press coverage – Zimbabwe"

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Gómez Calderón, BJ, and FJ Paniagua Rojano. The Andalusian elections of 2012 in the national press: Analysis of the coverage of Abc, El Mundo and El País. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, April 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2013-977en.

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