Academic literature on the topic 'Elections to the State Duma - 2016'

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections to the State Duma - 2016"

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Hutcheson, Derek S., and Ian McAllister. "Explaining Party Support in the 2016 Russian State Duma Election." Russian Politics 2, no. 4 (2017): 454–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00204004.

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Because of the predicable outcomes of recent Russian elections, voters are often characterized as passive actors in the electoral process. However, as we show in this article, political and social factors still underpin the motivations for people’s voting behavior. The article analyzes voting behavior in the 2016 State Duma election, using a post-election, nationally representative survey to assess the differences between the four parliamentary parties’ support bases. It finds that voting decisions in the 2016 election were strongly related to voters’ attitudes to the national president, Vladi
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Shestakova, Yuliya. "Elections Absenteeism to the State Duma in 2016." nauka.me, no. 1 (2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s111111110000005-8.

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This article examines the results of the State Duma election on September 18, 2016. Attention is paid to the innovations in the election and the way they affected the outcome of the vote. The author of the article attempts to analyze the phenomenon of absenteeism, which was especially evident in the State Duma election of the 7th convocation.
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Lyubarev, Arkady. "Correlation analysis of voting results in the Russian federal and regional elections of 2011–2018." Political Science (RU), no. 1 (2021): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2021.01.09.

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Correlation coefficients between the results of political parties in the 2016 State Duma elections in the Russian Federation as a whole and in 26 regions, as well as in the elections of regional parliaments of 35 subjects of the Russian Federation in 2012–2015 were calculated. For the 2016 State Duma elections, data was used at all levels – regions, single-member electoral districts, TEC and PEC. It is noted that the “United Russia” correlations with all major parties are generally negative. A fairly high level of correlation is observed between the liberal parties. The main focus is on correl
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Zhuribeda, Konstantin. "ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR OF RUSSIAN CITIZENS IN THE 1996-2018 FEDERAL ELECTIONS ON THE TERRITORY OUTSIDE THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 2 (2021): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.204.

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This article describes the course of voting in federal elections (President of the Russian Federation, deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation) in the period from 1996 to 2018. The basics of organizing voting outside the Russian Federation and the procedure for registering foreign voters in electoral statistics are described. The study analyzed voting in federal elections in foreign countries with more than 500 voters in key political forces that participated in the elections to the State Duma in 1999-2016 and candidates for the office of President of the Russian Federation in the
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KAPELYUK, Sergey, and Elena LISHCHUK. "IMPACT OF SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC INEQUALITY IN THE REGIONS OF RUSSIA ON ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR." Vestnik BIST (Bashkir Institute of Social Technologies), no. 2(51) (June 30, 2021): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47598/2078-9025-2021-2-51-7-16.

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This article examines the relationship between indicators of poverty and inequality and the electoral behavior of the population. For the purpose of the study we use the results of elections of governors of Russian regions and the results of elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The analysis was carried out on the basis of regional data for 2015–2019. Methods of cross-sectional regression analysis were used to reveal causal relationships. Based on the results of the analysis, it was revealed that the results of the election campaigns of the regional governors do not depend bot
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Razmakhnina, Yulia S. "TRANSFORMATION OF THE ETHNIC FACTOR’S INFLUENCE ON THE RESULTS OF FEDERAL ELECTIONS (2003–2021) IN EASTERN SIBERIA." Географический вестник = Geographical bulletin, no. 3 (2024): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2079-7877-2024-3-26-37.

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Eastern Siberia, which is considered by the author as comprising the republics of Buryatia, Sakha (Yakutia), Tyvaand Khakassia, the Transbaikal and Krasnoyarsk territories, the Irkutsk region, is characterized by a mosaic ethnic composition. Thereare distinguished large nations, living mainly in the republics, and small nations, residing in small areas in different territories of themacro region. The former, due to their large numbers, are able to influence election results, which is expressed in high turnout andpolitical preferences oriented toward support for the ‘party in power’ and its lea
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Kynev, Alexander. "How the Electoral Policy of the Russian State Predetermined the Results of the 2016 State Duma Elections." Russian Politics 2, no. 2 (2017): 206–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00202002.

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The article analyses how the electoral policy of the Russian state predetermined the results of the 2016 State Duma elections. The factors leading to this predictability are described in detail. These were a combination of the introduction of a mixed electoral system, with the party of power winning in more than 90% of majoritarian districts in regional elections; gerrymandering during the establishment of electoral districts; changes to the system by which voters outside the borders of the Russian Federation were allocated to electoral districts; the change of election date (moving it to Sept
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Hutcheson, Derek S. "Contextualizing the 2016 State Duma Election." Russian Politics 2, no. 4 (2017): 383–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00204001.

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An overview is given of the 2016 Russian State Duma election, and its significance for the current Russian regime. As the first in a series of five articles in this edition of Russian Politics, it sets the 2016 State Duma election into context. It begins by discussing the role of the Duma in Russian politics, and reviews political developments between the protests that followed the 2011 parliamentary election, and the successful conclusion of the 2016 one. It then examines how institutional and political changes came together in the 2016 campaign. The resultant supermajority for the pro-Kremli
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Bader, Max. "The Role of Precinct Commissions in Electoral Manipulation in Russia: Does Party Affiliation Matter?" Russian Politics 2, no. 4 (2017): 434–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00204003.

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The occurrence of manipulation in Russian elections is highly uneven not just across regions, but also across precincts. Why do some precinct election commissions take part in manipulation while other commissions stay “clean”? Drawing on a new dataset, this study assesses the impact of the party affiliation of precinct election commission members on electoral manipulation in relation to the 2016 State Duma election. The data reveal that, while the composition of most precinct election commission is diverse, United Russia nominees are vastly overrepresented among commission chairs. The study th
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Zimin, A. "Interconnection and Interaction of Political Parties and Voters in the State Duma Elections - 2016." Bulletin of Science and Practice, no. 12 (December 15, 2017): 497–507. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1116629.

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The purpose of the article is to identify and analyze the connection and mutual influence (political communications) of political parties represented in the State Duma and voters. The subject of the study is political communication between political parties and electoral groups. The methods of study are observation, questioning, content analysis. A number of provisions have been put forward: political parties influence the electoral choice of voters through information provided by the federal media (TV channels); this information is biased, gives one party a preference for one political party,
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections to the State Duma - 2016"

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Sedziaka, Alesia A. "The Causes and Consequences of Perceptions of Election Unfairness." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/332767.

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The role of unfair elections in breakdown or maintenance of electoral authoritarian regimes has been subject to debate in recent research. On the one hand, the conduct of elections may serve to enhance popular legitimacy and deter challenges to the regime. On the other hand, electoral manipulation may contribute to grievances that fuel mass protest. However, empirical research on the consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support has been limited by the availability of appropriate survey data and has mostly focused on summary or process-based assessments of electoral unfairness. Th
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Books on the topic "Elections to the State Duma - 2016"

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Orlov, D. I. Regionalʹnai︠a︡ politika -- 2016: Sbornik stateĭ i analiticheskikh dokladov. Grifon, 2017.

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Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights and Council of Europe. Parliamentary Assembly, eds. Russian Federation, State Duma elections, 7 December 2003. Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, 2003.

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Institute, International Republican. Russia: State Duma election observation report : December 17, 1995. International Republican Institute, 1996.

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Elena, Panfilova, and Reed Quentin, eds. Monitoring the misuse of administrative resources during the campaign for the December 2003 Russian Federal State Duma elections. Center for Anti-corruption Research and Initiative, 2004.

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1937-, Conroy Mary Schaeffer, ed. Emerging democracy in late Imperial Russia: Case studies on local self-government (the Zemstvos), State Duma elections, the Tsarist government, and the State Council before and during World War I. University Press of Colorado, 1998.

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(Ekaterina), Mikhaĭlovskai︠a︡ E., Pribylovskiĭ Vladimir, and Informat︠s︡ionno-ėkspertnai︠a︡ gruppa "Panorama ", eds. National-patriots, church and Putin: Parliamentary and presidential campaigns 1999-2000. Center "Panorama", 2001.

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Verkhovsky, Alexander. The Russian nationalist movement at low ebb. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0007.

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This chapter examines changes in the Russian nationalist movement from Russia’s annexation of Crimea until the State Duma elections in September 2016. Since 2014, the nationalist movement has been split over which side to support in the war in Ukraine. Then, with the subsequent increase in state repression of ultra-rightists, the movement lapsed into total decline. The chapter traces activities in various sectors of Russian nationalism, discussing the separate trajectories of the pro-Kremlin and oppositional nationalists, as well as the latter group’s further subdivision into groups that suppo
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Russia Federation elections to the State Duma, 19 December, 1999: Final report. The Office, 2000.

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Los estados en 2016: Nuevos equilibrios regionales. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, 2018.

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Successes and failures: Polish landowners from the nine western provinces in the elections to the Russian State Duma and State Council in the years 1906-1913 = [Uspekhi i porazhenii︠a︡ : polʹskie zemlevladelʹt︠s︡y iz zapadnykh guberniĭ Rossii v vyborakh v Gosudarstvennui︠u︡ Dumu i Gosudarstvennyĭ Sovet 1906-1913 gg]. Centrum Badań Europy Wschodniej, Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections to the State Duma - 2016"

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Gassenschmidt, Christoph. "The Road towards Self-Determination: New Elections, the Second State Duma and the Search for a New Approach." In Jewish Liberal Politics in Tsarist Russia, 1900–14. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23944-3_3.

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Cardoso, Bruno, and Dennis Pauschinger. "The Authoritarian Legacy: Mega-Event Security, the Managerial-Militarized Model, and the Rise of the Far-Right in Brazil." In Mega Event Planning. Springer Nature Singapore, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-96-3515-3_7.

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Abstract Only two years after the 2016 Olympics closed in Rio de Janeiro’s Maracanã stadium, far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro won the national elections with a campaign rooted in authoritarian and hateful discourse against minorities and praising the nation’s military past. Much has been written about the roots of Bolsonaro’s success and his strong support in the Brazilian security apparatus. This chapter brings a new angle to this discussion and argues that the ways in which the security schemes for Brazil’s mega-event decade were organized laid the ground for a successful Bolsonaro campaign and government. In the years prior to the 2014 World Cup, the Brazilian state implemented an integrated command and control system to develop a managerial-militarized model for organizing public security and the technological system built for the mega-events. The chapter explores how this approach enforced a military urbanism, a New Public Management, and benchmarking strategies that still mark Brazil’s public security sector. It argues that the heavy influence of military strategies intermingled with new neoliberal economic thinking that laid the ground for a successful authoritarian candidate like Bolsonaro who based his government upon these exact values.
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Tausch, Arno. "The Empirical Results of Our Empirical Study." In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_5.

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AbstractThe study clearly shows that identification with Turkey and Iran, with a political Islam that also influences elections and results in a theocracy, promotes religious and gender discrimination and advocates an Islamist interpretation of Islam, are very much the most important, interrelated syndromes of political Islam, which together explain more than 50% of the total variance of the 24 model variables used. If the states of Europe want to win the fight against jihadism, they must work closely with the moderate Arab states, such as Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and other Arab Gulf states, and be aware that, on a population-weighted basis, 41% of all Arabs now view the Muslim Brotherhood, which is the strongest and most coherent force in political Islam today, negatively or very negatively. According to the data brought to light here, only 7% of people in the Arab world now have a high level of trust in their country's Islamist movement, while 14% have some trust, 19% have little trust, but 60% have no trust. Our overall index—Overcoming political Islam shows that Morocco and Tunisia are the top performers, while Iraq and Sudan bring up the rear. Following an important study by Falco and Rotondi (2016), we also explore the question of whether political Islam is more prevalent or less prevalent among the more than 20% of the Arab population who plan to emigrate in the coming years than among the population as a whole. Far from feeding alarmist horror scenarios, our evaluation shows firstly that Falco and Rotondi (2016) are correct in their thesis that among potential migrants to the West, political Islam is certainly less pronounced than among the Arab population as a whole. On a population-weighted basis, only 13.11% of potential migrants to the West openly state that they trust the country-specific Islamist movement. In the second part of our empirical evaluations, we explore religiously motivated political extremism (RMPE) by international comparison on the basis of the following items of the World Values Survey, which are sparse but nevertheless available on this topic: The proportion of the global population who favour religious authorities in interpreting the law while accepting political violence is alarmingly high in various parts of the world and is raising fears of numerous conflicts in the coming years in an increasingly unstable world system. It amounts to more than half of the adult population in Tajikistan (the international record holder), and Malaysia and some non-Muslim-majority countries. In many countries, including NATO and EU member states, it is an alarming 25–50%, and we mention here the Muslim-majority countries Iraq, Lebanon, Bangladesh, Kazakhstan, Nigeria and Indonesia. It is 15–25% even in core countries of the Western security architecture, but also in the Muslim-majority countries: Pakistan, Iran and Tunisia. Only in the best-ranked countries, among them the Muslim-majority countries Albania, Egypt, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kyrgyzstan, Azerbaijan and Jordan, the potentially fatal combination of mixing religion and law and accepting political violence has a relatively small following of less than 15%. In the sense of the theses of the late Harvard economist Alberto Alesina (1957–2020), social trust is an essential general production factor of any social order, and the institutions of national security of the democratic West would do well to make good use of this capital of trust that also exists among Muslims living in the West.
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Hutcheson, Derek S. "Russian parliamentary elections 1993–2016: an overview." In Parliamentary Elections in Russia. British Academy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266281.003.0002.

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The chapter focuses on providing an overview of the role of the State Duma in Russia’s political system, and introduces the key actors within it throughout the post-Soviet Union period. It begins with a brief history of the evolution of the electoral process and party system from the late Soviet period to the present day. It then introduces the main political parties in the Russian electoral process, and the ‘family tree’ of such organisations from 1993 to 2016. Finally, it examines the changing role of the State Duma throughout the first quarter-century of its existence, as it has moved from a fledgling institution to a fully established part of the machinery of government.
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Hutcheson, Derek S. "Conclusions." In Parliamentary Elections in Russia. British Academy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266281.003.0009.

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This is the concluding chapter of Parliamentary Elections in Russia. It draws together the themes of the previous eight chapters, examining the evolution of the Russian political system, the campaigns for election to the State Duma between 1993 and 2016 and the party landscape of modern-day Russia. It concludes that the current stability in the Russian political system may be temporary and depends to a large extent on the continued popularity and legitimacy of Vladimir Putin. It discusses possible trajectories for future party system development in Putin’s fourth term.
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"National television and the 2003 State Duma elections." In Television and Presidential Power in Putin's Russia. Routledge, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203835593-11.

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Hutcheson, Derek S. "Introduction." In Parliamentary Elections in Russia. British Academy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266281.003.0001.

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The chapter introduces the book Parliamentary Elections in Russia. It begins by outlining briefly the context of Russian politics since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the literature about its transition. It examines the role of Russia’s parliament – the Federal Assembly – and in particular, the powers of the State Duma. It ends by mapping the content and structure of the remaining eight chapters of the book.
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Hutcheson, Derek S. "Voting in parliamentary elections." In Parliamentary Elections in Russia. British Academy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266281.003.0007.

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This chapter examines Russians’ voting behaviour over the seven State Duma elections so far. It begins from a spatial perspective, by examining the changing geographical bases of support for the parties over time. Thereafter, it takes a more sociological viewpoint, examining the profile of the typical Russian voter, and each party’s electorate, using survey and focus group data. Over time, some sense of party affiliation has started to build up amongst the voters of the established parties. Finally, it looks at the extent to which Russians have been able to register their discontent with the system through the medium of elections – in particular, prior to 2003, by voting ‘against all’ candidates or parties.
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Hutcheson, Derek S. "On the campaign trail." In Parliamentary Elections in Russia. British Academy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266281.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the way parties present themselves – and are presented – to Russia’s electorate during election campaigns. In the first part of the chapter, examination is made of the approaches that the main parties take to campaign strategy and political marketing. There was a gradual professionalisation of the electoral process in the 1990s and early 2000s, with amateur candidates and campaigners gradually being replaced by professional political consultants. The use made of product-, sales- and market-oriented approaches is examined. The second part of the chapter analyses how election campaigns are covered in the media, using content analysis of television and other media coverage. Finally, public attitudes to election campaigning and media usage are assessed, with the aid of post-election surveys from each of the post-Soviet State Duma elections.
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Semenova, Alexandra L. "Novgorodskaya Newspaper Ilmen’ (1906–1907): Political Evolution from “Center” to “Left”." In Russian Literature and Journalism in the Pre-revolutionary Era: Forms of Interaction and Methodology of Analysis. A.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/978-5-9208-0661-1-104-123.

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The study examines the history of the private Novgorod publication Ilmen’, which emerged in 1906 in the wake of preparations for the elections to the II State Duma. The publication was weekly and came out in only 24 issues, but during this short period it significantly changed its political orientation. This was largely determined by the change of editors: N. Vasilevsky was replaced by M. Rubakin. The newspaper is also interesting in so far as it published letters from the deputy of the Duma from the Novgorod province P.G. Izmailov, a peasant who was a member of the Social Democratic Party. He used the newspaper as a platform for speaking out about important socio-political issues.
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Conference papers on the topic "Elections to the State Duma - 2016"

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Tantsyreva, Ksenia Aleksandrovna. ""Gender gap" phenomenon in a political reality of Russian society: elections to the State Duma in 2016." In X International Scientific and Practical Conference. TSNS Interaktiv Plus, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-116312.

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Gontar, S. G. "Parallels in the organization and conduct of elections of the Constituent Assembly and elections of deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation." In НАУКА РОССИИ: ЦЕЛИ И ЗАДАЧИ. НИЦ «Л-Журнал», 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/sr-10-10-2018-31.

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Kudryashov, Vasily. "The Journal «Siberian Questions» About the Elections in the State Duma in the Siberia (1907–1912)." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.27.

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Simoes, Leandro G. C., Filipe A. N. Verri, and Takashi Yoneyama. "Spending Segmentation and Outlier Detection in Brazilian Elections." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11960.

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The political campaigns in Brazilian elections are mostly financed by public money. Every candidate has to provide detailed accountability reports to the legal authorities, which must be analyzed in a short time frame in search of eventual fraud or suspicious transactions. In this work we have compiled a real data set from 2016 Brazilian elections for all city councils in the São Paulo state and used it to propose a framework of data segmentation analysis and validation. An exploratory data analysis is performed to determine the features distribution and to define the required feature pre-proc
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Antun Dujmović, Krševan. "LAW ON FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON THE EU ACCESSION OF MONTENEGRO." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.11.01.20.p37.

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The situation in Montenegro after the adaptation of the Law on Freedom of Religion and Legal Status of Religious Communities has been defined by massive protests, civil unrest and tense political situation. The main stakeholders are not just the biggest religious institutions in Montenegro – the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC- Srpska Pravoslavna Crkva) but also the major political parties and citizens who were coming out in the streets of all major cities of Montenegro in consecutive weeks after the law was adopted on 27th December 2019. Major protests in Montenegro went on for three months unti
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Reports on the topic "Elections to the State Duma - 2016"

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Relationship Between ‘Civil Society’ and ‘Democratic Freedoms’. Institute of Development Studies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.086.

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Notwithstanding the point that definitions of ‘civil society’ and ‘democracy’ are themselves actively debated, this rapid review defines democracy as ‘liberal democracy’, which goes beyond elections to include liberal components such as equality before the law, individual liberties, rule of law, and independent judiciary and legislature that constrains the executive (Grahn and Lührmann, 2020, p.8). Civil society is defined as “an organizational layer of the polity that lies between the state and private life composed of voluntary associations of people joined together in common purpose” (Coppe
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