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1
Hutcheson, Derek S., and Ian McAllister. "Explaining Party Support in the 2016 Russian State Duma Election." Russian Politics 2, no. 4 (2017): 454–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00204004.
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Because of the predicable outcomes of recent Russian elections, voters are often characterized as passive actors in the electoral process. However, as we show in this article, political and social factors still underpin the motivations for people’s voting behavior. The article analyzes voting behavior in the 2016 State Duma election, using a post-election, nationally representative survey to assess the differences between the four parliamentary parties’ support bases. It finds that voting decisions in the 2016 election were strongly related to voters’ attitudes to the national president, Vladimir Putin, as well as to their attitudes to corruption and the economic situation. Voters who were more positive to the president and viewed the economic crisis more benignly were more likely to vote for the ‘party of power’, United Russia. Moreover, the four parties’ electorates had distinctive social profiles that were consistent with long-term patterns established in previous State Duma elections.
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Shestakova, Yuliya. "Elections Absenteeism to the State Duma in 2016." nauka.me, no. 1 (2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s111111110000005-8.
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This article examines the results of the State Duma election on September 18, 2016. Attention is paid to the innovations in the election and the way they affected the outcome of the vote. The author of the article attempts to analyze the phenomenon of absenteeism, which was especially evident in the State Duma election of the 7th convocation.
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Lyubarev, Arkady. "Correlation analysis of voting results in the Russian federal and regional elections of 2011–2018." Political Science (RU), no. 1 (2021): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2021.01.09.
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Correlation coefficients between the results of political parties in the 2016 State Duma elections in the Russian Federation as a whole and in 26 regions, as well as in the elections of regional parliaments of 35 subjects of the Russian Federation in 2012–2015 were calculated. For the 2016 State Duma elections, data was used at all levels – regions, single-member electoral districts, TEC and PEC. It is noted that the “United Russia” correlations with all major parties are generally negative. A fairly high level of correlation is observed between the liberal parties. The main focus is on correlations between parliamentary opposition parties and parties with similar names. The correlation coefficients between the results of parties and candidates in the State Duma elections of 2011 and 2016 and the Presidential elections of 2012 and 2018 were also calculated, showing the stability of the geographical distribution of the electorate of the main parties. Regional differences in the nature of correlations between the main political parties are noted. It is assumed that correlations between parties reflect not so much their ideological closeness as the social closeness of their electorate. In this regard, it is noted that a positive correlation between the results of ideologically distant parties (“Yabloko” and the Communist party or “Yabloko” and “Rodina”) is associated with their reliance on the urban electorate and, perhaps, its most educated part. The reasons for voting for spoiler parties and the role of these parties in reducing the results of the main participants in the elections are discussed.
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Zhuribeda, Konstantin. "ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR OF RUSSIAN CITIZENS IN THE 1996-2018 FEDERAL ELECTIONS ON THE TERRITORY OUTSIDE THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 2 (2021): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.204.
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This article describes the course of voting in federal elections (President of the Russian Federation, deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation) in the period from 1996 to 2018. The basics of organizing voting outside the Russian Federation and the procedure for registering foreign voters in electoral statistics are described. The study analyzed voting in federal elections in foreign countries with more than 500 voters in key political forces that participated in the elections to the State Duma in 1999-2016 and candidates for the office of President of the Russian Federation in the 1996-2018 elections (party in power, communists, liberals, LDPR, etc.). The sample includes countries on virtually every continent of the globe. Information on the ownership of foreign sites by specific countries is taken from the relevant decisions of the Central Election Commission. Unfortunately, the authors have only incomplete data on voting in the 1990s (there is no information at all for voting in foreign polling stations in the 1995 State Duma elections, for the 1996 presidential elections there is information only about voting in the countries of the former USSR, for elections to the State Duma in 1999 there is only fragmentary information from foreign sites). Since 2003, data on voting has been published in full due to the introduction of the State Automated System “Vybory” (GAS “Vybory”).
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KAPELYUK, Sergey, and Elena LISHCHUK. "IMPACT OF SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC INEQUALITY IN THE REGIONS OF RUSSIA ON ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR." Vestnik BIST (Bashkir Institute of Social Technologies), no. 2(51) (June 30, 2021): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47598/2078-9025-2021-2-51-7-16.
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This article examines the relationship between indicators of poverty and inequality and the electoral behavior of the population. For the purpose of the study we use the results of elections of governors of Russian regions and the results of elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The analysis was carried out on the basis of regional data for 2015–2019. Methods of cross-sectional regression analysis were used to reveal causal relationships. Based on the results of the analysis, it was revealed that the results of the election campaigns of the regional governors do not depend both on the level of poverty in the region and on the scale of socioeconomic inequality. At the same time, the scale of regional inequality had a significant impact on the regionallevel results of elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation in 2016. Subsequently, the results of the election campaign in some regions turned out to be unpredictable.
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Razmakhnina, Yulia S. "TRANSFORMATION OF THE ETHNIC FACTOR’S INFLUENCE ON THE RESULTS OF FEDERAL ELECTIONS (2003–2021) IN EASTERN SIBERIA." Географический вестник = Geographical bulletin, no. 3 (2024): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2079-7877-2024-3-26-37.
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Eastern Siberia, which is considered by the author as comprising the republics of Buryatia, Sakha (Yakutia), Tyvaand Khakassia, the Transbaikal and Krasnoyarsk territories, the Irkutsk region, is characterized by a mosaic ethnic composition. Thereare distinguished large nations, living mainly in the republics, and small nations, residing in small areas in different territories of themacro region. The former, due to their large numbers, are able to influence election results, which is expressed in high turnout andpolitical preferences oriented toward support for the ‘party in power’ and its leader – the current president. However, in the last presidential election (2018) and State Duma election (2021), we noted a decrease in the close relationship between the share of indigenouspeoples and turnout as well as voting for the United Russia and Vladimir Putin. This article aims to analyze the dynamics of turnout in general elections to the State Duma from 2003 to 2016 in comparisonwith the last election campaign of 2021 and presidential elections in 2012–2018 as well as the dynamics of the number of votes for theparties and the presidential candidates (Vladimir Putin and Vladimir Zhirinovsky). The research materials included the 2020 AllRussian Population Census, actually conducted in 2021, and the GAS-Elections database of the Central Election Commission of theRussian Federation. The study applied cartographic and statistical methods; a special method of correlation analysis was used to establish the closeness of the relationship between the indicators.An analysis of turnout dynamics showed a decrease in turnout at the 2021 elections to the State Duma compared to the 2003–2016 average, as well as at the 2018 presidential elections compared to the 2004–2012 level. The latest election campaign to the StateDuma demonstrated an increase in support for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and a decrease in the ratings of theUnited Russia and the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia in Eastern Siberia. In the presidential elections, there is noted a positivetrend in votes for Vladimir Putin in constituent entities of the Russian Federation with predominantly Russian population and its declinein some constituent entities created according to the national-ethnic principle (the Republic of Sakha) as well as territories formedbased on this principle (Aginsky Buryatsky District of the Transbaikal Territory), etc.
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Kynev, Alexander. "How the Electoral Policy of the Russian State Predetermined the Results of the 2016 State Duma Elections." Russian Politics 2, no. 2 (2017): 206–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00202002.
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The article analyses how the electoral policy of the Russian state predetermined the results of the 2016 State Duma elections. The factors leading to this predictability are described in detail. These were a combination of the introduction of a mixed electoral system, with the party of power winning in more than 90% of majoritarian districts in regional elections; gerrymandering during the establishment of electoral districts; changes to the system by which voters outside the borders of the Russian Federation were allocated to electoral districts; the change of election date (moving it to September) and the consequent reduced turnout in the cities more prone to protest votes; “rigged campaigns” and the systemic opposition’s unreadiness for serious disputation; new bans and restrictions on political competition, resulting parties and candidates capable of genuinely opposing the regime being denied access to the elections; a push among protest voters to boycott the election, de facto supported by the regime’s campaign managers; and weak campaigns by the democratic parties.
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Hutcheson, Derek S. "Contextualizing the 2016 State Duma Election." Russian Politics 2, no. 4 (2017): 383–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00204001.
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An overview is given of the 2016 Russian State Duma election, and its significance for the current Russian regime. As the first in a series of five articles in this edition of Russian Politics, it sets the 2016 State Duma election into context. It begins by discussing the role of the Duma in Russian politics, and reviews political developments between the protests that followed the 2011 parliamentary election, and the successful conclusion of the 2016 one. It then examines how institutional and political changes came together in the 2016 campaign. The resultant supermajority for the pro-Kremlin United Russia party is analyzed, before the remaining articles in this issue – which examine the issues of turnout, voting behavior, electoral manipulation and the future of the regime – are introduced.
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Bader, Max. "The Role of Precinct Commissions in Electoral Manipulation in Russia: Does Party Affiliation Matter?" Russian Politics 2, no. 4 (2017): 434–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00204003.
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The occurrence of manipulation in Russian elections is highly uneven not just across regions, but also across precincts. Why do some precinct election commissions take part in manipulation while other commissions stay “clean”? Drawing on a new dataset, this study assesses the impact of the party affiliation of precinct election commission members on electoral manipulation in relation to the 2016 State Duma election. The data reveal that, while the composition of most precinct election commission is diverse, United Russia nominees are vastly overrepresented among commission chairs. The study then finds that commissions with a chairperson nominated by United Russia significantly more often reported anomalously high turnout and United Russia vote share than commissions without a United Russia chair. Surprisingly, this is also true for nominees of the other State Duma parties, especially if nominees from these parties jointly with nominees from United Russia occupy the leading positions in the commission. This suggests that nominees from United Russia and other State Duma parties collude to deliver election results that are favorable to the regime.
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Zimin, A. "Interconnection and Interaction of Political Parties and Voters in the State Duma Elections - 2016." Bulletin of Science and Practice, no. 12 (December 15, 2017): 497–507. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1116629.
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The purpose of the article is to identify and analyze the connection and mutual influence (political communications) of political parties represented in the State Duma and voters. The subject of the study is political communication between political parties and electoral groups. The methods of study are observation, questioning, content analysis. A number of provisions have been put forward: political parties influence the electoral choice of voters through information provided by the federal media (TV channels); this information is biased, gives one party a preference for one political party, contributing to its leadership in the electoral environment; townspeople and villagers in their sources of information and political preferences are different; political parties do not form pre-election party lists of candidates for deputies, taking into account their professional activity in the faction in the State Duma; voters are not sufficiently satisfied with the election results. The issue of the influence of information presented in the program documents of political parties on electoral choice was also considered. The difference in sources and perception of information consumed by rural and urban residents is shown. The recognition of an unfair attitude towards political agitation in the event of a social and economic crisis and the weakness of the legal opposition represented in the State Duma can lead to a crisis of legitimacy of the existing government.
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Kynev, Alexander. "The Scandalous Electoral Victory of the Governing Party United Russia." Conservatism in Russia 13, no. 35 (2023): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.55337/35.exnq9828.
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With unprecedented restrictions on voting rights and electoral manipulations, the governing party United Russia succeeded in gaining a comfortable majority in the Russian Duma elections despite growing dissatisfaction in the country. The secret winner of the election is the Communist Party, which unlike the other opposition parties increased its share of votes. During the parliamentary elections in Russia between 17 and 19 September 2021, the governing party United Russia officially won 324 of the 450 seats in the State Duma with 49.82 percent of votes. The results of the election again give the governing party a two-thirds majority, enabling it to amend the Constitution. However, its results are worse than in 2016, when United Russia received 54.2 percent of votes and 343 seats. At the same time, the approval rates for the party remained at a stable low of 27 to 28 percent during the entire electoral campaign according to the official sociological Russian Public Opinion Research Center.
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Fedotova, Larisa. "RESULTS OF 2011 STATE DUMA ELECTIONS: SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS." Comparative Politics (Russia) 3, no. 2(8) (2015): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.18611/2221-3279-2012-3-2(8)-112-129.
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Markov, Evgeniy A. "Transformations in political preferences of voters (Comparative analysis of the 2016 and 2021 election campaigns)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 1 (2022): 211–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-1-5.
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In the article offered to the readers, the author analyses the results of the 2021 Russian legislative elections, using a comparative method. The parallels with the results of previous election campaigns on the basis of the results obtained by both political parties and individual candidates are drawn. The purpose of the article is to evaluate the level of political activity of voters in different regions of Russia and to identify changes that have taken place in the moods of various social groups. The article analyses the peculiarities of the election campaigns organized by different political forces as well as the course of preparation and conduct of the elections themselves, both at the federal and regional levels. Finally, the author concludes that the United Russia political party (Edinaya Rossiya), which received a constitutional majority in the renewed State Duma again, will have to consider the realities highlighted by the election campaign. But most importantly, it is this party that will have to take responsibility for passing the laws that would ensure socio-economic development of the country as a condition of increasing the welfare of the population.
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Orlik, L. K., and V. A. Fux. "Sociological and Statistical Analysis of Results of Vote at State Duma Elections of 2016." Social’naya politika i sociologiya 16, no. 5 (2017): 108–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17922/2071-3665-2017-16-5-108-124.
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Korgunyuk, Yury. "Regional Map of Electoral Cleavages At 2011 State Duma Elections." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 74, no. 3 (2014): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2014-74-3-75-91.
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Safronov, Vyacheslav. "Participation in the State Duma Elections: Social Inequalities, Motivations and Mobilization." Vlast i Elity (Power and Elites) 10, no. 2 (2023): 121–69. https://doi.org/10.31119/pe.2023.10.2.6.
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The problem of the activity of Russian citizens in the elections of the State Duma in 2016 is considered. The study is based on theoretical ideas about the dependence of electoral participation of individuals on resourcesmotivation-mobilization, and increased turnout in administrative units — on the mobilization of voters by political machines. Empirical data collected in the Russian representative survey under the European Social Survey program (ESS, JanuaryMarch 2017) are investigated using statistical methods of logistic regression analysis. The results are compared with patterns seen in a number of countries in Central Eastern and Western Europe, which also conducted national surveys under the ESS program (Round 9). According to the revealed facts, electoral activity in Russia, as in other post-communist European countries, is well explained with the help of key variables that make up the basic theoretical model formulated in studies of Western democracies. Thus, the activity in the Duma elections increases with age, decreasing among the oldest, and with an increase in the educational level, it is higher among voters with ties to voluntary associations. Political motivations play an important role, encouraging people interested in politics, confident in the openness of the political system to the influence of citizens and trusting the State Duma to participate. The strongest factor is party identification. Those who are able to single out an organization close to them among the political parties go to vote. In addition, in our country, increased participation in the Duma elections was characteristic of rural residents and employees of state enterprises, the public sector and government structures, which confirms the theoretical assumptions about the mobilization of the dependent population by the authorities. However, the supposed influence of the most important factor in the theory indicating belonging to ethnic minorities and regions could not be detected. At the same time, greater electoral activity in rural areas and in the state-public sectors can be found not only in some semi-democratic post-communist regimes, but also in developed Western countries, an explanation for which should probably be sought beyond the framework of ideas about the impact of machine mobilization on political behavior.
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Mikhaleva, G. M. "Street Activity as a Form of Election Campaigning." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 5 (2019): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-5-22-30.
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Protest activity-street actions, which have many forms and themes, are used by both parliamentary and nonparliamentary parties, which have a formal status (registered) and informal (unregistered) parties . Until 2011– 2012, these methods of political work were used primarily by parties calling themselves opposition, but after mass ‘white ribbon’ protests of so-called angry citizens, this method of attracting attention and mobilising supporters was actively used by pro-presidential/pro-government parties . Previously published works have already investigated the forms and frequency of street actions [1, 2] . In this article, the results of the study will be supplemented by an analysis of the use of street actions by parties as a form of agitation during the 2016 state Duma elections .
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Ivanova, E., E. Kolesnichenko, and N. Vyzhimova. "Innovations in the electoral legislation of Russia as a reflection of attempts to consolidate power." Bulletin of Science and Practice 4, no. 4 (2018): 438–46. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1218457.
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Since 2004, a lot of innovations have appeared in the Russian election legislation, and over the past few years, some of the previous standards have been radically changed, and subsequently returned almost intact. These changes reflected not so much the socio-economic processes taking place in the country, but rather an attempt by the authorities to form a stable political structure in the state and to strengthen the system of government authorities. Elections to the State Duma of the V and VII convocations (2007 and 2016 respectively) were conducted according to different electoral laws, but their results differ little from each other. In the article, some, most important, innovations introduced into the electoral process were subjected to analysis since 2004. Also, regularities, paradoxes, pluses and minuses of this process are allocated.
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Білобровець, Ольга. "Elections to the State Duma and the State Council on the Right Bank: Participation of the Polish Population." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University Series History, no. 22 (November 3, 2023): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2014-22-17-20.
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The article discusses specifics of the elections in Right-Bank Ukraine to the higher authorities in theRussian Empire – the State Duma and the Sate Council, which resulted from the bourgeois-democraticrevolution of the early twentieth century, and the character of electoral politics in Polish political circles of theregion.
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Zavadskaya, Margarita, and Aleksandra Rumiantseva. "The Party of People’s Distrust: The Roots of Electoral Success of the Communists in 2021." Russian Politics 7, no. 2 (2022): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00604020.
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Abstract After the 2021 State Duma elections, the Communist Party of Russia Federation (KPRF) re-appeared on the Russian political landscape as a new political force with new faces and creative local campaigns. How and why were the communists being treated by most of the analysts and voters as systemic and rather passive opposition successfully accumulated political resistance and grievances at the polls in September 2021? In this study, we argue that mobilization against the pension reform in 2018 proved to be the crucial determinant of the electoral outcomes three years later. The latter provides evidence that protests bring about long-term consequences on voting behavior not only in democracies, but also in autocratic states. We rely on the original dataset on protests in 381 large Russian cities (more than 20,000 residents) that took place in Summer-Fall 2018 merged with the electoral data of the Duma elections in 2016 and 2021.
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Timshina, Ekaterina Leonidovna. ""We are returning...". Issues of pension provision in the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the VIII convocation." Право и политика, no. 3 (March 2022): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2022.3.36817.
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One of the main directions of the state's social policy is to support the elderly. In the Russian Federation, after the last pension reform of 2018, the issue of pension provision has become one of the main points of tension in the relationship between the state and society, which was reflected in the federal election campaign of 2021. The subject of study in this article is the proposals of political parties in the field of pension policy. The election programs of the parties in the 2021 elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the VIII convocation were used as the object of the study. The author examines the attitude of the authors of pre-election programs to certain aspects of pension reform, including changes in the retirement age, the direction of further reforms, social protection of pensioners and pre-retirees, in addition, a comparison with the position of the parties in 2016 was made. The results of the study are based on the use of general scientific methods and principles of scientific knowledge, a systematic approach, comparative analysis and historical objectivity. Despite the continued significant interest of the population in the pension problem in 2021, which sharply increased after the retirement age was increased, the parties were unable to fully realize the potential of this issue. Speaking from critical positions, they focused on counter-reform, reducing most of the proposals to a return to the past, practically offering no innovations. Most of the statements on raising the level of pensions were clearly populist in nature and had no mechanism for their implementation. Regarding the 2016 elections, opposition parties have noticeably intensified criticism of the existing system and the Pension Fund of Russia. United Russia, on the other hand, distanced itself as much as possible from the pension reform, without touching on the latest changes in its election theses. It can be expected that in the next election cycle, the pension issue will retain the status of one of the central issues in the election campaign.
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Bartnicki, Adam R,. "Elections to the State Duma in the Russian Federation 1993-2011." Białostockie Studia Prawnicze 20/A en (2016): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/bsp.2016.20a.en.06.
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Tkach, Aleksandr S. "The phenomenon of absenteeism in pre-revolutionary Russia." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 4 (2019): 199–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-4-199-203.
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The author analyses the history of absenteeism in Russia and notes the relationship of modern electoral problems related to low voter turnout, political apathy, and a lack of understanding of the importance of electoral mechanisms by many voters with the historical conditions for the formation of representative institutions. It is noted, on the one hand, the existence of self-government in the peasant community, and on the other, indifference, lack of understanding of the significance of the election of deputies sent to Zemstvo councils. The article deals with the attitude to the elections as a heavy duty was also characteristic of the Petrine era – the election of burgomasters in Moscow, the establishment of a city government for financial and judicial affairs, which was not supported by most cities. A more favourable attitude to the elections was formed only when the deputies were convened in the laid commission under Catherine II. The author also considers the attitude of voters towards elections to bodies that emerged as a result of the Zemstvo reform, and elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire.
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Timshina, Ekaterina Leonidovna. "School education reform in the party discourse (based on the materials of the election to the State Duma of the 7th convocation)." Право и политика, no. 6 (June 2021): 140–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2021.6.35709.
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In recent years, the reforms of the educational system have become a pressing public concern. The subject of this research is the proposals of the political parties pertaining to school education. The article considers the election programs of political parties with the federal lists of candidates officially registered for the 2016 State Duma Elections. The author explores reference to the problems of public education in the election campaign, attitude of the parties to such topical aspects as the implementation of the Unified State Exam, social status and salary of the pedagogues, and future trends in the education reforms. With the exception of the “United Russia”, which noted a number of positive trends, the parties criticized the current situation in education. Most criticism was expressed towards drawbacks of the Unified State Exam procedure; therefore, the parties demonstrated different approaches – from its cancellation to modification. Instead of submitting new comprehensive proposals, the political actors suggested focusing on the Soviet system of education or the Russian system of education formed after 1991. The problem of school education will remain relevant in the next election cycle; however, the priority topic of discussion may change to distant education.
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Morozova, Galina Viktorovna, Bulat Ildarovich Yakupov, and Artur Romanovich Gavrilov. "The effectiveness of election information support as a factor in raising awareness of Russian youth about the voting procedure." Litera, no. 11 (November 2024): 228–36. https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2024.11.72365.
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The object of the study is the awareness of the youth segment of the electorate about the voting procedure in the elections of the State Duma and the President of the Russian Federation. The subject of the study is the impact of election information support on the level of awareness of the youth segment of the Russian electorate about the voting procedure and date. The authors' attention to youth is due to its socio-demographic characteristics, which mark a transitional period of development, lack of life experience and being at the stage of civic formation. The authors of the article consider raising awareness of young citizens about elections as a result of work on informing about the upcoming elections, creating conditions for equal access of this population group to sources of information about the electoral process. Special attention is paid to the connection between youth awareness of the elections and information campaigns conducted in the run-up to the elections. The main research method was a comparative analysis of the results of the information work of the CEC of the Russian Federation with various segments of the electorate represented by VTSIOM for the period from 2016 to 2024. The analysis was carried out according to such parameters as the level of awareness of the youth segment of the electorate about the election procedure and the date of voting. The article presents the results of measuring the effectiveness of information support for the electorate during election campaigns in the Russian Federation, identifies and argues the degree of awareness of its youth segment about the main components of the voting procedure in elections for the period 2016-2024. The main conclusion was the revealed dependence of the level of awareness of young people about the procedure of elections of authorities on the age factor. Between the two age groups compared, the work on information support of the electoral process most effectively affects the age group of 25 - to 34–year-old respondents, rather than the youth aged 18-24. The data obtained allowed us to conclude that more careful work is needed when preparing publications for the youth segment of the electorate. It is necessary to take into account not only the interests, needs, and problems in the social development of each age group of young people, but also the nature of their perception of content and its presentation forms.
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Khamidullin, Albert. "Electoral Geography of Regionalism in the Komi Republic (The Case of the 2016 and 2021 State Duma Elections)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 1, no. 116 (2025): 151–73. https://doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2025-116-1-151-173.
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The electoral processes in the Komi Republic, their dynamics and territorial dimension are of serious research interest both historically and predictively. In the structure of Russia’s political landscape, the republic is one of the few regions with distinct elements of electoral nonconformism. Moreover, the degree of prevalence of such forms of electoral behavior on its territory is unequal, which indicates the variation of factors that cause them and the possibility of forming different political cultures within one region. The article shows that from 2011 to 2021 the electoral landscape in the Komi Republic has undergone a significant transformation, but remains unstable. The dynamics of election results and turnout levels indicate the electorate’s demand for political renewal and a revision of approaches to regional governance. Drawing on discourse analysis of the 2016 and 2021 Duma campaign participants’ electoral programs, the author identifies the candidate, whose ideological positions were most aligned with regionalism. Using the results of this candidate and his affiliated party, he implements electoral-geographical mapping and designates sub-regional clusters of their support. Disproportions between clusters confirm the influence of geographical voting effects on election outcomes and the applicability of the model of spatial diffusion of innovations to predicting ideological and political trends. The article reveals that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation owes its improved performance in 2021 to the strong results of the candidate from single-member district, and the regionalist party statements in combination with party campaigning resonate with the people in the republic more than the party’s overall platform. The candidate's electoral support map largely coincides with the geography of social tension and highlights the boundaries of regional protest. The author concludes that 2021 election results can be interpreted as a cleavage between the government and opposition in the political and economic spheres, and the concept of regionalism allows us to examine this cleavage through the prism of center-periphery model, focusing on the “centralism-particularism” polarization.
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Timshina, Ekaterina Leonidovna. "Reform of the government structure of Russia in the framework documents of political parties (based on the materials of electoral campaigns of 2011 and 2016)." Право и политика, no. 7 (July 2020): 136–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2020.7.32354.
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Currently, the question of transformation of government institutions, including through the change of Constitution, is of primary importance on the political agenda. The subject of this research is the proposals of political parties on modernization of state structure and reform of the federal branches of government. The object of this research is the election programs of political parties on the elections to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation in 2011 and 2016. The author examines the ideas of party actors regarding modernization in the sphere of public administration, attitude of the parties towards modification of powers of the federal branches of government, relationship format between the center and the federal subjects, strengthening of social control over government. Despite the critical approach of political parties, they did not suggest any integrated projects on modernization of the system, but rather expressed disparate opinion. Part of the proposals pertinent to the reforms of public administration were of populist nature and did not have a mechanism for their implementation. Most specific and realizable initiatives were associated with restoration of the previously existing norms. The parties made various proposals on the question problem of administrative and territorial structure of the country, demonstrating a range of approaches from strong decentralization to unitary state. It is assumed that the question of modernization of state structure will remain on the agenda in the next electoral cycle. However, the integrated approach most likely will not be demonstrated. Reforms of the Federal Assembly and judicial system will continue to be the key vectors of political discourse.
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Gritsay, Vladislav. "The Political Theory of F. Guizot on the Nature of Power and the Opposition on the Example of Elections to the State Duma in 2016." nauka.me, no. 1 (2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s111111110000023-8.
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The article analyzes the political theory of F.Gizo about the nature of power and opposition, about their mutual relations with each other and with the population. The author tries to consider this theory in the context of elections to the Russian Parliament in 2016.
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Shpagin, S. A. "Party systems of Russian regions at the finish of the electoral cycle of 2017-2021." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 9, no. 3 (35) (2022): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2022.9(3).137-146.
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The article is devoted to the characterization of party systems in Russian regions. The empirical basis of the work was the statistical data of the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation on the progress and results of the elections held in 2017-2020 in regional legislative assemblies. Aggregating this data, the author analyzes the dynamics of the distribution of Russian regions by the level of voting for the ruling United Russia party, by the number of its deputies, as well as general changes in the average level of voting for parliamentary parties in regional elections and the representation of these parties in legislative assemblies. The fragmentation of regional parliaments elected in 2017-2020 is investigated using indicators such as the total number of parties in the assembly, the number of factions and the effective number of parties. The calculation of the effective number of parties is carried out on the basis of the formula proposed by G.V. Golosov. Compared to previously investigated data on the electoral cycle of 2012-2016, current trends have been identified in the decrease in the level of support for United Russia and the representation of this party in a significant part of regional parliaments. Also, the results of the study demonstrate the increase in the number of factions and fragmentation of the deputy corps of legislative assemblies of Russian regions. Differences between regions in the level of fragmentation and competition between parties are shown. The classification of Russian regional parliaments on the basis of comparing their party-factional composition with the State Duma and taking into account the number of factions was proposed. More factions are represented in polyphractic legislative assemblies than in the Duma until 2021, in small factions - less, and in similar ones - the same, i.e. 4. The trend of increasing the number of polyphractic legislative assemblies and decreasing low-factional ones compared to the previous electoral cycle is shown.
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Chepel, S. L. "Dynamics of Electoral Volatility and the Perspectives of the Party System Development in the Russian Federation (on the Example of Regions of the Central Federal District)." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 11, no. 2 (2021): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2021-11-2-87-95.
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The article analyses the dynamics of electoral volatility in the parliamentary electoral cycles in the years of 2007–2011 and 2011–2016 and its influences on the development of the party system in the Russian Federation. The regions of the Central federal district were chosen to exemplify this process. The author considers the specific impact of the economic and cultural factors on Russian voters’ changing party preferences. The author stressed that the values of survival that prevail in public mass consciences induce citizens to keep up widespread support of the country’s most influential political power, the United Russia party, even in the conditions when the social-economic situation deteriorates. The author concluded that in these circumstances, the United Russia party succeeds in maintaining control over the parliamentary majority due to the 2021 elections to the State Duma So no changes in the party system of the Russian Federation should be expected.
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Korgunyuk, Yury. "Electoral Cleavage Map of Russia: Based on an Analysis of the 2011 State Duma Election and the Regional Elections of 2012–14." European Politics and Society 16, no. 4 (2015): 467–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2015.1055966.
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Sharapov, Alexey V. "Specifics of the pre-election fight of young candidates in the deputies of the Legislative Duma of the Tomsk region in 2007–2021." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Sociology. Politology 25, no. 1 (2025): 78–87. https://doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2025-25-1-78-87.
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At the present stage, youth is considered to be one of the key factors in the modernization of all spheres of society. Due to psychophysical characteristics of this demographic group (health level, high activity, availability of a large amount of free time, low involvement in society, mobility, increased intellectual search), young people can act as a driving force of change and innovation in the country. The country’s elite understands necessity for attracting young people to the official political space. In addition, the elite views this demographic group as a channel for their own rejuvenation. At present, it is relevant to study the processes of renewal of regional Russian elites on the example of the Tomsk region. The purpose of this work is to reveal peculiar features of the electoral activity of young people as candidates for deputies to the Tomsk region Legislative Duma. The data for a comparative study of information about candidates for deputies for the period from 2007 to 2021 were obtained from the official website of the Electoral Commission of the Tomsk Region: State Automated System “Elections” (SAS “Elections”). Analysis of four election campaigns from 2011 to 2021 revealed an increase in the number of young candidates nominated and elected on party lists. Chances to participate in elections as self-nominees are very low for young people. Most of the self-nominated candidates are not registered as candidates. The reason lies in the complex character of the process of collecting signatures that requires significant material costs. During four election campaigns from 2007 to 2021 not a single young self-nominated candidate managed to become a deputy of the Legislative Duma of the Tomsk region. In the ranking of non-parliamentary and parliamentary parties that attract young candidates, the LDPR occupies a special place. This party attracted a significant number of young candidates during all of the four election periods that were studied. This fact can be explained by the traditional youth focused programmatical principles of the party. When analyzing the list of young candidates who won, an average portrait of a young deputy was formed.
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Popov, P. L., A. A. Tcherenev, D. A. Galyos, and V. G. Saraev. "Mapping of electoral phenomena (according to the materials of the elections to the state Duma of the Russian Federation in 2016)." Geodesy and Cartography 935, no. 5 (2018): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22389/0016-7126-2018-935-5-37-44.
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The article deals with the concept of an electoral landscape, it is noted that its content includes both electoral phenomena proper and phenomena considered as factors that influence them. The point of view is stated that the method of qualitative background is better suited for cartographic reflection of the electoral landscape. In connection with the practical orientation of electoral subjects, it is important to map not only the primary information, but also display the results of analytical work. Based on the study of the correlation of electoral phenomena with socio-economic and worldview phenomena, support factors have been established for each of the three main political parties. The results of the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation in 2016 were used. In terms of the quantitative ratio of ??support factors / actually provided support?, four types of electoral predisposition of RF subjects were identified. These are regions of sustained-increased support for a particular party, regions of sustained-lower support, regions of potential increase and potential downgrade of support. The maps of the Russian Federation reflect the distribution of types of electoral predisposition in the Russian Federation.
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Korgunyuk, Yu G. "Структура размежеваний и искажение электорального пространства". Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 112, № 1 (2024): 45–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2024-112-1-45-76.
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The article presents the results of testing the hypothesis, according to which ballot stuffing in favor of the “party in power”, while causing minor distortions to the structure of electoral cleavages, does not fundamentally change it. The author tested the hypothesis on the data from the 2016 and 2021 elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation held via proportional system rules. He used the following method: in the regions where ballot stuffing was allegedly used in favor of the United Russia party, a certain number of votes were subtracted from the United Russia electoral results in accordance with the difference between the maximum and effective ranges of the electoral cleavage related to the confrontation between of the United Russia and the rest of elections’ participants. The author employed two models to run calculations: in the first model the threshold for deduction was a difference of 50% between the maximum and effective range, in the second model the difference was 5%. For 2016 elections, the first model took away more than 6.1 million votes from the United Russia, the second model subtracted more than 12.5 million votes; for 2021 elections — more than 5 and more than 10 million votes, respectively. Nevertheless, there was no radical change in the structure of electoral cleavages, let alone its elimination. The study showed that although ballot stuffing in favor of the “party in power” artificially overemphasizes the role of the authoritarian-democratic confrontation, sidelining other confrontations, the structure of electoral cleavages per se is largely preserved. Mathematical methods, especially factor analysis, can be efficiently used to detect this structure.
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Voroshilov, Nikolai V. "Features, trends, and factors shaping diverse approaches to local governance in the European North of Russia." Север и рынок: формирование экономического порядка 26, no. 3/2023 (2023): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37614/2220-802x.3.2023.81.011.
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The goal of this article is to study the features and trends in the development of various forms of local governance in Russia, with a particular focus on the regions falling within the European North of Russia (ENR). To achieve this goal, a combination of general research methods (analysis, synthesis, generalization, case study) and applied methods (such as grouping analysis, economic and statistical analysis, and sociological research methods) were used. The study relies on official statistics from Rosstat, reports from the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation, election and referendum data from the Vybory (Elections) system, and the results of questionnaire surveys of municipal leaders in the Vologda Oblast conducted from 2007 to 2022. The scientific novelty of the study lies in its assessment of the influence of various factors (territorial urbanization level and overall municipal development) on the nuances of residents' electoral participation from 2018 to 2022, using ENR municipalities as a case study. The research revealed that elections lacking a legally established voter turnout threshold witnessed notably low voter participation rates (ranging from 28 % to 41 % in the elections of senior officials of ENR regions from 2019 to 2022, 40% to 46% in the elections of State Duma deputies in 2021, and 8% to 71% in the elections of rural settlement heads). In most cases, municipalities with predominantly rural populations demonstrated higher election turnout rates and stronger support for winning candidates, a pattern that also holds in low-development areas within the Vologda Oblast. The article also discusses how local governors in the Vologda Oblast assess civil engagement from 2012 to 2022 and offers recommendations for regional-level monitoring of diverse forms of population involvement in territorial development, with an emphasis on local public governance.
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Shashkova-, Yaroslava. "Principles of forming the party candidate lists for the State Duma elections of 2016 in the regions of Western Siberia in Russia." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 11, no. 6 (2016): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/23977.
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Галий, Е. А., М. Г. Гайдышева, Д. В. Ильяков та Д. К. Родионов. "Электроника на службе демократии (цифровые технологии в избирательном процессе)". СОВРЕМЕННОЕ ПРАВО, № 5 (30 травня 2019): 30–35. https://doi.org/10.25799/ni.2019.77.54.010.
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Рассматривается отечественный и зарубежный опыт применения электронных технологий в избирательном процессе демократических государств, В результате анализа нарушений выборов Президента РФ 2018 года и депутатов Государственной Думы РФ 2016 года авторы приходят к выводу о целесообразности внедрения инновационной системы — комплекса сканирования и регистрации избирательного голоса (КСиРИГ), который позволит устранить недостатки комплекса обработки избирательных бюллетеней (КОИБ). Предлагаемая инновационная система даст возможность решить ряд проблем, связанных с негативным влиянием на избирательный процесс человеческого фактора. Речь идет прежде всего о фальсификации итогов выборов, дискредитации власти, нарушениях законодательных актов, низкой и завышенной явке, вбросе избирательных бюллетеней. Considers the domestic and foreign experience of using electronic technologies in the electoral process of democratic states. As a result of analyzing the violations of the presidential elections of the Russian Federation in 2018 and the deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation in 2016, the authors come to the conclusion that we are the complex of scanning and registration of electoral vote (KSIRIG), which will make it possible to eliminate the drawbacks of the complex of processing of ballot papers (KOIB). The proposed innovation system will provide an opportunity to solve a number of problems associated with the negative impact on the electoral process of the human factor. We are talking primarily about the falsification of election results, the discreditation of power, violations of legislation, low and high turnout, ballot stuffing.
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Palitai, Ivan S. "The Influence of Modern Party System on the Development of Parliamentarism in Russia: Institutional, Political and Psychological Aspects." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 266–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-266-273.
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The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.
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Loginov, Aleksei V., and Dmitry V. Rudenkin. "Neither conflict, no concord: Performing ideology in contemporary Russia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 36, no. 2 (2020): 341–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2020.211.
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Authors interpret the results achieved by analyzing the content of Russian political parties’ manifestos that managed to enter the State Duma after 2011 and 2016 elections. Our conceptual framework is based on Immanuel Wallerstein’s assumption that only three ideologies—liberalism, conservatism and socialism — were the key ones to 20 th century experience and, hence, that any particular ideology might be reduced to that list. Firstly, we build a matrix of content analysis to analyze texts of officially published political parties’ programs. As a result we could show that values at the core of any program at any stage were hybrid in nature and that there was increase in liberal rhetoric in 2016. Further we interpret the empirical results by applying both classical (M. Seliger) and modern (J. Schwartzmantel) models of ideology. By using Seliger’s conception of ideology we demonstrate that our political parties choose not to defend the coherent value core of their programs in order to fulfill ‘technical’ task of generating sufficient electoral support. Schwartzmantel’s idea that neo-liberalism as a “classical” state-oriented ideology is attacked by a plenty of non-classical, network-organized ideologies nowadays does not fit our reality, because there is no. pronounced opposition between neo-liberal and critical political discourses. Thus, we argue there is no. normative foundation either for conflict or concord among ideological projects and, moreover, that ideological struggle on the Russian political arena has left classical political domain. It requires social sciences to renew its methodological implements for analyzing ideology properly, while philosophy faces with self-description challenge.
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Poroshkova, Tamara Malkhazievna. "PRELIMINARY ELECTIONS AMONG LANDOWNERS’ CURIA TO THE FIRST STATE DUMA (ACCORDING TO THE MATERIALS OF MOSCOW PROVINCE)." Manuscript, no. 7 (July 2018): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2018-7.10.
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Stepanov, Artemiy A. "“Our Home - Russia” as the Movement of Bright Centrism (1995-1999)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (2019): 409–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-3-409-420.
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The article deals with the political movement “Our Home - Russia” (NDR) as the first attempt of the creation of the “party of power” in post-soviet period. The aim of this work is to analyze the experience of the NDR and the reasons of the failure of this project. In the course of the study, the historical genetic method, M. Duverger’s partological analysis, and A. Gramsci’s theory were used. The author turned to the political science literature on parties and elections in the Russian Federation and used NDR’s materials and publications of federal mass media as primary sources. In 1995 the movement was created with the experience and the basis of the preceding pro-Kremlin project the “Democratic Choice of Russia” (DVR). Unlike the DVR, it was built on the B. Eltsin’s initiative who needed the support in the State Duma all the time. The prime minister V. Chernomyrdin headed this union and members of political and financial elite of federal and regional levels became its leaders. Despite their strength the movement did not become full-fledged «party of power» because of the communists` domination in the Duma and the lack of large electoral support. The «Our Home - Russia» like DVR could not make effective regional divisions and spread its influence among people masses. The inner split, weakness of Chernomyrdin’s figure and the absence of due president’s support were the causes of its fail in the parlamentary elections of 1999. Nevertheless, the NDR became the first centrist movement in post-Soviet Russia, which retained loyalty to the Kremlin to the end. The union worked out new forms, for example, drew public organizations to its side and for the first time used «name tactics» in the 1995 elections. These developments were useful in the creation of the next, much more successful pro-regional project - the «United Russia».
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Vilkov, A. A. "Turning Back to the Mixed Electoral System for the State Duma Elections: Have Political Lessons Been Drawn?" Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 14, no. 1 (2014): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2014-14-1-74-79.
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Ivankov, E. V. "«ВЫБОРНОЕ НАСТРОЕНИЕ ТИХОЕ»: ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ БОРЬБА НА ВЫБОРАХ В ГОСУДАРСТВЕННУЮ ДУМУ ТРЕТЬЕГО СОЗЫВА". Вестник Пермского университета. История, № 4(43) (2018): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2018-4-59-67.
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Chuev, Sergey V. "Atypical Communist Leonid Ivanchenko: Post-Soviet Years." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 2 (February 21, 2024): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2024.2.16.
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The article is devoted to the post-Soviet period of the biography of Leonid Andreevich Ivanchenko (1942–2016), a well-known participant of the left-wing movement of modern Russian history, one of the key political figures of the Don in the 1990s and early 2000s. After resigning from the position of chairman of the regional council, he focused his attention on working in the structures of Russian parliaments – People’s Deputy (until 1993), deputy of the Federation Council (1993–1995) and the State Duma (1995–2007), chairman of the Committee on Federation Affairs and Regional Policy (1996–2002). On the Don, Ivanchenko participated in the restoration of the structures of the previously banned Communist Party, was the leader of the Rostov branch. He unsuccessfully participated in the elections for the post of head of the regional administration twice (1996, 2001). As one of the leaders of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in 2003–2004, he publicly ex-pressed his dissatisfaction with the state of affairs in the party. In the summer of 2004, he became one of the leaders of the “schismatic” movement in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the founders of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, and after the failure to realize this project, he retired from politics. He died in Rostov-on-Don in 2016.
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Arkhangelskaya, L. Yu. "Electoral System Statistics Indicators: Status and Development." Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no. 3 (September 25, 2024): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2024-3-151-160.
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The development of a democratic, socially oriented state in the Russian Federation, the formation of civil society, the formation of a multi-party system, changes in the right field of the electoral system lead to transformations in the electoral process, to the development of new channels of communication between the population and the state (for example, online electronic voting); to the need to revise the indicators of political statistics and its branches, one of which is the statistics of the electoral system. In this study provides the author’s definition of the subject of electoral system statistics as a science, presents a basic system of electoral system statistics indicators and sources of statistical data for their determination. The main methods of statistics of the electoral system are methods of statistical theory, social statistics, methods of visualizing statistical data, both primary and results of statistical studies of the structure and dynamics of the number of participants in the electoral process and its results, quantitative measurement and assessment of cause-and-effect relationships between factors influencing the course of the electoral process and its results. The results of studies of the dynamics of the size of the electorate in the Russian Federation (based on the results of the referendum) for 2016-2023 are presented, the results of an analysis of the dynamics of the party structure in the elections to the State Duma (State Duma) of the Russian Federation of the VII and VIII convocations, the relationship between the dynamics of the number of public associations and the size of the electorate in “in a broad sense” based on a small sample for 2016-2020, which allows us to judge the trends in the development of civil society in the Russian Federation and its impact on the electoral process. The obtained patterns can be used to build short-term forecasts of changes in the size of the electorate, the number of its public associations, including political parties. The author sees the prospects for the development of this research in expanding the possibilities of statistical modeling of the relationships between indicators of electoral system statistics and civil society statistics; in the use of cluster analysis techniques in constructing spatial models of electoral preferences.
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Popov, Petr L., Aleksei A. Tcherenev, and Vladimir G. Saraev. "ANALYSIS OF REGIONAL AND MACRO-REGIONAL FACTORS FOR SUPPORTING THE MAIN POLITICAL PARTIES AT THE ELECTIONS TO THE STATE DUMA OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN 2016." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 436 (November 1, 2018): 124–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/436/14.
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Vilkov, A. A. "Evolution of the Electoral System on Elections to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of Russian Federation." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 13, no. 3 (2013): 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2013-13-3-66-70.
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Parfenova, Olga A. "Comparative analysis of students’ political party preferences on the eve of the 2011 and 2016 State Duma elections (on the example of the NEFU named after M.K. Ammosov)." Общество: политика, экономика, право, no. 8 (2021): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2021.8.1.
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Petrov, Yu, and N. Grigoriev. "Elections to regional parliaments of Russia on the example of the State Assembly (Il Tumen) of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)." Transbaikal State University Journal 26, no. 9 (2020): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2020-26-9-42-48.
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The article analyzes the tendencies of elections to the regional parliaments of Russia on the example of the State Assembly (Il Tumen) of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). Local parliaments are called upon to fulfill the function of separating the legislative and executive branches of government. However, in the modern Russian political system, the institution of parliamentarism is poorly developed at the federal and local levels. Regional parliaments have little influence on decisions on financial aspects, often continuing the all-Russian legislative process. The electoral process associated with elections to local legislative assemblies developed based on the logic of the development of the federal electoral system and the development of federal relations. In the 1990s during the period of decentralized federalism, various types of regional regimes with developed party systems took shape. In the 2000s during the period of centralization, the powers of the regions were reduced, which led to the abolition of direct elections of heads of subjects, and the reform of party and electoral systems. By now, a mixed electoral system has been formed according to party lists and the majority system. The party composition of regional parliaments also does not differ from the federal list of Duma factions. The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) is a national republic, which influences the formation of the local regional elite. There are noticeable tendencies in the interdependence of representatives of the elite of the executive and legislative branches of government, as well as signs of community, family ties. According to the party lists of the party of power “United Russia”, the Head of the Republic and representatives of the upper echelons of the republican government are usually represented. In the elections of 2013 and 2018 four parties, representatives of the small parties “Civic Platform” and “For Women of Russia”, are steadily receiving deputy mandates to the local parliament
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Vilkov, A. A. "Features of Realization of Passive Right to Vote in State Duma Elections by Nonpartisan Citizens in Post-soviet Russia." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 13, no. 1 (2013): 64–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2013-13-1-64-69.
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