Relevant bibliographies by topics / Elections – Zambia

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Elections – Zambia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Elections – Zambia"

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Goldring, Edward, and Michael Wahman. "Democracy in Reverse: The 2016 General Election in Zambia." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 3 (December 2016): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100306.

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On 11 August 2016, Zambia held elections for the presidency, National Assembly, local councillors, and mayors. Concurrently, a referendum was held on whether to enhance the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of Zambia. The elections were significant for several reasons: It was the first contest under a newly amended Constitution, which introduced important changes to the electoral framework. It also marked a break with Zambia's positive historical record of arranging generally peaceful elections. Moreover, the election featured an electoral playing field that was notably tilted in favour of the incumbent party. Ultimately, the incumbent president, Edgar Lungu of the Patriotic Front, edged out opposition challenger Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development. The election was controversial and the opposition mounted an unsuccessful legal challenge to the final results. The 2016 elections represent a reversal in the quality of Zambian democracy and raise questions about the country's prospects for democratic consolidation.
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Musambo, Lubasi K., and Jackson Phiri. "Identity Management Based on Frontal Facial Recognition for Voters Register in Zambia." Zambia ICT Journal 3, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33260/zictjournal.v3i1.73.

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Biometric technology offers a great opportunity to identify individuals, authenticate individuals and separate individuals. Using these advantages, an election or voting model can be developed to perform elections for a country such as Zambia. Zambia currently uses a manual based voting or election model that heavily relies on paper presented documents that must be physically verified and or matched to existing prior collected information before an individual is allowed to participate in an election or a voting system. This paper proposes a frontal facial election based biometric model that can be used to rid the current election system of redundancy and introduce a paperless, accurate and efficient identification, authentication and voting process. A baseline study conducted shows that biometric authentication based on this proposed model improves a work related process such as a voting system. We start by introducing the elements that make a biometric model ideal, we then give an insight into the Zambian based election system and then we review various biometric technologies available and then finally introduce our biometric model.
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Sesa, Leonard L. "A Comparative Study of the Challenges of Being Independent: Case studies (Botswana Independent Electoral Commission and Electoral Commission of Zambia)." Politeia 33, no. 3 (October 6, 2017): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/3272.

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Elections in a democracy are a way to bring about a peaceful transfer of power in an organised and peaceful manner within a legal framework. However, this process, in most countries, carries with it elements of uncertainty and tension. Southern African countries like Botswana and Zambia have more experience with comparative democratic electoral politics than others. This article seeks to identify the legal framework that govern and the weaknesses and opportunities that exist in the electoral commissions of Botswana and Zambia in order to eradicate the current challenges faced by election management bodies (EMBs); more importantly, it seeks to understand their image as impartial players in the conduct of general and other elections that are held in Botswana and Zambia in order for the SADC region to learn from these two EMBs. The purpose of this article is to critically compare and analyse the independence of the Zambia Electoral Commission and the Botswana Independent Electoral Commission, in order to establish the extent of the adequacy of the legal frameworks that govern their independence. The article argues that an EMB has to win the confidence of all stakeholders in the electoral process.
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Burnell, Peter. "Whither Zambia? The Zambian presidential and parliamentary elections of November 1996." Electoral Studies 16, no. 3 (September 1997): 407–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(97)84378-8.

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van Donge, Jan Kees. "Reflections on donors, opposition and popular will in the 1996 Zambian general elections." Journal of Modern African Studies 36, no. 1 (March 1998): 71–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002656.

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The Zambian general elections held on 18 November 1996 to elect a president and parliament are of more than merely national interest. Even before the elections took place, a vocal opposition already doubted their genuineness, and these claims have found considerable international sympathy. The Zambian government and those who voted them into power for a second term, however, consider these elections a hallmark of the success of the reintroduction of multi-partyism, which Zambia was one of the first, and one of the most successful, to reintroduce in Africa. These elections, therefore, provide a case in which to analyse a triangular interaction which is common in Africa: the interaction between an incumbent political group, an opposition which does not accept the victory of the former, and the international community. This article aims to offer a theoretical perspective on the way in which these three groups of actors intermesh; but, in order to ground these more theoretical concerns in an understanding of the empirical realities, an attempt is made first to capture the essence of the conflicts involved.
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Burnell, P. "The tripartite elections in Zambia, December 2001." Electoral Studies 22, no. 2 (June 2003): 388–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(02)00054-9.

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BJORNLUND, ERIC, MICHAEL BRATTON, and CLARK GIBSON. "OBSERVING MULTIPARTY ELECTIONS IN AFRICA: LESSONS FROM ZAMBIA." African Affairs 91, no. 364 (July 1992): 405–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098529.

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Brosché, Johan, Hanne Fjelde, and Kristine Höglund. "Electoral violence and the legacy of authoritarian rule in Kenya and Zambia." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (December 2, 2019): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319884983.

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Why do the first multiparty elections after authoritarian rule turn violent in some countries but not in others? This article places legacies from the authoritarian past at the core of an explanation of when democratic openings become associated with electoral violence in multi-ethnic states, and complement existing research focused on the immediate conditions surrounding the elections. We argue that authoritarian rule characterized by more exclusionary multi-ethnic coalitions creates legacies that amplify the risk of violent elections during the shift to multiparty politics. Through competitive and fragmented interethnic relations, exclusionary systems foreclose the forging of cross-ethnic elite coalitions and make hostile narratives a powerful tool for political mobilization. By contrast, regimes with a broad-based ethnic support base cultivate inclusive inter-elite bargaining, enable cross-ethnic coalitions, and reduce incentives for hostile ethnic mobilization, which lower the risk of violent elections. We explore this argument by comparing founding elections in Zambia (1991), which were largely peaceful, and Kenya (1992), with large-scale state-instigated electoral violence along ethnic lines. The analysis suggests that the type of authoritarian rule created political legacies that underpinned political competition and mobilization during the first multiparty elections, and made violence a more viable electoral strategy in Kenya than in Zambia.
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Geisler, Gisela. "Fair? What Has Fairness Got to Do with It? Vagaries of Election Observations and Democratic Standards." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 613–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012271.

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The observation and monitoring of elections and referenda has become a ‘growth business’ in Africa since external and internal pressures have forced the leaders of one-party states to test their political legitimacy. The closely monitored 1991 presidential and parliamentary elections in Zambia heralded the first peaceful transition from a single to a multi-party system of governance with a change of leadership in English-speaking Africa. It marked the beginning of an era of confidence in the possibilities of democratic change, and confirmed the positive influence that international observers can have on such processes. Their presence was henceforth considered an essential pre-condition for acceptable transitional multi-party elections. The hopes that Zambia would indeed ‘set a standard for Africa’, and offer encouragement to nascent democratic movements on the continent have, however, remained elusive. More recent elections have been replete with controversy, intimidations, and violence. Despite being certified to varying degrees as free and fair by observers, the losers have contested the results—in Angola with arms, in Kenya and Ghana with threatened and actual boycotts.
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Tordoff, William, and Ralph Young. "Electoral Politics in Africa: The Experience of Zambia and Zimbabwe." Government and Opposition 40, no. 3 (2005): 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00157.x.

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AbstractThe neighbouring African states of Zambia and Zimbabwe have seen major changes to their systems of power following a series of elections between February 2000 and March 2002. These elections produced dramatic shifts in the balance between ruling parties and opposition forces, and challenged the continuance of powerful executive presidencies and one-party dominant political systems. The article explores the setting in which these electoral shifts occurred and attempts to mark out the domestic and international factors that have conditioned their impact. It concludes that profound structural changes are needed if either state is to move towards liberal democracy.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Elections – Zambia"

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Mwansa, Abraham. "Election politics and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) : comparing the 2001 elections in Zambia and Uganda." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1092.

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"The right to participate in the political and economic life of one's state is guaranteed in most African constitutions as well as in regional and international human rights instruments. It is practiced in various froms, one of which is through elections. Zambia and Uganda are among African countries that have embarked on the democratisation process. The leadership of the two countries ascribed to the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), launched in October 2001. NEPAD emphasises a "common vision and a firm and shared conviction" by African leaders for Africa's development. It is the determination of Africans to extricate themselves and the continent from the malaise of underdevelopment and exclusion in a globalising world. ... Since the return to multiparty politics in 1991, Zambia has had periodic elections every five years, the latest being in December 2001. Uganda too, after two decades of instability and military dictatorship, returned to the path of democracy under the leadership of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and had the latest elections in June 2001, although in contrast to Zambia, it was held on the basis of a "no-party" system. Common to the elections in the two countries are alleged electoral malpractices. The electoral processes in place in the two countries have perpetuated the trend. As a result, the electorate have been cheated of their genuine choices. For NEPAD to achieve the vision it postulates, Africa requires committed leadership borne out of free, fair, open and democratic electoral processes. Africa needs electoral practices that guarantee fairness, inclusiveness and accountability of the elected to the electorate. Zambia and Uganda must adopt electoral practices that would foster democracy in the two countries and in line with the NEPAD vision for Africa stipulated in the Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance (DDPECG). ... This thesis consists of five chapters. The first chapter outlines the context of the study. Chapter two is devoted to a study of NEPAD objectives, goals and tasks with particular attention to democracy, good governance, and free and fair and periodic elections. Chapter three looks at the electoral and legal framework of Zambia while chapter four addresses the electoral and legal frame of Uganda. Chapter five is a summary of the study and makes conclusions from the entire study and some recommendations for the adoption of particular electoral practices by the two countries, NEPAD, the civil society and the donor community." -- Introduction.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.
Prepared under the supervision of Professor J. Oloka-Onyango at the Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Jere, Caesar. "An investigation of the relative importance of the media in influencing the voting behaviour of Evelyn Hone College students in Lusaka during the December, 2001 presidential elections in Zambia." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007803.

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This study explores the relative importance of the media in influencing the electoral choices of a small group of Zambians, namely Evelyn Hone College students in Lusaka who participated in the December 2001 elections in Zambia. The study investigates the interplay of mediation between the lived cultural experiences of the sample of students and the impact of media messages. Students at Evelyn Hone College come from different ethnic groupings, social classes, religions and regions. They are exposed to both the state and the privately owned media, which represent a range of political viewpoints. The outcome of the December 2001 elections in Zambia gave the impression that people in urban areas in Zambia were less likely to vote on ethnic lines because they had easy access to different media, ranging from print to electronic, which provided them with diverse information about the political scene, and probably shaped their electoral choices. Conversely, their counterparts in the rural areas appeared to vote along ethnic lines, seemingly because of lack of exposure to the media. It was also assumed that most people in rural areas were not as modernized as their urban counterparts who were more exposed to enlightened sources of information such as professional groups and other elite social institutions which helped them to shape their political opinions than most rural people. The study attempts to establish to what extent the media impacted on the selected sample of urban students in the choice of their presidential candidates in the December 2001 elections in Zambia. The study further investigates to what extent other factors such as ethnic inclinations and other social predispositions influenced them in their choice of the candidates. The interviewees for this study were randomly drawn from a population of Evelyn Hone College students that voted in the December 2001 presidential elections in Zambia. The sample consisted of 30 randomly selected students who were purposely stratified in three focus groups of ten each. Each stratum represented the approximate ethnic equivalence of one of the presidential candidates who contested the December 2001 elections.
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Macha, Herbert. "State or public service broadcasting?: an analysis of the coverage of political issues and debates during an election campaign on television news." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006234.

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Public Service Television remains a key institution of democratisation in the context of emerging democracies in Africa, especially with the advent of liberalisation and commercialisation of the media. The democratic changes taking place in Zambia require a genuine public service broadcasting television that will promote pluralism in the public sphere. Among the many available strategies and mechanisms for fostering a sustainable democratic and cultural environment, public service broadcasting is still the best. This study set out to examine representation of political issues and debates during election campaign on ZNBC television news to assess the extent to which it plays a role as a public broadcaster in the mediation of pluralistic politics. Election news on television, in line with the public sphere argument was found to be essential for investigating the nature of public service television from the point of view of impartiality, universality and diversity. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods the study has confirmed the hypothesis that the role of a public service television in the mediation of pluralistic politics is compromised by ZNBC's partial and unbalanced coverage of elections. As a result ZNBC, as a public service broadcaster is undermining the very democracy it is expected to promote. Public service television should take new forms if it is to be recognised and appreciated by the public as a genuine, open and democratic public sphere. I therefore recommend that a system of license fee for viewers be introduced. Secondly, government should increase funding into public service television to supplement revenue from license fee and advertising. Thirdly, I recommend the appointment of an independent board whose members will be appointed for a fixed term, by public nomination and a process of public hearing, according to publicly available criteria, which guarantees diversity of political, ethnic, social and professional background. Fourthly I suggest the formation of an Election News Coverage Committee comprising of journalists, academicians, the church and civic organisation that will formulate and implement editorial policy on election coverage and above all monitor and the coverage of elections on ZNBC television news.
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Ismail, Zenobia. "The alternation fallacy : turnover without transformation in Zambia (1991-2015)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/280366.

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Zambia is one of only three countries in southern Africa which has experienced two alternations, but there has been little institutional reform since independence. A time-based comparison of Zambia’s constitution, legislation and institutions from 1991 to 2015 is conducted because the ‘moving picture’ reveals continuities which tend to be overlooked by a ‘snapshot’ analysis. New incumbents are reluctant to relinquish the increasing returns derived from executive dominance and weak oversight institutions such as the national assembly and judiciary. Therefore, institutional weaknesses from Zambia’s one-party state have infiltrated the multi-party era, where they continue to blur the separation of powers. Factionalism stemming from ethnic polarisation, which emerged in the colonial era, undermines all ruling parties in Zambia. The study finds that succession contests, triggered by term limits or the deaths of sitting presidents, are the primary mechanism which repeatedly weakens dominant parties. The outcomes of such intra-party conflicts have far-reaching consequences for the political party system by giving rise to new parties, re-orientating ethnic and political alliances, and contributing to turnover in elections. However, the dissertation reveals that both the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy and the Patriotic Front governments in Zambia reneged on the reforms which they promised while in opposition and opted to maintain the constitutional clauses, repressive legislation and patronage system which they inherited. An extensive analysis of the 35 by-elections which occurred after the 2011 turnover ascertains that there was pervasive co-option of opposition members into the Patriotic Front, leading back to the dominant path. Therefore, the dissertation concludes that one-party dominance in Zambia is path dependent. Consequently, it is an alternation fallacy to expect the ousting of a dominant party to stimulate democratisation. Democracy advocates will need to confront the challenge of providing incentives that will persuade incumbents to undertake reforms which diminish executive dominance and strengthen the independence of oversight institutions.
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Klaas, Brian Paul. "Bullets over ballots : how electoral exclusion increases the risk of coups d'état and civil wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2492d39d-522f-494e-9549-28b3f6fc7db3.

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Does banning opposition candidates from ballots increase the risk that they will turn to bullets instead? Globally, since the end of the Cold War, blatant election rigging tactics (such as ballot box stuffing) are being replaced by 'strategic rigging': subtler procedural manipulations aimed at winning while maintaining the guise of legitimacy in the eyes of international observers. In particular, incumbents (in regimes stuck between democracy and authoritarianism) are turning to 'electoral exclusion', neutralizing key rivals by illegitimately banning certain candidates, in turn reducing the need for cruder forms of election day rigging. I used mixed methods - combining insights from an original global dataset with extensive elite interviews conducted in five countries (Madagascar, Thailand, Tunisia, Zambia, and Côte d'Ivoire) - to establish that electoral exclusion is an attractive short-term election strategy for vulnerable incumbents that produces a much higher chance of victory but comes with high costs in the longer-term. Global probit modeling (using electoral exclusion as an independent variable and coups d'état and civil wars as separate dependent variables) suggests that, since the end of the Cold War, excluding opposition candidates from the ballot roughly doubles the risk of a coup d'état or quadruples the risk of civil war onset. In spite of these risks, incumbents fall into this 'exclusion trap' because of the shortened time horizon that frequently accompanies competitive multi-party elections. Vulnerable incumbents worry more about the short-term risk of losing an election than the long-term but ultimately unknown risk that political violence will ensue after the election. Finally, the inverse corollary of these findings is that inclusion of opposition candidates during multi-party elections can be a stabilizing factor. Though it may seem counterintuitive, fragile 'counterfeit democracies' - and so-called 'transitional' regimes - may be able to stave off existential threats to regime survival by extending an olive branch to their fiercest opponents. These findings combine to form the overarching argument of this dissertation: when opposition candidates are excluded from the ballot, they become more likely to turn to bullets by launching coups d'état and civil wars.
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Fokwa, Mbanwi Honore. "Fourth elections in the SADC region : challenges and implications for democracy." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/8449.

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M.A. (Politics)
This study examines the four democratic elections that have been held in Malawi, Zambia, South Africa and Madagascar in order to establish whether there has been an improvement in the quality of elections over the years, to ascertain the challenges faced in each country, and to determine the possible implications for the future of democracy in each of the countries. The criteria according to which elections are assessed in the SADC region guided the investigation. These are the PEMMO standards which, in contrast to a reliance on generalised terms such as „free and fair‟, offer practical guidelines on establishing progress in the electoral process, as well as the SADC-PF and SADC standards. The discussion has been structured along the lines of the three phases of the electoral process, namely, the pre-election period, the election period, and the post-election period, each with its own set of indicators to be met. The study finds that despite the minimal achievements, the overall management of the electoral processes in Malawi, Zambia and Madagascar has stagnated over the years. The institutional and legal framework is one of the major areas that need improvement in Malawi. The Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC), which was charged with the responsibility of organising the various elections, experienced enormous difficulties in establishing a level playing field as well as in exercising its full mandate. Other problem areas include the voter registration process, the use of state resources by the incumbent party, and the acceptance of the electoral outcome by some opposition leaders. In the case of Zambia, the procedure for the appointment of members of the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) undermines the independence of this body. The other difficult aspects (as in the case of Malawi) are the lack of public funding of political parties, the use of state resources by the ruling party, biased media access and coverage for the ruling party, and the acceptance of election results by some of the opposition parties. The inadequate training of the electoral staff has also been a major contributing factor to these challenges. In contrast to the abovementioned countries (including South Africa), the legal framework in Madagascar did not provide for the establishment of an independent electoral management body. Consequently, the various elections resulted in recurrent shortcomings in the voter registration process, the use of state resources, and the management of election material. However, despite the above bleak picture regarding the elections in Malawi, Zambia and Madagascar, there were some marginal improvements in the conduct of the elections over the years. The polling and counting exercises in Malawi, for instance, proved to be generally well-managed by the fourth election. Similarly, the Zambian elections over the years have improved in terms of the voter registration process, and the decrease in acts of political violence and intimidation. In Madagascar the campaign periods were generally peaceful. However, the government has since been overthrown in a coup d’état in 2009. In contrast with Malawi, Zambia and Madagascar, the four elections in South Africa have been of a high standard, notwithstanding the few flaws, particularly during the first elections in 1994. The independence and credibility of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) over the years, as well as its continuation of members for all the elections, have among other reasons, contributed to the high standard of elections in the country. The continuous significant flaws in the elections in Malawi and Zambia pose a serious problem for the advancement of democracy in these countries. In other words, if the basic requirements of democracy – that is "free and fair" elections – are not met it does not bode well for the democratic future of these countries. The legitimacy of the elections and that of the resultant governments can be undermined, as has since been illustrated in the instance of Madagascar. The case of South Africa demonstrates the direct link between the "freeness" and "fairness" of elections and the extent to which its political system is labelled a democracy.
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Books on the topic "Elections – Zambia"

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Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, ed. Elections and democracy in Zambia. Johannesburg: EISA, 2004.

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(Zambia), Committee for a. Clean Campaign. Presidential and parliamentary elections in Zambia, November 18th 1996. [Lusaka]: CCC, 1996.

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Zambia's 2006 tripartite elections: Report. Lusaka: FODEP National Secretariat, 2006.

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Foundation for Democratic Process (Zambia). Secretariat. Final election monitoring report: Zambia's November 18, 1996 presidential and parliamentary elections. Lusaka, Zambia: The Secretariat, 1997.

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Forum, SADC Parliamentary. Election Observation Mission report: 2011 tripartite general elections, Zambia = Relatório da Missão de Observação Eleitoral : eleições gerais tripartidas de 2011, Zambia = Rapport de la Mission d'observation électorale : élections générales et tripartites de 2011, Zambia. Windhoek, Namibia: SADC Parliamentary Forum, 2011.

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Phiri, B. J. Democratisation in Zambia: The 2001 tripartite elections. Pretoria, South Africa: Africa Institute of South Africa, 2002.

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Chan, Stephen. Prospects for the 1991 elections in Zambia. Johannesburg: South African Institute of International Affairs, 1991.

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Group, Commonwealth Observer. Presidential and National Assembly elections in Zambia, 31 October 1991: Report of the Commonwealth Observer Group. London: Commonwealth Secretariat, 1992.

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Group, Commonwealth Observer. Presidential and National Assembly elections in Zambia: The report of the Commonwealth Observer Group. London: Commonwealth Secretariat, 1992.

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Bwalya, Edgar. Preliminary report. [Lusaka]: University of Zambia, Institute of Economic and Social Research, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Elections – Zambia"

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Krennerich, Michael. "Zambia." In Elections in Africa, 939–62. Oxford University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0198296452.003.0053.

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"Voters, Parties and Elections in Zambia." In Democracy and Electoral Politics in Zambia, 116–46. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004430440_007.

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"Election Campaign and Media." In Zambia General Elections, 20 September 2011, 17–22. Commonwealth, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591295-5-en.

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Gowon, Yakubu. "Letter of Transmittal." In Zambia General Elections, 20 September 2011. Commonwealth, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591295-1-en.

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"Arrival Statement." In Zambia General Elections, 20 September 2011, 39–40. Commonwealth, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591295-10-en.

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"Interim Statement." In Zambia General Elections, 20 September 2011, 41–44. Commonwealth, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591295-11-en.

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"Introduction." In Zambia General Elections, 20 September 2011, 1–2. Commonwealth, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591295-2-en.

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"Political Background." In Zambia General Elections, 20 September 2011, 3–7. Commonwealth, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591295-3-en.

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"The Electoral Framework and Election Administration." In Zambia General Elections, 20 September 2011, 9–16. Commonwealth, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591295-4-en.

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"Voting, Counting and Results." In Zambia General Elections, 20 September 2011, 23–30. Commonwealth, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591295-6-en.

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