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Journal articles on the topic 'Elections – Zambia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Goldring, Edward, and Michael Wahman. "Democracy in Reverse: The 2016 General Election in Zambia." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 3 (December 2016): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100306.

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On 11 August 2016, Zambia held elections for the presidency, National Assembly, local councillors, and mayors. Concurrently, a referendum was held on whether to enhance the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of Zambia. The elections were significant for several reasons: It was the first contest under a newly amended Constitution, which introduced important changes to the electoral framework. It also marked a break with Zambia's positive historical record of arranging generally peaceful elections. Moreover, the election featured an electoral playing field that was notably tilted in favour of the incumbent party. Ultimately, the incumbent president, Edgar Lungu of the Patriotic Front, edged out opposition challenger Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development. The election was controversial and the opposition mounted an unsuccessful legal challenge to the final results. The 2016 elections represent a reversal in the quality of Zambian democracy and raise questions about the country's prospects for democratic consolidation.

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2

Musambo, Lubasi K., and Jackson Phiri. "Identity Management Based on Frontal Facial Recognition for Voters Register in Zambia." Zambia ICT Journal 3, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33260/zictjournal.v3i1.73.

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Biometric technology offers a great opportunity to identify individuals, authenticate individuals and separate individuals. Using these advantages, an election or voting model can be developed to perform elections for a country such as Zambia. Zambia currently uses a manual based voting or election model that heavily relies on paper presented documents that must be physically verified and or matched to existing prior collected information before an individual is allowed to participate in an election or a voting system. This paper proposes a frontal facial election based biometric model that can be used to rid the current election system of redundancy and introduce a paperless, accurate and efficient identification, authentication and voting process. A baseline study conducted shows that biometric authentication based on this proposed model improves a work related process such as a voting system. We start by introducing the elements that make a biometric model ideal, we then give an insight into the Zambian based election system and then we review various biometric technologies available and then finally introduce our biometric model.

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3

Sesa, Leonard L. "A Comparative Study of the Challenges of Being Independent: Case studies (Botswana Independent Electoral Commission and Electoral Commission of Zambia)." Politeia 33, no. 3 (October 6, 2017): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/3272.

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Elections in a democracy are a way to bring about a peaceful transfer of power in an organised and peaceful manner within a legal framework. However, this process, in most countries, carries with it elements of uncertainty and tension. Southern African countries like Botswana and Zambia have more experience with comparative democratic electoral politics than others. This article seeks to identify the legal framework that govern and the weaknesses and opportunities that exist in the electoral commissions of Botswana and Zambia in order to eradicate the current challenges faced by election management bodies (EMBs); more importantly, it seeks to understand their image as impartial players in the conduct of general and other elections that are held in Botswana and Zambia in order for the SADC region to learn from these two EMBs. The purpose of this article is to critically compare and analyse the independence of the Zambia Electoral Commission and the Botswana Independent Electoral Commission, in order to establish the extent of the adequacy of the legal frameworks that govern their independence. The article argues that an EMB has to win the confidence of all stakeholders in the electoral process.

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4

Burnell, Peter. "Whither Zambia? The Zambian presidential and parliamentary elections of November 1996." Electoral Studies 16, no. 3 (September 1997): 407–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(97)84378-8.

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5

van Donge, Jan Kees. "Reflections on donors, opposition and popular will in the 1996 Zambian general elections." Journal of Modern African Studies 36, no. 1 (March 1998): 71–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002656.

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The Zambian general elections held on 18 November 1996 to elect a president and parliament are of more than merely national interest. Even before the elections took place, a vocal opposition already doubted their genuineness, and these claims have found considerable international sympathy. The Zambian government and those who voted them into power for a second term, however, consider these elections a hallmark of the success of the reintroduction of multi-partyism, which Zambia was one of the first, and one of the most successful, to reintroduce in Africa. These elections, therefore, provide a case in which to analyse a triangular interaction which is common in Africa: the interaction between an incumbent political group, an opposition which does not accept the victory of the former, and the international community. This article aims to offer a theoretical perspective on the way in which these three groups of actors intermesh; but, in order to ground these more theoretical concerns in an understanding of the empirical realities, an attempt is made first to capture the essence of the conflicts involved.

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6

Burnell, P. "The tripartite elections in Zambia, December 2001." Electoral Studies 22, no. 2 (June 2003): 388–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(02)00054-9.

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7

BJORNLUND, ERIC, MICHAEL BRATTON, and CLARK GIBSON. "OBSERVING MULTIPARTY ELECTIONS IN AFRICA: LESSONS FROM ZAMBIA." African Affairs 91, no. 364 (July 1992): 405–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098529.

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8

Brosché, Johan, Hanne Fjelde, and Kristine Höglund. "Electoral violence and the legacy of authoritarian rule in Kenya and Zambia." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (December 2, 2019): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319884983.

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Why do the first multiparty elections after authoritarian rule turn violent in some countries but not in others? This article places legacies from the authoritarian past at the core of an explanation of when democratic openings become associated with electoral violence in multi-ethnic states, and complement existing research focused on the immediate conditions surrounding the elections. We argue that authoritarian rule characterized by more exclusionary multi-ethnic coalitions creates legacies that amplify the risk of violent elections during the shift to multiparty politics. Through competitive and fragmented interethnic relations, exclusionary systems foreclose the forging of cross-ethnic elite coalitions and make hostile narratives a powerful tool for political mobilization. By contrast, regimes with a broad-based ethnic support base cultivate inclusive inter-elite bargaining, enable cross-ethnic coalitions, and reduce incentives for hostile ethnic mobilization, which lower the risk of violent elections. We explore this argument by comparing founding elections in Zambia (1991), which were largely peaceful, and Kenya (1992), with large-scale state-instigated electoral violence along ethnic lines. The analysis suggests that the type of authoritarian rule created political legacies that underpinned political competition and mobilization during the first multiparty elections, and made violence a more viable electoral strategy in Kenya than in Zambia.

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9

Geisler, Gisela. "Fair? What Has Fairness Got to Do with It? Vagaries of Election Observations and Democratic Standards." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 613–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012271.

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The observation and monitoring of elections and referenda has become a ‘growth business’ in Africa since external and internal pressures have forced the leaders of one-party states to test their political legitimacy. The closely monitored 1991 presidential and parliamentary elections in Zambia heralded the first peaceful transition from a single to a multi-party system of governance with a change of leadership in English-speaking Africa. It marked the beginning of an era of confidence in the possibilities of democratic change, and confirmed the positive influence that international observers can have on such processes. Their presence was henceforth considered an essential pre-condition for acceptable transitional multi-party elections. The hopes that Zambia would indeed ‘set a standard for Africa’, and offer encouragement to nascent democratic movements on the continent have, however, remained elusive. More recent elections have been replete with controversy, intimidations, and violence. Despite being certified to varying degrees as free and fair by observers, the losers have contested the results—in Angola with arms, in Kenya and Ghana with threatened and actual boycotts.

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10

Tordoff, William, and Ralph Young. "Electoral Politics in Africa: The Experience of Zambia and Zimbabwe." Government and Opposition 40, no. 3 (2005): 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00157.x.

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AbstractThe neighbouring African states of Zambia and Zimbabwe have seen major changes to their systems of power following a series of elections between February 2000 and March 2002. These elections produced dramatic shifts in the balance between ruling parties and opposition forces, and challenged the continuance of powerful executive presidencies and one-party dominant political systems. The article explores the setting in which these electoral shifts occurred and attempts to mark out the domestic and international factors that have conditioned their impact. It concludes that profound structural changes are needed if either state is to move towards liberal democracy.

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11

Gondwe, Gregory. "Online incivility, hate speech and political violence in Zambia: Examining the role of online political campaign messages." Journal of African Media Studies 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00032_1.

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The aim of this study was to explore the relationship of online incivility and political violence in Zambia. The study used the 2018 Chilanga Constituency by-election campaign messages and those of the 2019 Sesheke constituency to examine the problem. The study drew from the simulation effects (that communication with dissimilar others can encourage incivility and hate online) to assert that political elite campaign messages contribute to incivility/hate and subsequent violence during elections in Zambia. This assumption was tested using 5844 data points collected from various social media platforms owned or purported to be owned by either the Patriotic Front (PF) or the United Party for National Development (UPND) party. The findings support the paper’s hypotheses, and additional analyses suggest that men are more likely to practice incivility online than women. Second, findings suggest that while the PF party’s online platforms exhibit higher trends of partisanship, the UPND tend to privilege tribal affiliations.

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12

Shale, Victor. "Opposition Party Alliances and Elections in Botswana, Lesotho and Zambia." Journal of African elections 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2007): 91–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2007/v6i1a4.

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13

Chikulo, Bornwell. "Parliamentary by‐elections in Zambia: implications for the 1996 poll." Review of African Political Economy 23, no. 69 (September 1996): 447–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249608704211.

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14

Nasong'o, Shadrack Wanjala. "Political Transition without Transformation: The Dialectic of Liberalization without Democratization in Kenya and Zambia." African Studies Review 50, no. 1 (April 2007): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2005.0126.

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Abstract:The decade from 1990 to 2000 saw a total of seventy-eight top leadership elections involving forty-three of the forty-eight sub-Saharan African countries. Of these, only twenty-one elections led to power transition from an incumbent to an opposition political party in nineteen countries. Paradoxically, even where there was such transition, authoritarian tendencies persisted. Focusing on Kenya and Zambia, this article argues and seeks to demonstrate that the limited number of transitions from an incumbent regime to an opposition party and the persistence of authoritarianism are a function of political liberalization without democratization of political institutions and rules of the political game.

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15

Geisler, Gisela. "Who Is Losing Out? Structural Adjustment, Gender, and the Agricultural Sector in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (March 1992): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007758.

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In Zambia's first multi-party elections for two decades, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (M.M.D.) won a landslide victory over Kenneth Kaunda's United Independence Party (U.N.I.P) on 31 October 1991. Many observers believe that the sweeping 80 per cent majority gained by Frederick Chiluba and his M.M.D. in both urban and rural areas was to a large degree due to the increasing economic hardships most Zambians have been subjected to over the last years. The opposition's slogan ‘The Hour Has Come’ captured the mood of many who had lost patience with the gross economic mismanagement and wastefulness that characterised the Government.

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16

Green, M. Christian. "Religious and Legal Pluralism in Recent African Constitutional Reform." Journal of Law and Religion 28, no. 2 (January 2013): 401–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000096.

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Something unexpected has been happening in Africa—and not just Northern Africa, the locus of democratic revolutions since January 2011, when a winter's discontent produced an early Arab Spring. Over the last several years, several sub-Saharan African nations have held democratic elections, produced new constitutions, and even partitioned themselves in relative peace, despite the often dire predictions of foreign governments, media, and election-monitoring organizations.In many cases, the constitution and reconstitution of these states has been accomplished by means of the referendum vote—sometimes viewed as the anti-democratic purview of special interests in the developed West, but having greater respect and utility as a tool of democracy in the developing South. Kenya produced a new constitution in 2010 by a referendum that has been lauded by international observers for its peaceful process and outcome. The Kenyan referendum followed general elections in 2007, whose results were marred by violence in early 2008. The nearby countries of Zambia and Tanzania are currently in the process of constitutional reform, drawing lessons from Kenya's unexpectedly harmonious proceedings. In all three countries, the constitutional review processes have raised, among other issues, questions of legal pluralism, religious freedom, and relations between the Christian majority and Muslim minority.

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17

Venter, Denis. "Democracy and Multiparty Politics in Africa: Recent Elections in Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Lesotho." Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review 19, no. 1 (2003): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eas.2002.0014.

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18

Burnell, Peter. "The significance of the December 1998 local elections in Zambia and their aftermath." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 38, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040008447807.

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19

Nyangoro, Julius E. "Military Coups d'etat in Nigeria Revisited: A Political and Economic Analysis." American Review of Politics 14 (April 1, 1993): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.129-147.

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In the last few years, there seems to have been a radical transformation in African politics. South Africa, which for a long time reflected the politics of racial domination, is moving towards multi-racial rule. Formerly one-party states such as Zambia and Kenya recently have held multi-party elections; and authoritarian regimes such as Zaire are now seriously discussing the possibility of pluralist politics. The question that this paper seeks to address is whether the changes taking place are indeed ushering in a new phase of politics in Africa without the prospect of military intervention. Nigeria is used as a case study for examining this question.

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20

Hills, Allice. "Towards a Critique of Policing and National Development in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1996): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055336.

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Just as 1960 was characterised by independence and 1966 by military coups, so 1990 marked a cautious move in many states away from excessive centralisation towards a distribution of political power. Multi-party elections were held, or scheduled, in countries as diverse as Benin, Gabon, Somalia, Zaïre, and Zambia. The partial liberalisation these represented did not amount to a full transition to democracy — indeed, they did not amount to anything positive in some cases — but they did suggest that a potential rebalancing of certain aspects of political power was possible, if not probable. Since then, have any significant changes taken place in police systems and behaviour, and/or in the organisation of internal security? This article suggests some of the variables requiring discussion, and indicates areas for future research.

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21

Kerr, Nicholas, and Michael Wahman. "Electoral Rulings and Public Trust in African Courts and Elections." Comparative Politics 53, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 257–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041521x15930293747844.

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On the African continent, where elections are often surrounded by accusations of fraud and manipulation, legal avenues for challenging elections may enhance election integrity and trust in political institutions. Court rulings on electoral petitions have consequences for the distribution of power, but how do they shape public opinion? We theorize and study the way in which court rulings in relation to parliamentary election petitions shape public perceptions of election and judicial legitimacy. Using survey data from the 2016 Zambian election, our results suggest that opposition voters rate quality of elections lower when courts nullify elections. However, judicial legitimacy seems unaffected even for voters in constituencies where the courts have shown independence vis a vis the executive and nulli' fied parliamentary elections won by the governing party.

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22

Phiri, Isabel Apawo. "PRESIDENT FREDERICK J.T. CHILUBA OF ZAMBIA: THE CHRISTIAN NATION AND DEMOCRACY." Journal of Religion in Africa 33, no. 4 (2003): 401–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006603322665332.

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AbstractThis paper focuses on the career of Frederick Chiluba from his election as President of Zambia in October 1991 to his renunciation of standing for a third term in April 2001. The paper argues first that, in his book on democracy and in his declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation, Chiluba set up the criteria by which his presidency would be judged and ultimately found wanting. Second, it argues that the Christian nation concept has had the inadvertent consequence of giving evangelicals a clear basis on which to judge Chiluba and the Zambian state, and hence has served as a catalyst for more energetic and extensive evangelical political engagement.

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23

Wahman, Michael, and Edward Goldring. "Pre-election violence and territorial control: Political dominance and subnational election violence in polarized African electoral systems." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (January 2020): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319884990.

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Cross-national research on African electoral politics has argued that competition increases the prospects for pre-election violence. However, there is a dearth of systematic research on the effect of political competition on pre-election violence at the subnational level. We theorize that in African democracies characterized by competition at the national level but low subnational competitiveness (polarization), violence is often a manifestation of turf war and a tool to maintain and disrupt political territorial control. Consequently, contrary to expectations derived from the cross-national literature, pre-election violence is more likely in uncompetitive than competitive constituencies. Locally dominant as well as locally weak parties have incentives to perpetrate violence in uncompetitive constituencies. For locally dominant parties, violence is a tool to shrink the democratic space in their strongholds and maintain territorial control. For locally weak parties, violence can disturb the dominance of the opponent and protect their presence in hostile territory. We hypothesize that pre-election violence will be particularly common in opposition strongholds. In such locations, ruling parties can leverage their superior repressive resources to defend their ability to campaign, while the opposition can use their local capacity to reinforce the politics of territoriality. We test our hypotheses with original constituency-level election violence data from the 2016 Zambian elections. Data come from expert surveys of domestic election observers and represent a novel way of measuring low-level variations in election violence. Our analysis shows patterns of pre-election violence consistent with our theory on pre-election violence as a territorial tool.

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24

van Donge, Jan Kees. "The 2008 presidential by-election in Zambia." Electoral Studies 29, no. 3 (September 2010): 521–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2010.05.001.

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25

Dionne, Kim Yi, and Njunga Michael Mulikita. "The 2015 presidential by-election in Zambia." Electoral Studies 38 (June 2015): 130–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2015.02.001.

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26

Van Donge, Jan Kees. "The EU Observer Mission to the Zambian Elections 2001: The Politics of Election Monitoring as the Construction of Narratives." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 46, no. 3 (June 24, 2008): 296–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040802176608.

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27

Baylies, Carolyn, and Morris Szeftel. "The 1996 Zambian elections: still awaiting democratic consolidation." Review of African Political Economy 24, no. 71 (March 1997): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249708704242.

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28

Ahluwalia, Pal. "The 2016 Zambian Elections: Democracy on the Brink." African Identities 14, no. 4 (October 2016): 289–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2016.1244754.

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29

Kabemba, Claude Kambuya. "Looking at the management of the 2001 Zambian tripartite elections." Journal of African elections 1, no. 2 (October 1, 2002): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2002/v1i2a2.

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30

O'Callaghan, Margaret. "The International Community and the 2016 Zambian Elections: An Expensive Charade?" Australasian Review of African Studies 41, no. 1 (June 2020): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22160/22035184/aras-2020-41-1/86-105.

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31

Cheeseman, N., and M. Hinfelaar. "Parties, Platforms, and Political Mobilization: The Zambian Presidential Election of 2008." African Affairs 109, no. 434 (November 24, 2009): 51–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adp070.

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32

Evans, Alice. "‘For the Elections, We Want Women!’: Closing the Gender Gap in Zambian Politics." Development and Change 47, no. 2 (March 2016): 388–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dech.12224.

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33

Mkandawire, Hlazo. "The use of Facebook and Mobile Phones to report Presidential election results in Zambia." African Journalism Studies 37, no. 4 (October 2016): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2016.1256050.

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34

Chikulo, B. C. "End of an era: an analysis of the 1991 Zambian presidential and parliamentary elections." Politikon 20, no. 1 (June 1993): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589349308704989.

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35

Bwalya, John, and Brij Maharaj. "Not to the highest bidder: the failure of incumbency in the Zambian 2011 elections." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 36, no. 1 (August 27, 2017): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2017.1369014.

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36

Sibiri, Hagan. "The Emerging Phenomenon of Anti-Chinese Populism in Africa: Evidence from Zambia, Zimbabwe and Ghana." Insight on Africa 13, no. 1 (December 24, 2020): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087820971443.

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This article explores the salient of anti-Chinese sentiments in Africa and how it has been utilised or materialised as a populist strategy in election campaigns. The contention herein is that anti-Chinese populism has emerged from the rising anti-Chinese sentiments and is utilised primarily as a rhetorical strategy to gain electoral support. In particular, political actors mostly seeking power are inclined to identify and declamatorily rehashed the salient issues driving the anti-Chinese sentiments in political platforms to attract attention and to gain the support of the electorate’s concern about same issues. This dimension of populism hinges not on ideational leanings, but nothing more than an opportunist strategy of exploiting wedge issues for electoral gains. The implications of such an emerging phenomenon cannot be underestimated. Not only is it a hindrance to the budding Africa–China relations but also decadent for China’s global status and its ambitious foreign policy.

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37

Sishuwa, Sishuwa. "Patronage politics and parliamentary elections in Zambia’s one-party state c. 1983–88." Journal of Eastern African Studies 14, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 591–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2020.1831146.

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38

Burnell, Peter. "Zambia's 2001 elections: The tyranny of small decisions, 'non-decisions' and 'not decisions'." Third World Quarterly 23, no. 6 (December 2002): 1103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0143659022000036630.

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39

Larmer, M., and A. Fraser. "Of cabbages and King Cobra: Populist politics and Zambia's 2006 election." African Affairs 106, no. 425 (October 1, 2007): 611–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adm058.

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40

Greg, Gondwe. "When party policies do not matter: Examination, the ambivalence of voting behaviors in the Zambian presidential elections." African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 12, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajpsir2017.1052.

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41

Enemark, Daniel, Clark C. Gibson, Mathew D. McCubbins, and Brigitte Seim. "Effect of holding office on the behavior of politicians." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 48 (November 15, 2016): 13690–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1511501113.

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Reciprocity is central to our understanding of politics. Most political exchanges—whether they involve legislative vote trading, interbranch bargaining, constituent service, or even the corrupt exchange of public resources for private wealth—require reciprocity. But how does reciprocity arise? Do government officials learn reciprocity while holding office, or do recruitment and selection practices favor those who already adhere to a norm of reciprocity? We recruit Zambian politicians who narrowly won or lost a previous election to play behavioral games that provide a measure of reciprocity. This combination of regression discontinuity and experimental designs allows us to estimate the effect of holding office on behavior. We find that holding office increases adherence to the norm of reciprocity. This study identifies causal effects of holding office on politicians’ behavior.

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42

Willems, Wendy. "‘The politics of things’: digital media, urban space, and the materiality of publics." Media, Culture & Society 41, no. 8 (February 22, 2019): 1192–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719831594.

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Recent characterizations of publics – as expressed through concepts like ‘networked publics’, ‘hashtag publics’, ‘ad hoc publics’, ‘calculated publics’, and ‘engineered publics’ – or notions describing processes of circulation – such as ‘virality’, ‘shareability’, and ‘spreadability’ – fail to appreciate that publics are not just digitally constituted but also manifest themselves in, and are intimately connected to, physical spaces. ‘The politics of things’ refers to the way in which things, objects, infrastructures, and physical space remain crucial to political communication in a digital age as well as to the manner in which bodies, objects, and urban space become politicized and digitally remediated. Drawing on fieldwork carried out during the 2011 and 2016 Zambian elections, this article proposes a material, mobile, and spatial approach to political communication. It hereby extends the relevance of the recent material and infrastructural turn in media and communications in a political context. It examines the physical recirculation of digital content, the digital remediation of physical space, and the communicative role of bodies, objects, and the built environment. Problematizing common dualisms between ‘online’ and ‘offline’ as well as ‘public sphere’ and ‘public space’, it argues for an exploration of publicness and processes of circulation across digital and physical spaces.

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Vian, Taryn, Rachel M. Fong, Jeanette L. Kaiser, Misheck Bwalya, Viviane I. R. Sakanga, Thandiwe Ngoma, and Nancy A. Scott. "Using Open Public Meetings and Elections to Promote Inward Transparency and Accountability: Lessons From Zambia." International Journal of Health Policy and Management, June 23, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/ijhpm.2020.84.

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Background: Community-led governance can ensure that leaders are accountable to the populations they serve and strengthen health systems for maternal care. A key aspect of democratic accountability is electing respective governance bodies, in this case community boards, and holding public meetings to inform community members about actions taken on their behalf. After helping build and open 10 maternity waiting homes (MWHs) in rural Zambia as part of a randomized controlled trial, we assisted community governance committees to plan and execute annual meetings to present performance results and, where needed, to elect new board members. Methods: We applied a principally qualitative design using observation and analysis of written documentation of public meetings to answer our research question: how do governance committees enact inward transparency and demonstrate accountability to their communities. The analysis measured participation and stakeholder representation at public meetings, the types and purposes of accountability sought by community members as evidenced by questions asked of the governance committee, and responsiveness of the governance committee to issues raised at public meetings. Results: Public meetings were attended by 6 out of 7 possible stakeholder groups, and reports were generally transparent. Stakeholders asked probing questions focused mainly on financial performance. Governance committee members were responsive to questions raised by participants, with 59% of answers rated as fully or mostly responsive (showing understanding of and answering the question). Six of the 10 sites held elections to re-elect or replace governance committee members. Only 2 sites reached the target set by local stakeholder committees of 50% female membership, down from 3 at formation. To further improve transparency and accountability, community governance committees need to engage in advance preparation of reports, and should consult with stakeholders on broader measures for performance assessment. Despite receiving training, community-level governance committees lacked understanding of the strategic purpose of open public meetings and elections, and how these relate to democratic accountability. They were therefore not motivated to engage in tactics to manage stakeholders effectively. Conclusion: While open meetings and elections have potential to enhance good governance at the community level, continuous training and mentoring are needed to build capacity and enhance sustainability.

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Jimaima, Hambaba, and Felix Banda. "Selling a presidential candidate: linguistic landscapes in time of presidential elections in Zambia." Social Semiotics, February 14, 2019, 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10350330.2019.1580841.

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Kalobwe, Lucia C. "The Patriotic Front’s Use Popular Music in the 2016 Elections in Zambia: A Literature Review." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3835097.

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Zengeni, Knocks Tapiwa. "ZIMBABWE : A Country Profile." Journal of International Studies, January 6, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis.7.2011.7922.

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Zimbabwe is a relatively small country situated in the southern part of Africa between South Africa and Zambia. It is also bounded by Mozambique in the east and Botswana in the West. This land-locked country occupies about 390,757 sq km of land and its population is about 12.4 million (CIA World Fact Book, 2011). Zimbabwe was a British colony for almost a century and was one of a few countries which belatedly achieved independence after waging a protracted liberation war. Several racial and ethnic groups reside in the county. English is the official language with two dominating native languages, that is, Shona and Sindebele being accorded national language status. Since 2000, Zimbabwe has been embroiled in the worst political and socio-economic crisis of its thirty-one year history as an independent state. Unfortunately, this unprecedented crisis has negatively affected every aspect of the country and every segment of the population. However, in February, 2009, after almost a year of uncertainty following controversial elections in 2008, a semblance of normality seems to have emerged after the main political actors agreed to set up an inclusive government. Despite these promising signs the country is still not out of the woods yet.

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"ZAMBIA: Election Date." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 53, no. 1 (February 2016): 20851A—20851C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2016.06825.x.

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"ZAMBIA: Election Campaign Ban." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 53, no. 7 (August 2016): 21070A—21071A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2016.07157.x.

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"Zambia - Presidential Election Results." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 53, no. 8 (September 2016): 21096A—21096B. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2016.07196.x.

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"ZAMBIA: Re-Election Bid?" Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 54, no. 1 (February 2017): 21287C—21288C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2017.07463.x.

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