Dissertations / Theses: 'Electoral Candidate'

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Llaudet, Elena. "Electoral Institutions, Party Strategies, Candidate Attributes, and the Incumbency Advantage." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11579.

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In developed democracies, incumbents are consistently found to have an electoral advantage over their challengers. The normative implications of this phenomenon depend on its sources. Despite a large existing literature, there is little consensus on what the sources are. In this three-paper dissertation, I find that both electoral institutions and the parties behind the incumbents appear to have a larger role than the literature has given them credit for, and that in the U.S. context, between 30 and 40 percent of the incumbents' advantage is driven by their "scaring off" serious opposition. Government

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Swindle, Stephen. "The electoral and structural determinants of party versus candidate voting /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9812497.

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Luhiste, Maarja. "Candidate gender and electoral success in party list proportional representation (PR List) systems." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4371.

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This thesis studies women politicians’ journey along the path from candidates to elected representatives in party list proportional representation (PR list) systems. While past literature provides sufficient evidence that more women are elected in proportional electoral systems than in majority / plurality systems, there is limited research explaining the differences in women’s representation across varying types of PR list systems. This thesis aims to fill that gap, by focusing primarily on the election of women across preferential (open and ordered list systems) and non-preferential (closed list systems) PR list voting systems. Moreover, unlike the vast majority of previous research, which has relied on aggregate level data only, this research investigates the election of women at the individual candidate level. Such an approach allows the present thesis to consider, next to traditional aggregate level predictors, how party gatekeepers and the news media may either support or hinder women in progressing from candidates to elected representatives. Since the focus is set on the 2009 European Parliament elections, this thesis investigates the process of electing women cross-nationally. The results show that female candidates have a higher likelihood of being elected in non-preferential closed list voting systems than in preferential ordered list voting systems. The results suggest that this is the case because, first, party gatekeepers in ordered list systems place women in less viable electoral list positions than party gatekeepers in closed list systems; second, media cover female candidates less in ordered list systems compared to closed list systems; and finally, female candidates in ordered list systems fail to make up their less competitive starting position with preference votes because preference votes in ordered list systems do not significantly alter the initial party list rankings.

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Zetterberg, Pär. "Engineering Equality? : Assessing the Multiple Impacts of Electoral Gender Quotas." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-100822.

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The driving question of this compilation thesis is whether quotas for political assemblies represent an effective tool for breaking down gender inequality in the political sphere. To put it differently, focus is on the possibilities for policy-makers to engineer equality. As a response to persistent patterns of male dominance in political decision-making, approximately 100 countries, both democratic and authoritarian, have adopted these affirmative action measures. The introductory section presents an argument as to why we should focus on certain impacts in order to be able to answer the question about the effectiveness of quotas. It suggests that the point of departure for empirical assessments of quota policies should be the normative arguments for supporting the reform, and the effects that normative theorists and quota advocates expect from these measures. The three studies that make up the core of the thesis build on previous empirical research on quotas, and examine some of their possible effects at both the elite level and mass level. Study I theoretically scrutinizes how the procedures for selecting women to political office shape these women's legislative autonomy, and thereby their possibilities to substantively represent women. The study identifies mainly two factors as important: a large body selecting the candidates and a rule-bound and thus bureaucratized selection procedure. Study II empirically tests the claim that women elected through quotas are more likely to suffer from institutional constraints in the legislature, and thereby have a harder time working for the benefit of women, than other female representatives. By conducting a comparative case-study of two Mexican state legislatures, no support is found for this hypothesis. Quotas have also been justified because of their likely impacts on female citizens' perceptions about politics. Study III addresses this issue by performing a statistical analysis on the impacts of quotas on Latin American women's political attitudes and behavior. In contrast to previous research on the topic, the study finds little proof of positive impacts of quotas on women's political engagement. Taken together, the thesis does not provide a clear-cut answer to the question as to whether it is possible to engineer equality within politics. However, it sheds new light on the complexities of quota impacts, and it qualifies and nuances the picture for those who expect quotas to be an overall solution for problems of gender inequality.

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Taylor, Justin B. "When do voters really have a choice? The effects of the electoral environment on the emergence of primary competition in the U.S. Congress." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1116802288.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 177 p.; also includes graphics Includes bibliographical references (p. 169-177). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

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Nguyen, My Land Do. "Understanding the political integration outcomes of enfranchised and high socioeconomic status immigrants in host societies." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/668720.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to systematically investigate the theoretical perspective that political power derives from socioeconomic power—a fundamental tenet of both sociological theories of assimilation and political science theories of participation. Each chapter of this dissertation studies this assumption within the context of the acquisition of socio-racial status, the acquisition of nationality, and the acquisition of assets. This thesis analyses the roles played by political capital obtained from the origin country, social capital built within the communities, and institutional-political context of the host country. This dissertation finds that socioeconomic inclusion does not automatically lead to political inclusion but that much of this process can be facilitated by public policies. L’objectiu d’aquesta tesi és investigar sistemàticament la perspectiva teòrica que el poder polític deriva del poder socioeconòmic, un principi fonamental tant de les teories sociològiques de l’assimilació com de les teories de la ciència política. Cada capítol d'aquesta tesi estudia aquest supòsit en el context de l'adquisició d'estatus socio-racial, l'adquisició de la nacionalitat i l'adquisició de béns. Aquesta tesi analitza els rols jugats pel capital polític obtingut del país d'origen, el capital social construït dins de les comunitats i el context institucional-polític del país amfitrió. Aquesta tesi troba que la inclusió socioeconòmica no condueix automàticament a la inclusió política, però que gran part d’aquest procés pot ser facilitat per les polítiques públiques.

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Jacob, Rafael. "Party, People, or Policy? Uncovering the Impact of Advertisement in Ballot Initiative and Candidate-Centered Campaigns." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/433340.

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Political Science Ph.D. We have acquired, over the last several decades, a fairly rich understanding of the impact on voter behavior of political communication in general and of political advertising specifically. Yet much of this knowledge pertains to “traditional,” candidate-centered elections; comparatively very little is known with regards to ballot initiative races. In principle, these contests pit not people, but proposed policies, against each other. In practice, however, they not only feature ads discussing policy, but also frequently comprise ads highlighting a measure’s supporters and opponents, be they individuals, non-profit groups, media outlets, industries, or political parties. This, in turn, leads to a basic query: what types of advertising message carry the greatest weight with voters in initiative contests – and how do they differ (if at all) from the effects they have in similar ads run in candidate-centered elections? Through an original experiment, this dissertation aims to break new ground in the voter behavior, media effects, and direct democracy literature by tackling this question. Temple University--Theses

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Altuglu, Murat. "Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1565.

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In this research, I analyze the effects of candidate nomination rules and campaign financing rules on elite recruitment into the national legislatures of Germany and the United States. This dissertation is both theory-driven and constitutes exploratory research, too. While the effects of electoral rules are frequently studied in political science, the emphasis is thereby on electoral rules that are set post-election. My focus, in contrast, is on electoral rules that have an effect prior to the election. Furthermore, my dissertation is comparative by design. The research question is twofold. Do electoral rules have an effect on elite recruitment, and does it matter? To answer these question, I create a large-N original data set, in which I code the behavior and recruitment paths and patterns of members of the American House of Representatives and the German Bundestag. Furthermore, I include interviews with members of the said two national legislatures. Both the statistical analyses and the interviews provide affirmative evidence for my working hypothesis that differences in electoral rules lead to a different type of elite recruitment. To that end, I use the active-politician concept, through which I dichotomously distinguish the economic behavior of politicians. Thanks to the exploratory nature of my research, I also discover the phenomenon of differential valence of local and state political office for entrance into national office in comparative perspective. By statistically identifying this hitherto unknown paradox, as well as evidencing the effects of electoral rules, I show that besides ideology and culture, institutional rules are key in shaping the ruling elite. The way institutional rules are set up, in particular electoral rules, does not only affect how the electorate will vote and how seats will be distributed, but it will also affect what type of people will end up in elected office.

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Brusattin, Lorenzo. "The impact of political sophistication on the use cognitive shortcuts: evidence from experiments and secondary data." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/85409.

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This research project assesses the role played by political sophistication in terms of itsimpact on the voters’ resort to cognitive shortcuts, with reference both to the consciousand non-conscious components of voting decisions. The investigation scrutinisesempirically the way both sophisticated and unsophisticated individuals make politicaljudgments when prompted with cognitive cues in three different settings. In each ofthem a specific type of cue impinges on the political judgment of individuals at adifferent level and leads to a specific decisional outcome. The overall findings castdoubts on the virtues of heuristic reasoning as effective remedy for voters who have tofind their bearings in the ballot box, but they also downplay the importance of politicalsophistication when visual or subliminal cues are involved in the decision. Aquest projecte de recerca avalua el paper exercit per la sofisticació política en termesdel seu impacte sobre el recurs dels votants als atalls cognitius, amb referència tant alscomponents conscients i no conscients de les decisions de vot. La investigació examinaempíricament la manera com ambdós individus sofisticats i no sofisticats fan judicispolítics quan si li estimuli amb senyals cognitives de tres tipus diferents. En cada und'ells un tipus específic de atall incideix en el judici polític dels individus en un nivelldiferent i condueix a un resultat específic de presa de decisions. Els resultats generalsposen en dubte les virtuts del raonament heurístic com a remei eficaç per als votants ques’han d'orientar a les urnes, sinó que també minimitzen la importància de la sofisticaciópolítica, quan senyals visuals o subliminals estan involucrats en la decisió.

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Borisyuk, Galina. "Developing methods for understanding the nature of voting patterns and party competition in Britain." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1249.

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This research both develops new methods and expands upon existing methodologies in order to improve our understanding of voting patterns and party competition in Britain. The thesis comprises five sections, each of which relates to a particular research focus. The first and principal section describes the process of determining a new method for decomposing electoral bias for three-party competition under simple plurality rules of voting. The study of electoral bias is important for voting systems that requires periodic boundary reviews intended to equalise electorate and to remove malapportionment. These papers describe both the process for developing the threeparty bias method and later its application to UK general elections from 1983 onwards. The second section uses aggregate data gathered for the elections to the Greater London Authority in order to understand the patterns of electoral support across the capital, particularly support for minor parties. A considerable amount of research effort has been expended upon providing reliable models for electoral forecasting both in the UK and elsewhere. The third section includes a paper that develops a forecast model that utilises aggregate local election data to estimate national vote shares for the three main parties in the UK. A fourth section brings together a series of papers that are linked by the themes of voter behaviour, either in terms of geographical or ballot context. A study of voter turnout in a London borough describes the relationship between proximity to polling station and electoral turnout at different types of election. A 8 number of papers included in this section also detail the effects of candidate ballot order on electoral support. The fifth and final section groups together two papers that using individual-level survey data to describe the pattern of candidate recruitment for local elections in Britain and, specifically, the under-recruitment of both women and Black, Asian and other minority ethnic candidates.

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Castanheira, Mónica Sofia Lee. "O papel do marketing na atividade política : factores críticos numa campanha." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12954.

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Mestrado em Marketing O presente estudo tem como propósito perceber qual é o papel do marketing na actividade política. Isto porque o marketing é, normalmente, uma área voltada para as empresas de grande consumo, que pretendem vender os seus produtos ou serviços aos seus consumidores e clientes, e muitas vezes é esquecido (ou não é tão visível) o papel do marketing nas instituições cujos alvos não são os consumidores. Neste caso em específico, são os eleitores. Esta investigação analisou os factores críticos de sucesso que optimizam a vitória de um candidato político, tendo por base uma abordagem qualitativa, pois permite a exploração mais profunda dos pensamentos e escolhas dos eleitores. Os resultados indicam que factores como a imagem, o discurso, a proximidade aos cidadãos, e as convicções políticas e partidárias que os candidatos apoiam são factores que influenciam a decisão de voto dos eleitores. Para o efeito, o candidato deverá ser alguém que adapte a sua aparência ao cargo que representa, deve ser coerente, credível, adoptar uma linguagem acessível a todos sem se tornar populista, deve ser alguém disponível para lidar de perto com os problemas e as angústias dos cidadãos, e deve ter a capacidade de conseguir a aceitação e a unanimidade da população em geral. This study main goal is to understand what is the role of marketing in politics. This is because marketing is usually an area used by companies to target a big consumer, who wish to sell their products or services to their customers and clients and is often unnoticed and forgotten the role of marketing in institutions whose targets are not consumers. In this particular case, they are the electorate. This investigation analysed the key factors for success that increase the chance of victory for the political candidate, using a qualititative approach, which allows a deeper exploration of thoughts and choices by the electorate. The results show that factors such as image, speech, proximity to citizens, and the political beliefs of the candidate party are important factors to the voters decision. As a matter of fact, the candidate should be someone that adapts his appearence according to the role he represents, might be coherent, reliable, adopt an accessible language for everyone without becoming populist, should be someone available to deal with the main concerns of the citizens and be able to get accepted unanimously by the overall population. info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

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ROA, MONTENEGRO CÉSAR OSCAR. "LA INCONSTITUCIONALIDAD DE LA PORCIÓN NORMATIVA DEL ARTÍCULO 101 DEL CÓDIGO ELECTORAL DEL ESTADO DE MÉXICO." Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11799/105835.

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El trabajo de investigación se enfocará al sistema electoral mexiquense, tomando como punto de partida la reforma político-electoral a la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, publicada en el Diario Oficial de la Federación el 8 de Agosto del 2012, que incorporó la figura de las candidaturas independientes en el artículo 35 fracción II, a fin de que los ciudadanos que tengan la intención de participar bajo la condición de independientes, puedan registrarse como tales ante los órganos electorales que correspondan, según sea la naturaleza de la elección, esto desde luego, cumpliendo con los requisitos establecidos para tal efecto en las propias leyes, lo que tuvo impacto en las entidades federativas, para con ello, a partir de la reforma constitucional 2014, en nuestra entidad federativa, cobre vigencia.

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Manzoni, Elena. "Electoral campaigns with strategic candidates : a theoretical and empirical analysis." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2388/.

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The main focus of this thesis is the analysis of political campaigns when candidates choose their statements in a strategic way. In the first chapter, 'Discretion and renegotiation in electoral campaigns', I present a model of electoral campaigning as a problem of competitive delegation. The chapter considers a situation in which there is uncertainty about what the optimal policy should be; in this environment voters may want to leave discretion to a candidate, in order to allow him to adjust his policies to the state of the world, once he is elected. The paper analyses how the ambiguity level of the political statements is influenced by the presence of uncertainty over the candidates' ideology, by the possibility of ex post renegotiation between the elected candidate and the voters and by several political variables. In the second chapter, 'Last minute policies and the incumbency advantage', joint with Stefan Penczynski, we investigate the timing of statements in political debates and campaigns. Early statements can influence the political agenda and signal competence and vision, late statements are based on more information about appropriate measures. We find that candidates speak early on issues they are better-informed about in order to signal relevance and move them up the agenda. Since opponents benefit from this revelation, however, candidates remain silent once their information is sufficiently precise and valuable. In the last chapter, 'Discretion and ambiguity in electoral campaigns: a look into the empirical evidence', I compare several models of ambiguity in electoral campaigns, including my own model which was introduced in the first chapter. I use the methodology of Campbell (1983) to have a proxy for ambiguity of the electoral statements, and the data from the American National Election Studies on Senate elections from 1988-1990-1992, to investigate which of the correlations predicted by these models seem to be present in the data.

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Hill, Timothy G. "Interest-ing candidates the electoral impact of interest group endorsements /." Columbus, OH : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1061393728.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003. Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xv, 219 p. : ill. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Herbert F. Weisberg, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-219).

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MANZONI, ELENA. "Electoral campaigns with strategic candidates: a theoretical and empirical analysis." Doctoral thesis, London School of Economics, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/67212.

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The main focus of this thesis is the analysis of political campaigns when candidates choose their statements in a strategic way. In the first chapter, ‘Discretion and renegotiation in electoral campaigns’, I present a model of electoral campaigning as a problem of competitive delegation. The chapter considers a situation in which there is uncertainty about what the optimal policy should be; in this environment voters may want to leave discretion to a candidate, in order to allow him to adjust his policies to the state of the world, once he is elected. The paper analyses how the ambiguity level of the political statements is influenced by the presence of uncertainty over the candidates’ ideology, by the possibility of ex post renegotiation between the elected candidate and the voters and by several political variables. In the second chapter, ‘Last minute policies and the incumbency advantage’, joint with Stefan Penczynski, we investigate the timing of statements in political debates and campaigns. Early statements can influence the political agenda and signal competence and vision, late statements are based on more information about appropriate measures. We find that candidates speak early on issues they are better-informed about in order to signal relevance and move them up the agenda. Since opponents benefit from this revelation, however, candidates remain silent once their information is sufficiently precise and valuable. In the last chapter, ‘Discretion and ambiguity in electoral campaigns: a look into the empirical evidence’, I compare several models of ambiguity in electoral campaigns, including my own model which was introduced in the first chapter. I use the methodology of Campbell (1983) to have a proxy for ambiguity of the electoral statements, and the data from the American National Election Studies on Senate elections from 1988-1990-1992, to investigate which of the correlations predicted by these models seem to be present in the data.

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Marsden, Benjamin. "Winning the Electoral College how presidential candidates optimally allocate resources across states /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1452.

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MacColl, Megan Gwynne. "Candidates, Campaigns, and Political Tides: Electoral Success in Colorado's 4th District." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/450.

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The race between Republican Cory Gardner and Democratic incumbent Betsy Markey for Colorado's 4th Congressional District was a partisan fight for political momentum. In the 2010 campaign cycle, Republicans looked to retake the historically Republican 4th District as part of a national strategy to win back the U.S. House, while Democrats tried desperately to hold on to both. Cory Gardner was only one of fifty-four Republican challengers to defeat a Democratic incumbent in 2010, but the Gardner-Markey race is particularly interesting as a case study of voter motivation and the mediating forces, both regional and national, that influence electoral success. Political commentators and staffers from both campaigns describe Markey's defeat as inevitable, but the same sources explain the election results from three different theoretical perspectives: (1) Betsy Markey was a poor fit for the district and never represented constituent interests, (2) Cory Gardner was the perfect candidate, and (3) Markey’s defeat was a result of the national political mood and a referendum on Democrats in Washington. This thesis analyzes and evaluates each of these theories, and concludes that a combination of the arguments and their evidence provides the most complete answer. While no single theory is the definitive reason that voters in the 4th District elected Cory Gardner, each contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the inevitability of Rep. Betsy Markey's defeat in 2010.

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Johnson, Joel W. "Electoral systems and campaign finance in legislative elections." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3371953.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009. Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 13, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

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Valdivia, Alarcón Angela. "Cobertura negativa sobre los candidatos en campañas presidenciales 2011 y 2016: los casos de los diarios La República y Correo." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/653110.

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Durante las elecciones presidenciales del 2011 y 2016, muchos medios de comunicación tuvieron un tono más negativo que positivo o neutral en sus coberturas sobre determinados candidatos. Estos fueron los casos de los diarios La República y Correo sobre los candidatos presidenciales Keiko Fujimori de Fuerza Popular, Ollanta Humala del Partido Nacionalista Peruano y Verónika Mendoza del Frente Amplio. Partiendo del hecho de que sí existió una cobertura negativa por parte de los medios ya mencionados, la presente investigación pretende describir las características principales de este tipo de tratamiento periodístico, identificar los criterios de cada diario para la publicación de notas en contra de los candidatos y examinar las diferencias y similitudes entre ambas coberturas. During the 2011 and 2016 presidential elections, most media outlets were more negative than positive or neutral in their coverage of certain candidates. These were the cases of the newspapers La República and Correo when it came to the presidential candidates Keiko Fujimori of Fuerza Popular, Ollanta Humala of the Partido Nacionalista Peruano and Verónika Mendoza of Frente Amplio. Based on the fact that there was negative coverage by the mentioned newspapers, this research aims to describe the main characteristics of this type of journalistic treatment, identify the criteria of each newspaper when they published articles against the candidates and examine the differences and similarities between both coverages. Tesis

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Ngartebaye, Eugène Le Yotha. "Le contentieux électoral et la consolidation démocratique en Afrique Francophone.Trajectoire comparative du Bénin et du Tchad." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30073/document.

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A partir des trajectoires Béninoises et Tchadiennes, cette thèse vise à faire la démonstration qu’il existe une volonté des acteurs politiques pour consolider la démocratie à travers l’existence du contentieux électoral. Cette volonté s’est traduite par l’érection des mécanismes normatifs et institutionnels en charge de gérer les conflits électoraux issus des élections plurielles, libres et acceptables tenues jusque-Là. Mais la mise en œuvre du contentieux électoral a révélé des limites. Au titre normatif, les limites visent les lacunes contenues dans les lois électorales (imprécision des lois, inflation législative, l’inexistence de fichier électoral crédible, méconnaissance de la loi électorale, etc). Au niveau institutionnel, elles pointent les dysfonctionnements des institutions en charges du contentieux électoral (articulation des compétences, la forte politisation, installation tardive, déficit d’autonomie fonctionnelle et financière).Par ailleurs, la thèse pointe la nécessite qu’il y a pour le Bénin et le Tchad de disposer d’un système de fichier électoral fiable et sécuriser, de constitutionnaliser les commissions électorales, d’œuvre pour l’éducation citoyenne afin de rendre plus dynamique l’apport du contentieux électoral dans la consolidation démocratique From Benin and Chad trajectories, this thesis aims to demonstrate that there is a willingness of politicians to consolidate democracy through the existence of electoral disputes. This commitment has resulted in the erection of the normative and institutional mechanisms loads manage electoral disputes arising pluralistic, free and acceptable elections held so far. But the implementation of electoral disputes revealed limitations.Under normative, limits are designed for the gaps contained in the electoral laws (imprecise laws, legislative inflation, lack of credible electoral register, ignorance of the electoral law, etc). Institutionally, they point dysfunctional institutions in charge of electoral disputes (coordination skills, high political involvement, late starting, and lack of functional and financial autonomy). Moreover, the thesis points out the need for Benin and Chad to have a reliable and secure voter registration system, to constitutionalize the electoral boards and contractors for civic education in order to make it more dynamic the contribution of electoral disputes in democratic consolidation

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Mèndez, Andrade Josè Luis. "“LA LEGITIMACIÓN DE LOS CANDIDATOS A UN CARGO DE ELECCIÓN POPULAR EN LOS MEDIOS DE IMPUGNACIÓN ELECTORAL EN EL ESTADO DE MÉXICO”." Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11799/67203.

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Si se parte de la premisa sostenida por Bobbio, atinente a que la legitimidad del Estado moderno no depende únicamente de los procesos democráticos de acceso al ejercicio del poder público, sino del carácter axiológico que la democracia moderna exige a los gobernantes cumplir, a través de la protección a los derechos fundamentales, entonces, se podrá colegir válidamente, tal como afirma Loewenstein, que la justicia y el acceso a la misma, impartida por los tribunales constitucionales, resulta esencial para ejercer un límite efectivo de los poderes públicos; lo que implica, sin lugar a dudas, una verdadera justicia electoral. Desde esta perspectiva, el derecho político-electoral a ser votado constituye un derecho humano que al amparo de un sistema garantista debe tener una protección maximizada conforme a lo ordenado en el artículo 1° de la Constitución de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. Sin embargo el artículo 411 del Código Electoral Estado de México no prevé la legitimación procesal activa a favor de los candidatos a un cargo de elección popular, postulados por un partido político y/o coalición, para combatir per se los actos y resoluciones, tildadas de inconstitucionales o ilegales, que dentro del proceso electoral emitan las autoridades electorales administrativas o partidistas. Bajo esta guisa, en la presente investigación, se plantea una interrogante para dilucidar si la falta de legitimación procesal de los candidatos aludidos para defender per se su derecho político-electoral a ser votado, lato sensu, a través de los diversos juicios y recursos instaurados en el sistema de medios de impugnación local, entraña una transgresión a su derecho humano de acceso a la tutela judicial efectiva, y sin con motivo de tal infracción resulta menester realizar diversas adiciones a los artículos 408, 409, 411, y 412 del Código comicial con el objeto de garantizar el respeto irrestricto del derecho político-electoral a ser votado.

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Gervais, Trevor Joseph. "Defining Unlikely Candidates Across Electoral Systems: A Comparative Analysis of Barack Obama and Alan García." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/579150.

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Defining candidates is a longstanding tradition in political science. It makes it possible to form a greater understanding of how candidates are influenced by electoral systems and how they operate within those systems. Significant research has been completed to understand the impacts of electoral systems on candidates that seek public office and strong definitions have been developed for outsider candidates who rise to power despite existing outside of the traditional party system. However, little attention has been paid to candidates who exist within the traditional party structure but still cannot be classified as likely to find electoral success. Yet despite the odds against them, these candidates do win elections and it is important to understand the factors that allow this to occur so that the role of unlikely candidates can be better conceptualized. The purpose of this thesis is to develop a greater understanding of these unlikely candidates and form a definition that can be utilized across various electoral systems. This definition will then be applied to two candidates in separate systems to confirm its utility regardless of each country's individual electoral laws.

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Padilla, Olvera Oscar Iván. "Análisis de las estrategias de marketing político, utilizadas durante la campaña electoral federal del 2012: el caso del candidato del PRI, Enrique Peña Nieto." Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11799/80222.

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Se analiza el marketing utilizado durante la campaña realizada por Enrique Peña Nieto en el proceso electoral del 2012 para la presidencia de la república. En la actualidad la construcción de la imagen pública de un candidato de forma dinámica y atractiva al electorado, resulta un elemento de singular importancia entre quienes pretenden obtener el poder a través de la elección popular, pues permite crear un acercamiento con la sociedad, conociendo las necesidades que la aquejan y, permitiendo tener un mayor conocimiento del proyecto que encabeza, tanto el candidato como el partido al que representa. Si aunado a esto la imagen del candidato es complementada con un eficiente modelo de comunicación política, el cual destaque las virtudes y actitudes del candidato, las posibilidades de un triunfo se verán incrementadas. El adecuado diseño y el manejo de la imagen, las estrategias tanto de comunicación política y de marketing político que un candidato y su equipo de campaña pongan en práctica durante una campaña política, son elementos que pueden ayudar a entender el éxito o fracaso de una elección, así como la eficacia de la implementación de tales técnicas.

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Silotto, Graziele Cristina. "A dimensão regional das estratégias partidárias em eleições proporcionais de lista aberta no Brasil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-10032017-135505/.

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Este trabalho aborda a questão regional enquanto uma estratégia dos partidos na arena eleitoral. Ao acrescentar a dimensão partidária aos trabalhos que advogam pela regionalização dos distritos eleitorais de elevada magnitude, o intuito foi mostrar que é do sistema eleitoral, sobretudo da lista aberta, da magnitude e da estrutura da competição que emanam os incentivos à subdistritalização. Como uma perspectiva teórica alternativa à solução distributivista, o argumento é que o sistema eleitoral traz o elemento regional ao plano das decisões partidárias, isto é, a subdistritalização ocorreria em decorrência da ação intencional política que, com isso, garantiria a diminuição ou a ausência da competição intrapartidária no território. O resultado da análise da lista de candidatos brasileira reforça que o meio social e o político respondem aos fatores regionais, que influencia suas atitudes e estratégias. Por meio de uma dinâmica não política, mas geoespacial partidos encontram estratégias para lidar com as restrições institucionais a fim de atingir o sucesso eleitoral. This thesis considers the regional question as a partisan strategy in the electoral arena. The goal is to show that from the electoral system, especially the open list proportional representation, the magnitude and the structure of the electoral competition, emanates the incentives for subdistricting. Therefore, partisanship is introduced, adding a new dimension to the scholarship that advocates for the regionalization of the high magnitude districts. When arguing that, in fact, parties decisions are influenced by regional elements which were fostered by the electoral system, this study pursues an alternative theoretical perspective to distributivism. Subdistricting is a byproduct of intentional political action, which, in turn, ensures the decrease or absence of intra-party competition over the territory. The findings based on the analysis of the list of candidates presented by parties in Brazil reinforces that the social and political environment responds to regional factors that influence their attitudes and strategies. Through a non-political, but geospatial dynamic, parties can strategically deal with the institutional constraints in order to achieve electoral success.

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Valdini, Melody Ellis. "Electoral institutions and information shortcuts the effect of decisive intraparty competition on the behavior of voters and party elites /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3310008.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006. Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 19 , 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

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Gisgård, Hannah. "Who Gets Selected? : A quantitative analysis exploring the effect of ideology and electoral vulnerability on the ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-373968.

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This quantitative study aims to investigate the mechanisms for ballot placement of underrepresented groups by examining how ideology and electoral vulnerability affect the ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates in the case of the election to the Swedish Riksdag in 2018. Four hypotheses for the relationship are set: that the Red-Greenswillputethnicminoritywomencandidates higherupontheirballots;that the Alliance will put ethnic minority women candidates higher up on their ballots; that electoral vulnerability will have a stronger effect on the Red-Greens’ ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates; that electoral vulnerability will have the same or no effect on the Red-Greens’ and the Alliance’s ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates. The results show a significant relationship between ideology and ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates but no effect of electoral vulnerability. The conclusion is therefore that the Red-Greens are more likely to put ethnic minority women higher up on their ballots compared to the Alliance, and that it does not matter if a party belongs to the Red-Greens or the Alliance, because if the party is at risk of electoral defeat the effect of electoral vulnerability on the ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates will be the same in both blocs.

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Johns, Alecia. "Conceptualising political candidacy as a human right." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:652b8a54-2142-4c19-a2c3-0d176c3fb90b.

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This thesis examines the justificatory basis of the right to candidacy, otherwise referred to as the right to stand for election, and assesses the implications of characterising political candidacy as a human right. It examines the extent of the right's legal recognition in international, regional and domestic human rights law with specific focus on the jurisprudence of the United States, Canada and the ECtHR. This dissertation then offers a theoretical justification for the existence of a moral right to candidacy in all liberal democracies. This justificatory account highlights how the following values and interests underlie the right to candidacy: dignity (as social recognition of one's equal moral status), autonomy, self-expression and self-development. It further examines the derivative justifications for the right to candidacy by outlining the extent to which it is necessary for the effective exercise of the right to vote, freedom of association and the maintenance of a common liberal culture. The correlative duties to which the right gives rise are also examined. It is argued that the right entails duties to respect, protect and fulfil. The duty to respect imposes a negative obligation on the State to refrain from imposing unjustifiable disqualifications or eligibility requirements for elective office. The duty to protect entails an obligation to safeguard against infringements of the right by political parties in their candidate selection processes. Thirdly, the duty to fulfil involves a positive obligation to organise and administer free and fair elections with a reasonably level playing field in which candidates may compete. This thesis subsequently explores the institutional implementation of these duties and how the values and interests underlying the right should help inform the scope and content of such duties in the jurisdictions specified above.

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Valdin, Mata Citli Janetzy. "“Estudio sobre el Impacto de la Candidatura Independiente y la Representación Proporcional en el Nuevo Modelo Electoral a Nivel Municipal dentro del Estado de México"." Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11799/67212.

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En México, la figura de la candidatura independiente ha sido un tema reiterado a largo de su historia. En la época posrevolucionaria esta modalidad era aceptaba, pero desapareció en 1946, cuando se dio a conocer la prohibición expresa que otorga la exclusividad a los partidos políticos para postular candidatos que compitieran en comicios electorales. No obstante, a partir de la Reforma Constitucional publicada en el Diario Oficial de la Federación el nueve de agosto de 2012, se reconoce, en la fracción II del artículo 35 constitucional, que el derecho a ser votado puede ejercerse de manera independiente, esto es, sin ser postulado por partido alguno. La inclusión de esta figura se dio, en términos generales, por la necesidad de ampliar el marco de intervención de la ciudadanía en los asuntos de interés público y, en términos específicos, a la percepción que tiene la ciudadanía de los partidos políticos. La prohibición de las candidaturas independientes reducía el derecho al voto de la ciudadanía que no se siente representada por la ideología de algún partido político. El artículo transitorio de la reforma de 2012 estableció que tanto los congresos locales como el federal tendrían un plazo no mayor a un año para hacer las adecuaciones necesarias a sus constituciones y leyes electorales; sin embargo, no fue sino hasta el proceso electoral de 2014-2015 que se pudo observar de manera más activa. Al constituirse esta forma de candidatura independiente como una opción política real para el electorado y luego del análisis del proceso electoral pasado, fue posible identificar las dificultades de quienes deciden participar a través de esta vía, y es que pese a los esfuerzos de los legisladores por incorporar esta figura en 2 el régimen electoral mexicano de manera equitativa frente a los candidatos postulados por partidos políticos, no se ha podido dar por completo en la práctica. Uno de los candados en el Estado de México es el hecho de que los aspirantes sólo pueden participar mediante el principio de mayoría relativa y dejan de lado el de representación proporcional para la integración de los ayuntamientos. Por lo anterior, se ha buscado mejorar la calidad de la democracia y la entidad ha sido firme en acatar los ordenamientos del ámbito federal; aun así es necesario que el Estado regule de manera adecuada y sea garante de la equidad en la contienda, salvaguardando el derecho de que todo ciudadano mexiquense que cumpla con los requisitos previamente establecidos tenga acceso a participar en los cargos de elección popular.

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Papuico, Navarro Korina Eiko. "Características estereotípicas que intervienen en el proceso de evaluación de candidatos electorales." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/6028.

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The data indicates that in low information context, some characteristics of the candidates may be key for voters, who tend to observe it and take shortcuts when deciding, engaging social categorization processes. From the description of three easily detectable features –sex, age and racial group- and a political feature -subject matter policy of public involvement- participants were asked to attempt to assess who is the most likely to win elections. It is used a new analysis tool in Psychology that shows predictive validity in market research and proven reliability: Conjoint analysis. The main findings of the relative importance given to each candidate features are discussed depending on the segment in which it was possible to divide the sample –by sex and socio-ethnic group. La data indica que en contextos de poca información algunas características de los candidatos pueden ser clave para los electores que suelen observar y tomar atajos al momento de decidir, involucrándose procesos de categorización social. A partir de la descripción de candidatos considerando 3 características fácilmente percibibles y asociadas a estereotipos –sexo, edad y grupo racial- y una característica política –tema de compromiso público- se indica a los sujetos hacer una evaluación tentativa de quién tiene más probabilidades de ganar las elecciones. Se emplea en la metodología una herramienta de análisis nueva en psicología: Conjoint analysis (Análisis conjunto), que cuenta con validez predictiva en estudios de mercado y confiabilidad comprobada. Se discuten los principales hallazgos de la importancia relativa brindada a cada candidato según los segmentos en los que se pudo dividir a la muestra por sexo y grupo socio-étnico con el que se identificaban. Tesis

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Roca, Trenchs Núria Candela. "L’ús de les pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube dels candidats en tres països: Espanya (2011), Estats Units (2012) i Noruega (2013) a partir de l’anàlisi comparativa de les campanyes electorals. Cap a un nou paradigma?" Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664354.

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L'ús d'Internet i les tecnologies de la informació i comunicació ha propiciat importants transformacions en tots els àmbits de la societat (Castells (2006) i també en l'àmbit de la comunicació política, i per tant també, en les campanyes electorals. Durant els últims anys la qualitat democràtica dels països occidentals ha estat qüestionada pel descens generalitzat de l'interès de la ciutadania pels afers polítics, com a conseqüència de la pèrdua de la seva confiança amb els actors polítics. Internet però, pot contribuir a millorar les relacions entre els actors polítics i els electors. Per tant, la investigació es planteja com i quant utilitzen les pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube, durant les campanyes electorals els principals candidats a la presidència de tres països models dels tres grans models de sistemes polítics que proposen Hallin i Mancini (2004): Mariano Rajoy (PP) i Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba (PSOE) d'Espanya (2011) com a exemple del model Pluralista Polaritzat; Barack Obama (Partit Demòcrata) i Mitt Romney (Partit Republicà) als Estats Units (2012), com a exemple del gran model Liberal; i Jens Stoltenberg (Partit Laborista) i Erna Solberg (Partit Conservador) a Noruega (2013), com a exemple del model Democràtic Corporatiu. La investigació es pregunta, també, si existeix alguna correlació entre l'ús d'Internet (pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube) que fan els candidats i el model de sistema polític en el qual operen; així com també si hi ha un tendència a imitar el model dels Estats Units durant les campanyes electorals a Internet. La recerca es fonamenta teòricament en les aportacions dels grans autors de la política comparada i dels sistemes polítics, de partits, electorals i de la cultura política (Almond i Verba, 1963; Dahl, 1989; Duverger, 1957; Hallin i Mancini, 2004; Kirchheimer, 1966; Lijphart; 1994; Lipset i Rokkan, 1967 i Sartori, 1980). Pel que fa a la metodologia, aquesta es fixa en els estudis metodològics de Kluver et al., 2007; Lilleker, Koc et al, 2009; Schneider i Foot, 2002 i Vergeer, Hermans i Cunha, 2013, que proposen diferents categories a partir de les quals es pot analitzar l’ús de les pàgines web i que en aquest cas adaptem a la resta de xarxes socials: Facebook, Twitter i YouTube. Així, el sistema de codificació es planteja des de la proposta de Vergeer i Cunha (2009) elaborant una bateria de preguntes que es poden respondre amb un sí o un no: per cada pregunta que es pot respondre amb un sí, se li atribueix un 1, mentre que cada pregunta que es pot respondre amb un no, se li atribueix un 0. Les preguntes que es plantegen es divideixen en les tres categories que proposen Lilleker i Vedel (2013): informació, debat o discussió (deliberació) i mobilització i coordinació per a la participació ciutadana), de manera que es considera que cada nivell supera l'anterior i que engrandeix la manera com els candidats es poden relacionar amb els electors, construint unes relacions més properes i millorant la qualitat democràtica de cada país. La investigació conclou que els candidats dels Estats Units van ser els qui millor ús qualitatiu i quantitatiu van fer d'Internet (pàgines web, Facebook, Twitter i YouTube); que les campanyes electorals dels països més democratitzats s'assemblen cada cop més tot i que els candidats estan subjectes al sistema polític del país en el qual operen per utilitzar Internet; i que les campanyes electorals dels Estats Units no s'estan americanitzant, encara que hi posem matisos. The use of the Internet and information and communication technologies has led to important changes in society (Castells, 2006) and also in the field of political communication, and therefore also in the election campaigns. Meanwhile, in recent years the quality of democracy in Western countries has been questioned by the general decline in interest of citizens for political affairs, as a result of the loss of trust with political actors. Internet can help to improve the relations between political actors and voters. The research is based on the qualitative and quantitative use of Internet (web pages, Facebook, Twitter and YouTube), during the election campaign of the main candidates for the presidency in three countries example of the three models of political systems that propose Hallin & Mancini (2004): Mariano Rajoy (PP) and Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba (PSOE) in Spain (2011) as example of the Polarized Pluralist model; Barack Obama (Democrat Party) and Mitt Romney (Republican Party) in the Unitade States (2012), as example of Liberal model; and Jens Stoltenberg (Laborist Party) and Erna Solberg (Conservative Party) to Norway (2013), as example of the Corporative Democratic model. Therefore it is considered if there is a correlation between the use of the Internet and the model of political system to which they are subject; and finally, if there is a tendency to imitate the model of the United States during the election campaigns in Internet. The research is theoretically based on the contributions of the great authors of comparative politics and political systems, party systems, electoral systems, and political culture (Almond and Verba, 1963; Dahl, 1989; Duverger, 1957; Hallin and Mancini, 2004; Kirchheimer, 1966; Lijphart; 1994; Lipset and Rokkan, Sartori 1967 and 1980). Regarding the methodology, it looks at the methodological studies of Kluver et al., 2007; Lilleker, Koc et al, 2009; Schneider and Foot, 2002 Vergeer, Hermans and Cunha, 2013. They propose different categories from which the web sites can be analyzed, and this research adapt it to other social networks: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. Thus, the coding system arises from the proposal of Vergeer and Cunha (2009). The researchers build a battery of questions that can be answered with a yes or no: every question answered with a yes, is marked with a 1, and for every question ansewred with a no, is marked with a 0. The questions are divided into three categories proposed by Lilleker and Vedel (2013): information, discussion or debate (deliberation) and mobilization and coordination for citizen participation), so it is considered that each level provides a more authentic relation between the candidates and voters, building closer relations and improving the quality of democracy. The research concludes that US candidates were the ones that better qualitative and quantitative use made of Internet (web pages, Facebook, Twitter and YouTube); election campaigns of most democratic countries seem increasingly to resemble each other, but we also believe that the political system of each country still influence the quality of election campaigns; and we also conclude that election campaigns are not being americanized, although we put some nuances.

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Ramos, Thailissa Leticia Andara. "A IMPRENSA NA CONSTRUÇÃO DA IMAGEM PÚBLICA DO CANDIDATO AFFONSO PENNA NA ELEIÇÃO DE 1906." Universidade Metodista de São Paulo, 2009. http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/865.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:30:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Capas.pdf: 27166 bytes, checksum: ab1dc76eb72807f36ea58e4bc80d2985 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-06 Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior The present work has for objective to analyze the period of electoral propaganda to the presidency of the Republic of 1906, centering its object in the only candidate for president, the miner, Affonso Penna. In this direction it is looked to work, specifically, the paper of the press in the candidacy and the construction of the public image, in the course between August of 1905 the February of 1906, in two Carioca periodicals: O Correio da Manhã and the periodical O Paíz. Between them, the mention of Penna can be analyzed only in the Cartas Mineiras of the Correio da Manhã, which presents the percentage of 37% of contents on the candidate. Of these, 54.5%, become related it its imagéticas characterizations and 45.5% its candidacy. How much to the construction of the theoretical stage it sends to the workmanships that include the universe of the communication, of the propaganda ideological politics and, mainly, in the Brazilian optics. It is looked, also, to describe the trajectory politics of Affonso Penna, having as deep cloth of the environment politician. As method of collection of data, one cites the bibliographical research and you register and as inquiry instrument the content analysis.(AU) O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o período de propaganda eleitoral à presidência da República de 1906, centrando seu objeto no candidato único para presidente, o mineiro, Affonso Penna. Nesse sentido procura-se trabalhar, especificamente, o papel da imprensa na candidatura e na construção da imagem pública, no transcurso entre agosto de 1905 a fevereiro de 1906, em dois jornais cariocas: o Correio da Manhã e o jornal O Paíz. Entre eles, a menção de Penna pode ser analisada apenas nas Cartas Mineiras do Correio da Manhã, a qual apresenta o percentual de 37% de conteúdos sobre o candidato. Desses, 54,5%, relacionam-se às suas caracterizações imagéticas e os 45,5% a sua candidatura. Quanto à construção da etapa teórica remete às obras que incluem o universo da comunicação, da propaganda política e ideológica, principalmente, na ótica brasileira. Procura-se, também, descrever a trajetória política de Affonso Penna, tendo como pano de fundo o ambiente político. Como método de coleta de dados, cita-se as pesquisas bibliográficas e documentais e como instrumento de investigação a análise de conteúdo.(AU)

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Espinoza, Cruzatt Fritz Diego. "Democracia interna en la elección de candidatos de los partidos políticos: estado actual, reforma electoral y propuestas de mejora." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/11792.

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La democracia interna al interior de los partidos políticos es uno de los elementos centrales de nuestro sistema democrático; no obstante ello, su regulación normativa tiende a poseer diferentes contradicciones y deficiencias. En el presente trabajo, se resalta la importancia de la democracia interna en nuestro sistema de partidos, las carencias de su regulación actual, y los avances y deficiencias que plantea la reforma electoral en trámite; asimismo, se plantea una propuesta de los puntos básicos que, a nuestro criterio, debería poseer la regulación sobre la democracia interna en nuestro sistema electoral, poniéndose una especial atención a la participación que deben tener los organismos electorales, administrativos y jurisdiccionales, sobre dicha regulación. Para los efectos de la presente investigación, se realiza un análisis teórico y dogmático sobre la importancia de los partidos políticos en un estado constitucional y el papel de la democracia interna dentro de dichas agrupaciones. Asimismo, se efectuá un análisis exegético de la normativa que regula la democracia interna en nuestra normativa electoral. A partir de dichos puntos, se concluye si nuestro marco legal electoral es adecuado o no para regular los procesos internos de los partidos políticos, brindándose una prepuesta general de reforma electoral. Las conclusiones principales a las que arriba el presente trabajo son las siguientes: i) la actual normativa es deficiente en la tutela de la democracia interna dentro de los partidos políticos; ii) la reforma electoral presenta ciertas mejorarías frente a la normativa actual, pero no resuelve los principales problemas que se ciernen sobre la democracia interna; iii) una regulación idónea debería buscar tutelar los derechos de los militantes que se vean afectados antes, durante y después de la realización de las elecciones internas en los partidos políticos. Trabajo académico

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Pinto, J?nior Nilo Ferreira. "A moralidade e a vida pregressa do candidato como condi??o aut?noma de elegibilidade." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2011. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13918.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NiloFPJ_DISSERT.pdf: 893945 bytes, checksum: d28461f66c3f9df0b3e1690450e63046 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-30 Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior The objective of this work was about fixing the free will paradigm as negative evaluation of political rights which presents a new classification dde such rights, producing species: a) conditions of eligibility autonomous (free will), b) eligibility requirements heteronomous (will third party) and c) ineligibility (court decisions / administrative). This morality and life history as a condition of eligibility unattended, making a hermeneutic analysis of art. 14, ? 9 of the Constitution, considering the justification of the views of the voting Minister Carlos Ayres Brito Appeal in Ordinary No 1069/2006 of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (where Eurico Miranda). Are fixed concepts of morality and life history from the perspective of the moral act freely and consciously. Has resulted in the identification of the moral virtues of honesty and integrity, which are voluntary acts as a reference to morality and integrity respectively. Justifies the morality and life history as a condition of eligibility unattended. who depend exclusively on the willingness of the candidate. It is noteworthy that the conditions for eligibility as a factual finding does not violate the law and does not allow punitive sanctions or setting a deadline in case of refusal to register the application. Attributed to political parties to take responsibility in their statutes moral criteria for the nomination convention in pre candidates, giving an ethical dimension. Analyzes the law under the Clean Record of morality and life history of the candidate and the possible impact on the electoral context. O objetivo deste trabalho ? versar sobre a fixa??o do livre arb?trio como paradigma avaliativo dos direitos pol?ticos de recep??o apresentando uma nova classifica??o de tais direitos, produzindo as esp?cies: a) condi??es de elegibilidade aut?nomas (vontade livre); b) condi??es de elegibilidade heter?nomas (vontade de terceiros) e c) inelegibilidades (decis?es judiciais/administrativas). Trata ainda da moralidade e da vida pregressa como condi??o aut?noma de elegibilidade, fazendo uma an?lise hermen?utica do art. 14, ? 9? da Constitui??o Federal, considerando a fundamenta??o dos voto de vistas do Ministro Carlos Ayres Brito, no Recurso Ordin?rio n? 1069/2006 do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (caso Eurico Miranda). Nele s?o fixados os conceitos de moralidade e da vida pregressa dentro da perspectiva do ato moral livre e consciente. Tem como resultado a identifica??o das virtudes morais da honradez e da honestidade, sendo estas atos volunt?rios, como refer?ncia ? moralidade e ? probidade respectivamente. Justifica-se a moralidade e a vida pregressa como condi??o aut?noma de elegibilidade as quais dependem exclusivamente da vontade do candidato. Ressalta-se as condi??es de elegibilidade como uma constata??o f?tica que n?o viola o direito e n?o admite san??es punitivas ou fixa??o de prazo, em caso de indeferimento do registro da candidatura. Atribui aos partidos pol?ticos a responsabilidade em adotar em seus estatutos crit?rios morais para indica??o em conven??o de pr? candidatos, dando uma dimens?o ?tica. Analisa a Lei da Ficha Limpa sob a moralidade e vida pregressa do candidato e as poss?veis incid?ncias no contexto eleitoral.

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Pinto, J?nior Nilo Ferreira. "A moralidade e a vida pregressa do candidato como condi??o aut?noma de elegibilidade." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2010. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/18301.

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-24T17:54:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NiloFPJ_DISSERT_PARCIAL.pdf: 334406 bytes, checksum: d62c2d974e7774921b2113f8a9223135 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-30 Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior The objective of this work was about fixing the free will paradigm as negative evaluation of political rights which presents a new classification dde such rights, producing species: a) conditions of eligibility autonomous (free will), b) eligibility requirements heteronomous (will third party) and c) ineligibility (court decisions / administrative). This morality and life history as a condition of eligibility unattended, making a hermeneutic analysis of art. 14, ? 9 of the Constitution, considering the justification of the views of the voting Minister Carlos Ayres Brito Appeal in Ordinary No 1069/2006 of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (where Eurico Miranda). Are fixed concepts of morality and life history from the perspective of the moral act freely and consciously. Has resulted in the identification of the moral virtues of honesty and integrity, which are voluntary acts as a reference to morality and integrity respectively. Justifies the morality and life history as a condition of eligibility unattended. who depend exclusively on the willingness of the candidate. It is noteworthy that the conditions for eligibility as a factual finding does not violate the law and does not allow punitive sanctions or setting a deadline in case of refusal to register the application. Attributed to political parties to take responsibility in their statutes moral criteria for the nomination convention in pre candidates, giving an ethical dimension. Analyzes the law under the Clean Record of morality and life history of the candidate and the possible impact on the electoral context O objetivo deste trabalho ? versar sobre a fixa??o do livre arb?trio como paradigma avaliativo dos direitos pol?ticos de recep??o apresentando uma nova classifica??o de tais direitos, produzindo as esp?cies: a) condi??es de elegibilidade aut?nomas (vontade livre); b) condi??es de elegibilidade heter?nomas (vontade de terceiros) e c) inelegibilidades (decis?es judiciais/administrativas). Trata ainda da moralidade e da vida pregressa como condi??o aut?noma de elegibilidade, fazendo uma an?lise hermen?utica do art. 14, ? 9? da Constitui??o Federal, considerando a fundamenta??o dos voto de vistas do Ministro Carlos Ayres Brito, no Recurso Ordin?rio n? 1069/2006 do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (caso Eurico Miranda). Nele s?o fixados os conceitos de moralidade e da vida pregressa dentro da perspectiva do ato moral livre e consciente. Tem como resultado a identifica??o das virtudes morais da honradez e da honestidade, sendo estas atos volunt?rios, como refer?ncia ? moralidade e ? probidade respectivamente. Justifica-se a moralidade e a vida pregressa como condi??o aut?noma de elegibilidade as quais dependem exclusivamente da vontade do candidato. Ressalta-se as condi??es de elegibilidade como uma constata??o f?tica que n?o viola o direito e n?o admite san??es punitivas ou fixa??o de prazo, em caso de indeferimento do registro da candidatura. Atribui aos partidos pol?ticos a responsabilidade em adotar em seus estatutos crit?rios morais para indica??o em conven??o de pr? candidatos, dando uma dimens?o ?tica. Analisa a Lei da Ficha Limpa sob a moralidade e vida pregressa do candidato e as poss?veis incid?ncias no contexto eleitoral

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Hanada, Nanaho. "A Bridge between Civil Society and Electoral Politics? Political Integration of Women in the Japanese Non-profit Organizations." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1248870159.

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PONTES, CARLA SENA. "LA ACTUACIÓN DE LA JUSTICIA ELECTORAL EN LA FISCALIZACIÓN DE LAS CUENTAS DE LOS CANDIDATOS Y DE LOS PARTIDOS POLÍTICOS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2008. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=13478@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a efetividade da atuação da Justiça Eleitoral brasileira na fiscalização das contas dos candidatos e partidos políticos. A demanda por recursos financeiros, associada às inevitáveis relações estabelecidas entre grupos de interesses e candidatos, constitui fator de risco para a integridade e autonomia do sistema de financiamento político. A prestação de contas dos recursos utilizados nas campanhas políticas tornou-se uma das principais preocupações da Justiça Eleitoral, que vem tentando coibir a incidência de desvios de recursos, as fraudes e o abuso do poder econômico por parte dos candidatos. O estudo revelou a participação da Justiça Eleitoral no aperfeiçoamento democrático e na judicialização da política, bem como os níveis de accountability exercidos, na perspectiva eleitoral, à luz das diversas concepções dos estudiosos da matéria. A análise do tema demonstrou a ocorrência de inovações normativas, que agregaram maior valor ao sistema de financiamento político. A realização de entrevistas com os responsáveis pela análise e julgamento das contas no Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Minas Gerais possibilitou a avaliação da percepção institucional acerca da efetividade da Justiça Eleitoral. A pesquisa realizada nos processos com contas reprovadas do Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Minas Gerais dos anos de 2002 e 2006 teve como principal objetivo apurar a causa da elevação das desaprovações no último ano. Os resultados confirmaram o pressuposto da pesquisa referente à atuação da Justiça Eleitoral traduzido no aumento das reprovações das contas, tendo em vista a constatação da realização de alterações normativas pertinentes e a adoção de mecanismos de controle. Os resultados alcançados evidenciaram avanços da Justiça Eleitoral em direção a uma maior accountability e à construção de uma sociedade mais democrática, muito embora possam ser utilizados como parâmetros para o levantamento de questionamentos acerca de hipóteses para o aprimoramento do atual Sistema de Prestação de Contas. Esta disertación tuvo, como objetivo general, el análisis de la efectividad de la actuación de la Justicia Electoral Brasileña, en la fiscalización de las cuentas de los candidatos y partidos políticos. La demanda por recursos financieros, asociada a las inevitables relaciones establecidas entre los grupos de intereses y candidatos, constituye un factor de riesgo para la integridad y autonomía del Sistema Político. El problema de la prestación de cuentas de los recursos utilizados en las campañas políticas se transformó en una de las principales preocupaciones de la Justicia Electoral, que está intentando cohibir o minimizar la incidencia de desvíos de recursos, los fraudes, así como el abuso del poder económico por parte de los candidatos, en el actual Sistema. El estudio reveló la participación de la Justicia Electoral en el perfeccionamiento democrático y en la participación del poder judiciario en las cuestiones políticas y también los niveles de responsabilidad ejercidos, en la perspectiva electoral, a la luz de las diversas concepciones de los estudiosos de la materia. El análisis del tema demostró la ocurrencia de innovaciones normativas, que agregaron mayor valor al Sistema de Financiamiento Político. La realización de entrevistas con los responsables por el análisis y el juicio de las cuentas, en el Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Minas Gerais, posibilitó la evaluación de la percepción institucional acerca de la efectividad de la Justicia Electoral. La pesquisa realizada, en los procesos con cuentas reprobadas por el Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Minas Gerais, en 2002 y 2006, tuvo como principal objetivo la descubierta de la causa de la elevación de las desaprobaciones en el último año. Los resultados confirmaron el presupuesto de la pesquisa, en lo que se refiere a la relación de la actuación de la Justicia Electoral con el aumento de las reprobaciones de las cuentas, llevándose a cuenta la constatación de la realización de alteraciones normativas pertinentes y a la adopción de mecanismos de control. Los resultados alcanzados evidenciaron avances de la Justicia Electoral, en dirección a una mayor responsabilidad y a la construcción de una sociedad más democrática, empero puedan ser utilizados como parámetros para el levantamiento de cuestionamientos acerca de hipótesis para que se pueda perfeccionar el actual Sistema de Presentación de Cuentas.

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Vergel, Loo Lucía del Pilar. "Imágenes de la caricatura política en época electoral : campaña presidencial 2001." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/1288.

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El presente estudio titulado “Imágenes de la caricatura política en época electoral: campaña presidencial 2001” se vincula con una de las etapas más importantes de nuestra historia republicana. Las elecciones presidenciales del año 2001 fueron una etapa de reencuentro de la sociedad peruana con los gobiernos democráticos, luego del gobierno autoritario de Alberto Fujimori, cuando la libertad de expresión se vio menoscabada por el miedo que inspiraban los servicios de inteligencia y los operativos psicosociales de los diarios sensacionalistas y la televisión. Los peruanos probablemente recordaremos siempre que la corrupción del Estado se hizo evidente en los “vladivideos”. El primero de ellos, transmitido el 14 de septiembre de 2000, a través de la señal abierta de la televisión, causó la caída definitiva del gobierno fujimorista, pues en él todo el país pudo apreciar a Vladimiro Montesinos, el entonces asesor presidencial, entregando US$ 15.000 al parlamentario Alberto Kouri para que pase de la oposición a las filas del oficialismo. La crisis culminaría con la renuncia de Fujimori a la presidencia desde Japón y la posterior instalación de un gobierno transitorio presidido por Valentín Paniagua. Este trabajo busca descubrir las imágenes de la campaña presidencial del 2001 que se proyectaron en la prensa y puntualmente se enfoca en las caricaturas políticas de los diarios Expreso (Miguel Ángel Mesías), La República (Alfredo Marcos) y Gestión (Eduardo Rodríguez). Teniendo en cuenta la importancia de las caricaturas políticas, como instrumento de lucha ideológica y crítica social, que puede ensalzar o destruir a los personajes, decidimos centrar la investigación en la imagen de los candidatos a la presidencia, por ser estos los protagonistas de la campaña electoral. Nos concentramos en la primera vuelta electoral para apreciar la imagen que los caricaturistas capturaron de todos los candidatos en aquella contienda política. A través de un exhaustivo análisis del discurso propio de la caricatura, compuesto por recursos complejos de idioma visual y verbal, reflexionamos en torno a las características de las caricaturas de Expreso, Gestión y La República, y las potencialidades que tienen para revalorar, desestimar e incluso despreciar a los candidatos. Tesis

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Turner, Michael Thomas Eugeniusz. "Incumbency effects in English Local Elections 1974-2010 : assessing the advantage of electoral defence." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/2994.

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The study of electoral defence and its stated advantages are an integral part of American political science. Post-war, much academic literature has emerged in an attempt to identify and explain rising re-election rates of congressional incumbents and the political consequences of such a phenomenon (Mayhew 1974; Fiorina 1977; Cain, Ferejohn & Fiorina 1987; Gelman & King 1990; King 1991). Conversely, the study of political incumbency in Britain can be attributed to a handful of scholars who tend to consider the repercussions at parliamentary level (Williams 1967, King 1981, Cain, Ferejohn and Fiorina 1984, Norton 1990 & 1994, Norris, Valance & Lovenduski 1992). Consequently, incumbency advantage at the local level remains a relatively under-researched topic in England, confined to the sub-chapters of Rallings & Thrasher (1997). The aim of this thesis is to research and present evidence in support of incumbency effects in English local elections and the extent to which they influence their outcome, in that, incumbent candidates fare better than less experienced candidates, to different degrees across the three major parties. It will do so using survey and electoral data collected by The Elections Centre at Plymouth University, drawing on established methods from the literature and demonstrating via a variety of data and methods, that incumbency advantage is indeed a real phenomenon effecting the outcomes of local elections in England. The research provides substantial evidence for Sophomore Surge and Retirement Slump effects throughout the period examined (1974-2010). These methods of estimation feature alongside a number of others, which are constructed to uncover the significance of defending, rather than challenging for a council seat. A number of influences on the advantage that defending councillors maintain are also presented, including district magnitude, ward size and rural/urban classification. Results reveal a modest advantage for Conservative and Labour incumbent candidates, whilst the effects are shown to be stronger for the Liberal Democrats, a finding that is in step with the existing literature on electoral trends and the local campaign strategy of the party (Dorling et al, 1998; McAllister et al, 2002; Russell & Fieldhouse, 2005; Cutts 2006).

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D'Aguiar, José da Costa-Cabral. "Acesso directo dos partidos e candidatos à televisão: actualidade do direito de antena (o caso português)." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3032.

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Tese de Mestrado em Ciência Política A televisão, pela sua vasta audiência, é um elemento central da comunicação política contemporânea. A dinâmica das campanhas eleitorais implica, para que as mensagens possam chegar aos eleitores, a construção de momentos mediáticos, planeados para captar o interesse da televisão. A cobertura editorial e noticiosa, contudo, não garante que as mensagens dos partidos e das candidaturas cheguem, como pretendido, ao eleitorado. Assim, os partidos e os candidatos têm interesse em comunicar, na televisão, directamente com o eleitorado, sem intermediação jornalística. Em Portugal, esse acesso directo, para efeitos de transmissão de mensagens políticas e eleitorais, é garantido e regulado pelo direito de antena, inteiramente financiado pelo Estado, cujos pressupostos se mantêm praticamente inalterados desde o início da democracia. Nesta dissertação tentar-se-á compreender a actualidade do direito de antena tendo em conta os aumentos das subvenções estatais às campanhas eleitorais, as características da moderna comunicação política e eleitoral, atendendo-se, também, às alterações verificadas na relação dos partidos com o eleitorado. By its vast audiences, television is a central element of contemporary political communication. To achieve the objective of reaching voters with the selected messages, the dynamics of today’s electoral campaign involves the construction of media planned events, in order to obtain television interest and coverage. However, news and editorial coverage doesn’t guarantee that political parties and electoral candidatures messages reach, as planned, the electorate. So being, parties and candidates have an interest in communicating, in television, directly with the electorate, without journalistic intervention. In Portugal, such direct access to television is assured and regulated by Right to Broadcasting Time, entirely financed by the State, which grounds have remained practically unaltered since the beginning of democracy. In this paper we will try to understand the current pertinence of Right to Broadcasting Time, taking into account the increase of public financing to electoral campaigns, the features of modern political and electoral communication, and the changes in the relationship between political parties and the electorate.

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Widhianto, Agung. "Why people run for elective office? : Study of political motives among local elites in Kebumen." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-162522.

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Why do people run for elective office? Indeed, it is a central topic in political science that arguably is controversial to reveal, but always appealing since public authority remains in office. This study provides an explorative analysis to investigate local elites’ motives running for local parliament and village offices respectively in Kebumen, Indonesia. In examining individual’s motives, experiences and meanings of candidates are analysed using thematic analysis methods to capture emerging ideas of initial motives, enabling and constraining factors that affect the motives, and how both motives alter. The empirical findings of this study show that “people demand” and “community service” are both socially driven motives which act as a catalyst for the initial motives in candidacy process. In contrast, “monetary incentives” and “personal satisfaction” are both individually driven motives, which in turn replace the initial motives in response to high-cost political competition, that is so-called money politics. This study also captures the emergence of religious motive in the shifting process of the socially driven to the individually driven motives. Eventually, the study affirms that both motives, in combination, constitute a political motive as a desire of power to hold an elective office.

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Mimesse, Me Fame Marie. "L’élection présidentielle comme levier de pérennisation dans le système élitaire au Cameroun de 1992 à 2011." Thesis, Lille 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LIL20025.

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Notre travail se propose d’analyser selon quelles modalités se mettent en place et évoluent les intégrations élitaires de type thermidorien qui sont à l’oeuvre au Cameroun de 1992 à 2011, au travers des transactions liées à la candidature aux élections présidentielles.En décembre 1990, après 4 décennies d’un régime présidentiel monolithique, des forces d’opposition émergent à l’occasion de la libéralisation de la vie politique, dans l’optique de renverser le pouvoir en place, dans une logique révolutionnaire. Au bout de deux décennies de pluralisme, à défaut d’avoir remplacé le pouvoir en place, certains des membres de la fronde contre le pouvoir sont intégrés dans les instances gouvernementales du régime, occasionnant une révolution thermidorienne. Nous passons en revue les différents éléments (systémiques et conjoncturels) facilitateurs de l’intégration élitaire, au sortir d’une période autoritaire et qui favorisent les intégrations des anciens révolutionnaires dans le centre du pouvoir. Les conditions analysées sont les suivantes en ce qui concerne les éléments systémiques : une structuration élitaire centralisée qui freine la mise en place d’un polycentre, une opposition autonome, un recrutement élitaire décentralisé, le mésocratisme comme coutume du champ politique. Les éléments conjoncturels qui initient l’intégration élitaire postautoritaire, et que nous analysons, sont les suivants : la possession par les élites émergeantes des caractéristiques de la nouvelle donne du jeu politique (référentiels démocratiques), le défaut de cette nouvelle caractéristique chez les élites en position dans le pouvoir central, la capacité chez les élites intermédiaires d’exercer une pression sur le centre du pouvoir, afin de modifier l’agenda politique, et enfin, la possibilité pour les élites en place de mettre à profit les leviers institutionnels dont ils disposent pour rassembler les différentes factions en présence Our work aims at studying how the thermidorian-type elite integrations witnessed in Cameroon from 1992 to 2011 are set up and evolve, based on transactions linked to the candidacy for presidential elections. In december 1990, after 4 decades of one-party presidential system, opposition forces emerged thanks to the liberalisation of political life in december 1990, with the aim of toppling the powers that be, through a revolutionary move. After two decades of pluralism, some members of the opposition who have not succeeded to replace the people in power are integrated into public bodies of the regime, thus causing a thermidorian revolution. We are reviewing the various elements (system andsituational) facilitating elite integration at the end of an authoritarian period and which foster the integration of former revolutionaries into the centre of power. The following conditions are reviewed, including: a centralised elite structure which hinders the setting up of a polycentre for an independent opposition, a decentralised elite recruitment, mesocratism as a practice in the political field. Situational elements which promote the integration of post-authoritarian elite and that we are analysing are the following :emerging elite possess the characteristics of the new order of political game (democraticreferences), elite in the central power lack of this new characteristics, intermediary elite are able to mount pressure on the central power to change the political agenda, and lastly, the elite in power can use institutional levers at their disposal to bring the various existing factions together

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Pérez, Reyes Rafael Yuri. "La competencia electoral entre las organizaciones políticas durante las elecciones municipales en la provincia del Santa – Ancash en el 2014." Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/12371.

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La presente investigación describe y analiza las estrategias empleadas por los candidatos a la alcaldía provincial de Santa, en la Región Ancash, durante las Elecciones Regionales y Municipales 2014. En el trabajo se identifican prácticas que vulneran el principio de legalidad o incumplen la normativa electoral alterando el espíritu de la Ley. Si bien esta investigación presenta muchos antecedentes académicos que han analizado los procesos de participación política en elecciones subnacionales, la mayoría de estos lo hizo en el análisis de la jurisprudencia, por lo que este trabajo destaca su importancia a nivel metodológico, pues, propone registrar experiencias de los candidatos e integrantes de las organizaciones políticas que participaron en dicho proceso y que desde su perspectiva narren los acontecimientos. Así, se propone como hipótesis que el proceso electoral para elección de alcaldes distritales y alcalde provincial en la provincia de Santa – Ancash en el 2014 se desarrolló en medio de campañas que vulneraron la legislación electoral vigente debido a prácticas negativas que desarrollaron los candidatos en su afán de alcanzar el triunfo en el marco de una compleja fragmentación política local. Por ello, se concluye que existen ciertas prácticas desarrolladas por los actores políticos durante el desarrollo de los procesos electorales, estas prácticas corresponden a factores aprendidos asociados al desarrollo de prácticas informales que tienen como objetivo generar aprovechamiento político en la competencia electoral. El análisis que aquí se realiza toma en consideración los aportes teóricos sobre la informalidad en los procesos políticos y las relaciones amigo-enemigo desde la perspectiva de Schmit The present research describes and analyzes the strategies employed by the candidates for the provincial mayoralty of Santa, in the Ancash Region, during the 2014 Regional and Municipal Elections. The work identifies practices that violate the principle of legality or violate electoral regulations by altering the spirit of the Law. While this research has many academic backgrounds that have analyzed the processes of political participation in subnational elections, most of them did so in the analysis of jurisprudence, so this work highlights its importance at the methodological level, therefore, proposes to record the experiences of the candidates and members of the political organizations that participated in this process and who, from their perspective, narrate the events. Thus, it is proposed as a hypothesis that the electoral process for the election of district mayors and provincial mayor in the province of Santa - Ancash in 2014 took place amid campaigns that violated current electoral legislation due to negative practices developed by candidates in their eagerness to reach the triumph in the framework of a complex local political fragmentation. Therefore, it is concluded that there are certain practices developed by political actors during the development of electoral processes, these practices correspond to learned factors associated with the development of informal practices that aim to generate political advantage in the electoral competition. The analysis carried out here takes into account the theoretical contributions on informality in political processes and friend-enemy relations from Schmit's perspective Tesis

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VILLANUEVA, AGUILAR BRENDA KARINA. "LAS ELECCIONES DE GOBERNADOR EN EL ESTADO DE PUEBLA 2016." Tesis de Licenciatura, UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DEL ESTADO DE MÉXICO, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11799/111118.

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En este trabajo, a través del método comparado y con técnicas de investigación cualitativas, documental y entrevistas, se comprueba que, en las elecciones para gobernador de Puebla del 2016 el candidato, José Tony Gali, de la coalición PT, PANAL, PSI y Partido Compromiso por Puebla, obtuvo el triunfo gracias a una estrategia de campaña de posicionamiento, por el apoyo del gobernador saliente y porque venía a representar un candidato bisagra que abriría las puertas para que Erika Alonso fuera la candidata del PAN en 2018. Esta Investigación es sobre el estado de Puebla, una de las entidades que aporta gran número de votos, por ser de las más pobladas, además de ser de las más industrializadas. La trascendencia de Puebla también está en la cercanía con la Ciudad de México. El estado de Puebla fue gobernado por el empresario Rafael Moreno Valle, de ahí el desarrollo en infraestructura en la entidad; por lo que en la campaña electoral para renovar al gobernador en 2016, Antonio Galy, se observa la intervención y aportación económica de empresarios, los mismos que apoyaron a Moreno Valle. Lo que se pretende con esta investigación es dar un referente estructural a la sociedad de cómo funciona la política en el estado de Puebla, sobre todo al momento de elegir a su gobernador. Para ello se analizan los factores determinantes que coadyuvan en elegir al candidato para gobernador de los diferentes partidos políticos.

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Keir, Warren Neill. "Voter behaviour and constitutional change in Australia since 1967." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/31139/1/Warren_Keir_Thesis.pdf.

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Australian Constitutional referendums have been part of the Australian political system since federation. Up to the year 1999 (the time of the last referendum in Australia), constitutional change in Australia does not have a good history of acceptance. Since 1901, there have been 44 proposed constitutional changes with eight gaining the required acceptance according to section 128 of the Australian Constitution. In the modern era since 1967, there have been 20 proposals over seven referendum votes for a total of four changes. Over this same period, there have been 13 federal general elections which have realised change in government just five times. This research examines the electoral behaviour of Australian voters from 1967 to 1999 for each referendum. Party identification has long been a key indicator in general election voting. This research considers whether the dominant theory of voter behaviour in general elections (the Michigan Model) provides a plausible explanation for voting in Australian referendums. In order to explain electoral behaviour in each referendum, this research has utilised available data from the Australian Electoral Commission, the 1996 Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data, and the 1999 Australian Constitutional Referendum Study. This data has provided the necessary variables required to measure the impact of the Michigan Model of voter behaviour. Measurements have been conducted using bivariate and multivariate analyses. Each referendum provides an overview of the events at the time of the referendum as well as the =yes‘ and =no‘ cases at the time each referendum was initiated. Results from this research provide support for the Michigan Model of voter behaviour in Australian referendum voting. This research concludes that party identification, as a key variable of the Michigan Model, shows that voters continue to take their cues for voting from the political party they identify with in Australian referendums. However, the outcome of Australian referendums clearly shows that partisanship is only one of a number of contributory factors in constitutional referendums.

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González, Urzúa Constanza Alejandra, and Roco Ignacio Sebastián Vargas. "Génesis y análisis jurídico de la ley no. 20.640, que establece el sistema de elecciones primarias para la nominación de candidatos a Presidente de la República, Parlamentarios y Alcaldes." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2013. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/116261.

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Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) Con fecha 29 de noviembre del año 2012 se promulgó la Ley Nº 20.640 que “establece el sistema de elecciones primarias para la nominación de candidatos a Presidente de la República, Parlamentarios y Alcaldes” (en adelante la Ley), cuya publicación y entrada en vigencia tuvieron lugar el día 6 de diciembre del año 2012. Esta ley busca regular la participación de los partidos políticos en elecciones primarias para la nominación de candidatos a los cargos de Presidente de la República, Senador, Diputado y Alcalde. La ley contempla la opción de la existencia de pactos intrapartidarios, así como también la participación de candidaturas independientes patrocinadas, dejando a elección de los partidos políticos la norma que determinará el padrón electoral de los electores con derecho a sufragio (contenido en el artículo 20 de la Ley). Para el ejecutivo, la promulgación de esta Ley se justifica en la urgente necesidad de perfeccionar las instituciones democráticas. Esto, ya que en la actualidad existen diversos signos que vendrían a reflejar un posible debilitamiento de la institucionalidad, tales como (i) la baja en la participación electoral; (ii) el envejecimiento del electorado; y por sobre todo (iii) el aumento en la desconfianza ciudadana hacia los partidos políticos (Mensaje 119-359, 2011). Así, la ley que establece un sistema de elecciones primarias se enmarca dentro de una serie de reformas políticas adoptadas por el ejecutivo, dentro de las cuales se encuentra la ley de inscripción automática y voto voluntario, la elección directa de los Consejeros Regionales, la iniciativa ciudadana de ley y el incentivo a la realización de plebiscitos comunales. Dentro de esta serie de medidas, se considera especialmente relevante la institución de un sistema de primarias voluntarias y vinculantes para la selección de los candidatos a la mayoría de los cargos de elección popular, ya que ésta vendría a refrescar el proceso democrático del país, persiguiendo una mayor transparencia y representación de los partidos políticos. Todo lo señalado anteriormente hace necesaria la existencia de un análisis crítico de la Ley Nº 20.640 y de la realidad política en la que ella se inserta, ya que lo que motivó al legislador a dictar una ley que busca instaurar un sistema de elecciones primarias en nuestro país, nos obliga a analizar la presente ley no sólo desde una óptica jurídica, sino también desde la óptica de las ciencias políticas y de la realidad política y electoral actual. Es por eso que el presente trabajo tendrá por objeto la realización de un análisis crítico de la ley en cuestión con especial énfasis en la génesis de la misma, que es donde se insertan las diversas discusiones en torno a la realidad política actual y a la necesidad de fortalecimiento del sistema democrático y electoral

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M, Sjöberg Fredrik. "Competitive Elections in Authoritarian States : Weak States, Strong Elites, and Fractional Societies in Central Asia and Beyond." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-156150.

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Why do some authoritarian states have competitive elections? This study shows that whenever there is a balance of power between candidates, competitiveness will ensue. Electoral fraud is often widespread in autocratic states, but if no single candidate or party is in a position to monopolize electoral support the result will be competitive. The contribution here is to analyze the relative strength of all the actors involved in a parliamentary election and to show that electoral returns reflect the district level balance of power, even in autocracies. Three main sources of candidate-level electoral power are identified: state, market, and society. State affiliated candidates in authoritarian states perform well due to favorable treatment by state institutions. Market actors perform well due to financial resources. These actors arise when market reforms create a class of entrepreneurs that defend their interests by running for public office, often challenging state sanctioned candidates. The strength of candidates using social cleavages, here mainly ‘clan’ and ethnic, is found to be exaggerated in the literature. The study also confirms that competitiveness did not result from an active civil society. Competitive elections matter because they can severely destabilize the regime, as was the case in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. However, electoral competitiveness that is the result of an intra-elite balance of power should not be confused with democracy. This form of self-interested competitiveness where clientelism is pervasive and accountability mechanisms are weak is an affront to the democratic ideal. For those of us who advocate democracy and genuine political participation competitive authoritarian regimes can be used as an informative cautionary tale. Power matters, and especially so in authoritarian states. Understanding the logic behind competitive authoritarianism helps us revise strategies for lasting democratic reforms.

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Kasic, Ivan. "La publicité politique." Aix-Marseille 3, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995AIX32021.

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L'emprise de la publicite sur la politique, qui est l'objet de la premiere partie de cette etude, est mise en evidence par la definition de la publicite politique, par son evolution historique ainsi que par le developpement d'un marche de la publicite politique. L'impact de la publicite politique sur la democratie sera traite en deuxieme partie et concerne la propagande en periode electorale et la propagande en dehors de cette periode The influence of actuestising over palige, whick shall be the subject of the first part of this studies must he analysed in the light of the definition, historical development of political advertising. The impact of political advertising upon democfaty shall be studied through as analysis of propaganda during and outside electoral periode in a second part

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Vega, López Javier Antonio. "Agenda, posturas y candidatos: Cómo los diarios definen su contenido político durante procesos electorales. Un análisis de las elecciones del 2011." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/9798.

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La siguiente tesis tiene como objetivo identificar como se constituye el comportamiento político al interior de los medios de comunicación pertenecientes a los grupos mediáticos más importantes del país. Para ello se ha hecho una medición de la agenda mediática de los diarios El Comercio y La República durante las elecciones presidenciales del 2011. En dicha medición se han revisado todas las ediciones diarias de ambos periódicos entre el 1 de enero al 5 de junio del 2011. Acto seguido, se ha cuantificado la cantidad de menciones de los cinco candidatos presidenciales más importantes tanto en las portadas, en las encuestas y en las noticias diarias, así como la postura que el diario tomaba hacia cada uno de ellos. Finalmente, esta medición fue contrastada con entrevistas realizadas a periodistas que participaron al interior de ambos medios durante el proceso electoral mencionado. Lo que se ha podido encontrar es que el nivel de involucración política de los diarios puede ser rastreado a su financiamiento mismo, siendo aquellos diarios que dependen más de su venta diaria como fuente de ingresos unos medios con una postura política más directa en comparación a aquellos que dependen más de la venta de espacios publicitarios. A partir de ahí, ambos diarios desarrollan una línea editorial heredada en el tiempo que le da mayor o menor importancia a lo político y económico, pero en ambos casos se ha podido observar que esta línea editorial es el primer filtro de contenidos y posturas que el medio tomará hacia los candidatos; dejando así, en un segundo lugar, con mayor o menor independencia a los directores y editores que trabajan al interior de los medios de transferir sus posturas personales al contenido de las ediciones diarias. Tesis

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Cuzma, Sanchez Marisabel. "Monitoreo periodístico durante la segunda vuelta electoral para las elecciones presidenciales en el 2006 eligiendo al mal menor, una experiencia en el diario Perú 21 (10 de abril al 5 de junio)." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/10838.

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Reflexiona o teoriza sobre los mecanismos que se siguieron en la redacción del diario Perú 21, como en cualquier otra, para propiciar un tipo de flujo informativo. A través del monitoreo que significa estar alertas, para reportar aquellas declaraciones contradictorias, elocuentes y además escandalosas que los candidatos en contienda, Ollanta Humala Tasso y Alan García Pérez, y también sus aliados o seguidores, expresaban durante las entrevistas que se les realizaba en las emisoras Cadena Peruana de Noticias (CPN) y Radio Programas del Perú (RPP). Se elaboraban los reportes en sintonía con los titulares de Perú 21, pues las portadas del diario indicaban el camino a seguir por sus páginas interiores y eran un indicador también de lo que podía o no reportarse en los resúmenes informativos. Así, había que hacerle seguimiento a las noticias que el diario ponía en primera plana por ser consideradas como las más importantes. Trabajo de suficiencia profesional

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Ramos, Jaramillo Ricardo Benjamín. "Euforias y disforias en la construcción periodística de la imagen de los candidatos presidenciales de la segunda vuelta electoral de 2011 en el Perú. Análisis comparativo basado en encuadres noticiosos de las portadas de dos tabloides." Master's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/7336.

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Publicación a texto completo no autorizada por el autor La sensacionalización de la agenda política es una de las características distintivas de los tabloides surgidos en el Perú en la era post Fujimori, tras el relanzamiento del diario Correo. Estos medios -insuficientemente estudiados hasta el momento- jerarquizan noticias políticas en sus primeras planas pero con un tratamiento periodístico que recupera fórmulas propias de la prensa popular. Un caso que ilustra este fenómeno y, se propone como objeto de la presente investigación, es la construcción de la imagen de los candidatos presidenciales Keiko Fujimori y Ollanta Humala durante la campaña de la segunda vuelta de las elecciones de 2011. Aplicando la metodología de análisis de contenido basada en encuadres noticiosos, la investigación se enfoca en describir y analizar como dos de los referidos tabloides, Correo y Perú21 (los primeros en aparecer y los de mayor lectoría en su tipo) desarrollaron una cobertura del proceso electoral signada por una marcada parcialidad política y, en ese contexto, construyeron en sus portadas una imagen euforizada del candidato afín a su línea editorial y disforizada del candidato adverso, con un claro predominio de este segundo recurso sobre el primero. Tesis

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Electoral Candidate'

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