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Chen, Jowei. "Essays on the electoral geography of distributive politics /." May be available electronically:, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Kinsella, Chad J. "Democracy on Shifting Ground: An Analysis of the Use of Precincts in Spatial Electoral Studies." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1330023850.
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Schuman, Andrew. "Boundary changes, local political activism and the importance of the electoral ward : an electoral geography of Bristol 1996-1999." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310689.
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Mat, Jali Mohd Fuad. "Regionalism, ethnicity and voting behaviour in Malaysia." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239695.
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Hlavacova, Zuzana. "The Electoral Geography of the Slovak Republic: A Comparison of the 1994, 1998, and 2002 Parliamentary Elections." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/106.
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In what can rightly be said to be one of the most dramatic geopolitical shifts in modern times, the collapse of communist regimes in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union brought about dramatic changes in the entire region. As a consequence, wide ranging political, economic, and social transformations have occurred in almost all of these countries since 1989. The Slovak Republic, as a newly democratic country, went through the establishment of the electoral and party systems that are the central mechanisms to the formation of almost all modern democratic governments. The primary research purpose of this dissertation was to describe and explain regional variations in party support during Slovakia’s ten years of democratic transformation. A secondary purpose was to relate these spatial variations to the evolution of political parties in the post-independence period in light of the literature on transitional electoral systems. Research questions were analyzed using both aggregate and survey data. Specifically, the study utilized electoral data from 1994, 1998, and 2002 Slovak parliamentary elections and socio-economic data of the population within Slovak regions which were eventually correlated with the voting results by party in the 79 Slovak districts. The results of this study demonstrate that there is a tendency among voters in certain regions to provide continuous support to the same political parties/movements over time. In addition, the socio-economic characteristics of the Slovak population (gender, age, education, religion, nationality, unemployment, work force distribution, wages, urban-rural variable, and population density) in different regions tend to influence voting preferences in the parliamentary elections. Finally, there is an evident correlation between party preference and the party’s position on integration into European Union, as measured by perceived attitudes regarding the benefits of EU membership.
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Klaas, Zachary. "The political and electoral geography of Quebec: A critical analysis of the 1998 Quebec provincial election." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28957.
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The results of the 1998 provincial election in Quebec reveal the existence of six distinct "electoral regions" in the province. The concentration of the vote for the three major political parties, the Parti Quebecois (PQ), the Parti liberal du Quebec (PLQ) and the Action democratique du Quebec (ADQ) defines these regions, in conjunction with information provided by a geographical and statistical database of indicators representing spaces, actors and rationales of action. The portrait of Quebec afforded us by an analysis of such a research database suggests strongly that there are "many Quebecs" rather than a unitary Quebec. A Quebec seeking to remain a political unity must culturally recognise the existence of six distinct regions within it, a number of which differ on basic matters with the majority culture of the province.
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Petrulis, Valdas. "A territorial structure of Lithuania‘s political field (on the basis of electoral method)." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2009~D_20091008_155631-43681.
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The territorial regularities of Lithuania’s sociopolitical development after the independency reestablishment are revealed in this paper. A territorial structure of Lithuania’s political field is analyzed on the basis of electoral method. Four groups of political phenomena are distinguished according to an interpretation of an elections results’ significance: 1) geopolitical attitudes, 2) assessment of the authorities, 3) political ideology and 4) assessment of the authorities’ division. The territorial structure of the political phenomena is revealed referring to the results of the referendums in 1991 and 2003 at the municipalities’ level and of the elections of the President, the Parliament and the Municipality in 1996-2007 at the wards’ level. The main regularities of the territorial structure are identified in each group of political phenomena. Lithuania’s electoral territorial structure distinguishes for a stable regional expression in a period since the statehood’s reestablishment. 6-7 large territorial formations constantly distinguish for special electoral attitudes and peculiar dynamics of the electorate’s behavior and structure in the context of surrounding environment. A constant imbalance of separate regions according to predominance of political ideology and a constant imbalance of political forces’ support in separate urban-rural units’ types, that are characteristic to Lithuania, are highlighted in this paper. Territorial differences of Lithuania’s electorate... [to full text]Darbe atskleidžiami Lietuvos sociopolitinės raidos teritoriniai dėsningumai po Nepriklausomybės atkūrimo. Lietuvos politinio lauko teritorinė struktūra nagrinėjama elektorinio metodo pagrindu. Pagal rinkimų rezultatų reikšmės interpretaciją išskiriamos keturios politinių reiškinių grupės: 1) geopolitinės nuostatos, 2) valdžios vertinimas, 3) politinė ideologija ir 4) valdžios pasidalinimo vertinimas. Politinių reiškinių teritorinė struktūra atskleidžiama pagal 1991 m. ir 2003 m. referendumų rezultatus savivaldybių lygmeniu bei 1996-2007 m. Prezidento, Seimo ir Savivaldos rinkimų rezultatus seniūnijų lygmeniu. Kiekvienoje iš politinių reiškinių grupių identifikuojami pagrindiniai teritorinės struktūros dėsningumai. Lietuvos elektorinė teritorinė struktūra per laikotarpį nuo valstybingumo atkūrimo pasižymi stabilia regionine raiška. 6-7 stambūs teritoriniai dariniai supančios aplinkos fone nuolat išsiskiria ypatingomis rinkiminėmis nuostatomis bei savita elektorato elgesio ir struktūros dinamika. Darbe pabrėžiamas Lietuvai būdingas nuolatinis atskirų regionų netolygumas pagal politinės ideologijos vyravimą bei nuolatinis politinių jėgų paramos netolygumas atskiruose miesto-kaimo vienetų tipuose. Lietuvos elektorato teritoriniai skirtumai apibendrinami Lietuvos politinio rajonavimo schemoje pagal tradicinio-protesto elektoratų ir kairės-dešinės santykį.
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Zolnerkevic, Aleksei. "A geografia e os estudos eleitorais: a influência do contexto no comportamento eleitoral." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-11062018-135611/.
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Esse trabalho busca apresentar os principais estudos, teorias e métodos de pesquisa da subdisciplina geografia eleitoral, desde os primeiros estudos de mapeamento eleitoral de André Siegfried, na França, e Frederick Turner, no EUA, até a perspectiva de análise eleitoral baseada nos lugares, de John Agnew. Em um segundo momento, discutimos os estudos sobre a influência do contexto no comportamento eleitoral. Argumentamos que os indivíduos do ponto de vista contextual seriam influenciados em dois níveis: por suas redes sociais de contato e de comunicação política, e pelo contexto geográfico ao seu redor, onde ocorrem as práticas sociais cotidianas. Na parte empírica do trabalho, usamos a técnica estatística de análise fatorial para identificar os períodos de mudança e estabilidade nos padrões espaciais de votação das eleições presidenciais de 1989 a 2014. Encontramos um período de estabilidade (voto normal) de 2006 a 2014, com uma clivagem regional norte/sul entre PT e PSDB. Por fim, a partir da hipótese que a mobilidade espacial e as redes de interação social modulariam a influência do contexto no comportamento eleitoral discutimos os resultados de uma análise de dados de surveys, aplicados na cidade de São Paulo em 2016.This work seeks to present the main studies, theories, and research methods of the Electoral Geography subdiscipline, from the André Siegfrieds first studies of electoral mapping in France, the Frederick Turners in the United States, to the John Agnews place based electoral analysis perspective. After that, we discuss the studies about the context influence on electoral behaviour. We argue that, from the contextual point of view, individual electoral behaviour would be influenced on two levels: by its social networks of contacts and political communication, and by its surrounding geographical context, where everyday social interactions occur. In the empirical section of our work, we use the factorial analysis statistical technique to identify the periods of change and stability of spatial patterns during the presidential elections from 1989 to 2014. We find a stability period (normal vote) from 2006 to 2014, with a North-South regional cleavage between PT party and PSDB party. Finally, through the hypothesis that spatial mobility and networks of social interaction modulate contexts influence on electoral behaviour, we discuss the results of an analysis of data from a survey held in São Paulo city in 2016.
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Sabater, Albert Coll. "Estimation of ethnic groups in sub-national areas for analysis of population change, England and Wales 1991 - 2001." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2007. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.673859.
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Zolnerkevic, Aleksei. "Geografia eleitoral: volatilidade e tendências nas eleições presidenciais de 1989 a 2006." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8135/tde-17092012-121840/.
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Esta dissertação trata do estudo da volatilidade eleitoral nas eleições presidenciais brasileiras no período de 1989 a 2006 na escala dos municípios brasileiros. Foi calculada a volatilidade eleitoral em quatro períodos: 1989/1994, 1994/1998, 1998/2002 e 2002/2006. Os cálculos foram feitos por meio do índice de volatilidade entre blocos de partidos (Bartolini e Mair 1990). A geografia eleitoral da volatilidade eleitoral municipal desses períodos é apresentada através de tabelas e mapas. Os municípios brasileiros são Identificados e classificados em cinco grupos pelo número de vezes em que eles apresentaram taxas altas de volatilidade no período de 1989 a 2006. Por fim é analisada a possível correlação entre essa classificação e algumas variáveis socioeconômicas. Os resultados obtidos sugerem que altas taxas de volatilidade eleitoral durante as eleições presidenciais nos municípios brasileiros estiveram correlacionadas a índices baixos de condição de vida e educacionais.This dissertation is on the electoral volatility in Brazilian presidential elections between 1989 and 2006 on Brazilian municipalities scale. The electoral volatility of four periods was calculated: 1989/1994, 1994/1998, 1998/2002, and 2002/2006. The calculations were made using the inter-bloc volatility index (Bartolini and Mair, 1990). The electoral geography of municipal electoral volatility is presented through maps and tables. The Brazilian municipalities were identified and classified into five groups according to the incidence of high volatility in the period 1989 to 2006. Finally, there is an analysis of the possible correlation between this classification and some socioeconomic variables. The results indicate that high rates of electoral volatility during presidential elections in Brazilian municipalities were correlated with low rates of education and life condition.
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Huc, Arnaud. "Les deux corps du Front national : Étude contextualisée du vote Front national dans quatre communes ouvrières du Pas-de-Calais et des Bouches-du-Rhône." Thesis, Montpellier, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MONTD004/document.
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Régulièrement considérés comme le terreau du Front national, les espaces périurbains sont en France passés de la lumière à l’ombre. Voulant dépasser cette labellisation ordinaire et stigmatisante, cette thèse se propose d’étudier dans le détail le vote Front national dans le monde périurbain. À partir de quatre villes situées dans le Pas-de-Calais et les Bouches-du-Rhône et par un travail comparatif sont étudiées les sociologies des électeurs du Front national. À cette étude sociologique s’adjoint la volonté d’expliquer pourquoi certains espaces périurbains semblent créer un vote que certains qualifient de repli. Les différentes méthodes utilisées permettent de montrer que dans les espaces périurbains comme ailleurs, le vote Front national n’est pas une évidence, mais le résultat de trajectoires sociales, résidentielles et idéologiques particulières. Le vote FN présente par ailleurs un visage différent, voire contradictoire, dans le département du Pas-de-Calais ainsi que dans celui des Bouches-du-Rhône, et s’oppose ainsi un électorat populaire septentrional à un électorat plus aisé dans les départements méditerranéensGenerally considered as a fertile ground for the Front national, the suburbs have moved in France from light to shadow. Wishing to overcome this ordinary and stigmatising labelling, this thesis intends to study in detail the Front national’s vote in the suburban space. This thesis offers to examine the sociology of the FN electorate in four cities located in Pas-de-Calais and Bouches-du-Rhône by a comparative methodology. Within this study is associated the will to explain why some suburbs seem to create a vote which some qualify as inward looking. The various methods we use allow us to show that in suburbs as elsewhere, voting for the Front national is not an obvious fact, but is the result of particular social, residential and ideological trajectories. Moreover, this voting shows a different - if not contradictory - face in the department of Pas-de-Calais than in the Bouches-du-Rhône. Therefore, are opposed a northern popular electorate and a wealthier one in the south
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Pereira, Bruno Magnum. "Geografia eleitoral: análise espacial dos votos dos deputados estaduais de Goiás nas eleições de 2006 e 2010." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/5623.
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The Electoral Geography emerges in France for over one hundred years, with the geographer André Siegfried. However, geography has neglected this area for decades Political Geography. Recently the interest in studies of elections comes back to geographical science, emerging analysis suggests that the spatial dimension as a possible explanatory variable. Thus, considering the importance of the role of space in the analysis of elections as we have assumed that the vote is a given space. Therefore, we propose a spatial analysis of the votes of election in 2006 and 2010 for state representative of Goiás. Thus, the overall goal was to analyse how place shapes the distribution of votes in the space and their relationship to the political representation of the state legislators Goiás. To this end, we seek through rates effective number of candidates, the concentration index / dispersion and dominance index spatialize the votes in Goiás, with the unit of analysis the municipality, understanding that this is the place of politics. Spatial voting patterns were related to the production of parliamentary deputies had checked for electoral connection in Goiás. As a result, we identified from the index effective candidates that concentrate the votes in a few candidates. At the same time, the majority of elected State Representative vote is concentrated within five municipalities, namely, in a few municipalities receive a number of votes that effectively contributes to his election. The axis of dominance shares the most votes with other candidates. Thus, the most common pattern among State Representative is concentrated of Goiás-shared. By relating to parliamentary production in the Legislative Assembly of Goiás, it was found that, somehow, the spatial patterns of voting is related to the more particularistic action, which grants benefits or interests located in more universalist parliamentary actions. This led us to consider that the appreciation of the spatial dimension contributes greatly to the analysis of politics and elections.
A Geografia Eleitoral surge na França, há mais de cem anos, com o geógrafo André Siegfried. Contudo, a Geografia negligenciou esta área da Geografia Política durante décadas. Recentemente o interesse pelos estudos das eleições vem retornando à ciência geográfica, surgindo análises que propõe a dimensão espacial como uma variável explicativa possível. Deste modo, por considerar a importância do papel do espaço na análise das eleições que temos como pressuposto que o voto é um dado espacial. Por conseguinte, propomos uma análise espacial dos votos das eleições de 2006 e 2010 para deputado estadual de Goiás. Assim, o objetivo geral foi de analisar como ocorrem as formas de distribuição do voto no espaço e suas relações com a representação política dos deputados estaduais de Goiás. Para tanto, buscamos por meio de índices de número efetivo de candidatos, índice de concentração/dispersão e índice de dominância espacializar os votos no território goiano, tendo como unidade de análise o município, por entender que este é o local da política. Os padrões espaciais de votação foram relacionados com a produção parlamentar dos deputados para verificara conexão eleitoral em Goiás. Como resultado, identificamos, a partir do índice de candidatos efetivos que os municípios goianos concentram os votos em poucos candidatos. Ao mesmo tempo, a maior parte dos deputados eleitos tem votação concentrada em até cinco municípios, ou seja, recebem em poucos municípios uma quantidade de votos que efetivamente contribui para sua eleição. No eixo da dominância a maior parte compartilha os votos com outros candidatos. Assim, o padrão mais comum entre os deputados goianos é o concentrado-compartilhado. Ao relacionar com a produção parlamentar na Assembleia Legislativa de Goiás, verificou-se que, de algum modo, os padrões espaciais de voto tem relação com a atuação mais particularista, que concede benefícios de interesses localizados ou com ações parlamentares mais universalistas. Isso nos levou a considerar que a valorização da dimensão espacial contribui sobremaneira para a análise da política e das eleições.
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Faustino, Artur Schausltz Pereira. ""O Senhor é meu vereador e nada me faltará": a inserção pentecostal assembleiana na vida política de Cabo Frio (RJ) - 2000 a 2008." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4207.
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Os estudos relacionados aos aspectos culturais da sociedade e a forma como estes influenciam na organização espacial vêm ganhando campo no Brasil nas últimas décadas. O aprofundamento nestas questões e o conhecimento de diferentes áreas do nosso país por vieses diferenciados enriquece o trabalho do geógrafo e cria nuanças diversas para a compreensão da sociedade brasileira. Neste sentido, um conceito que vem ganhando importância dentro do campo científico da Geografia é o de lugar, visto como o espaço das vivências, das relações afetivas e, portanto, do desenvolvimento das identidades espaciais. Assim, o estudo buscará compreender o sentido dos lugares a partir de uma Geografia Eleitoral dos candidatos ligados a Igreja Assembléia de Deus no município de Cabo Frio-RJ, buscando apresentar um estudo inserido no campo da Geografia Cultural que relacione as dimensões política e do lugar com vistas a compreender o(s) fato(s) culturais religiosos como fatores de influência direta e indireta na organização espacial da sociedade.Studies related to cultural aspects of society and how they influence the spatial organization are gaining ground in Brazil in recent decades. Deepening these issues and knowledge of different areas of our country by different biases enriches the work of the geographer and creates various nuances to the understanding of Brazilian society. In this sense, a concept that is gaining importance in the scientific field of Geography is to place, as seen from space experiences, from emotional relationships, and therefore the development of spatial identities. Thus, the study will seek to understand the meaning of places from one Electoral Geography of candidates linked to Assembly of God Church in the city of Cabo Frio-RJ, seeking to present a study included in the field of cultural geography that links the political and place in order to understand (s) fact (s) religious and cultural factors of direct and indirect influence on the spatial organization of society.
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Menendez, Gonzalez Irene. "The politics of compensation under trade : openness, economic geography and spending." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7974d14a-b88d-46a3-99aa-553dc85a9192.
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This thesis examines the conditions under which democratically elected policymakers are more likely to provide policies that compensate individuals that lose from international trade. It develops and empirically tests a theoretical framework of compensation in open economies that accounts for differences in the degree to which governments benefit losers from trade. It first develops a theory of preference formation based on economic geography, and then argues that electoral and legislative institutions jointly condition the supply of compensation. The theoretical analysis provides three sets of observable implications evaluated using micro- and macro-level data in Europe and Latin America. First, exposure to international competition increases demand for policy that compensates for the costs of trade, but this effect is more pronounced among those individuals in economically specialised and uncompetitive contexts where reemployment in the event of a shock is difficult. Second, policymakers in proportional electoral systems face weak incentives to target trade losers in geographically concentrated and uncompetitive regions. In contrast, majoritarian institutions generate incentives to increase compensation when trade losers are geographically concentrated. Another implication is that under some conditions, the presence of a strong upper house that represents regional interests dampens the provision of compensation, and the relative effect of electoral rules. The empirical implications of the argument are tested using a multi-method research strategy that combines cross-national and case study analyses and draws on quantitative and qualitative techniques. Chapter 3 tests the micro-level implications of the model using survey data for European regions over 2002-2006. The findings indicate that regional economic specialization and regional competitiveness jointly condition the impact of trade on preferences for compensation. Chapter 4 systematically tests the extent to which the geographical concentration of trade losers conditions the effect of electoral institutions on levels of compensation. It uses panel data from 14 European countries from 1980 to 2010. The findings indicate that where trade losers are concentrated, lower district magnitude leads to more compensation. Chapters 5 and 6 conduct case studies of compensation in Spain and Argentina, both countries that underwent deep liberalisation and offer significant variation at the regional and institutional level. Chapter 5 explores preferences over compensation in selected regions in Spain and Argentina, and shows that regional specialisation and competitiveness were important in shaping levels of support for compensation. Chapter 6 examines the role of electoral institutions and legislative veto bargaining in shaping the politics of compensation in Spain and Argentina.
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Borisyuk, Galina. "Developing methods for understanding the nature of voting patterns and party competition in Britain." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1249.
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This research both develops new methods and expands upon existing methodologies in order to improve our understanding of voting patterns and party competition in Britain. The thesis comprises five sections, each of which relates to a particular research focus. The first and principal section describes the process of determining a new method for decomposing electoral bias for three-party competition under simple plurality rules of voting. The study of electoral bias is important for voting systems that requires periodic boundary reviews intended to equalise electorate and to remove malapportionment. These papers describe both the process for developing the threeparty bias method and later its application to UK general elections from 1983 onwards. The second section uses aggregate data gathered for the elections to the Greater London Authority in order to understand the patterns of electoral support across the capital, particularly support for minor parties. A considerable amount of research effort has been expended upon providing reliable models for electoral forecasting both in the UK and elsewhere. The third section includes a paper that develops a forecast model that utilises aggregate local election data to estimate national vote shares for the three main parties in the UK. A fourth section brings together a series of papers that are linked by the themes of voter behaviour, either in terms of geographical or ballot context. A study of voter turnout in a London borough describes the relationship between proximity to polling station and electoral turnout at different types of election. A 8 number of papers included in this section also detail the effects of candidate ballot order on electoral support. The fifth and final section groups together two papers that using individual-level survey data to describe the pattern of candidate recruitment for local elections in Britain and, specifically, the under-recruitment of both women and Black, Asian and other minority ethnic candidates.
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Farage-Figueiredo, Alessandro. "Eleições e territórios." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-07012014-103130/.
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A presente tese é um trabalho de Ciência Política, com um grande esforço de estabelecer diálogos com outras disciplinas, como a Geografia, a Economia e o Marketing, no que diz respeito aos estudos eleitorais. Partindo do pressuposto de que distintos atores políticos possuem diferentes territórios eleitorais, formulamos a hipótese de que existe uma correlação entre a geograficidade e os resultados eleitorais. O termo geograficidade aqui não alude somente àquilo que é objeto da Geografia ou sobre a atividade específica do geógrafo, mas à diferenciação espacial, tendo em vista a relação existencial estabelecida entre o homem e seu território (espaço geográfico delimitado por relações de poder). O próprio título do trabalho, Eleições e Territórios, já evidencia sua abordagem transdisciplinar com a inclusão integrada de dois objetos distintos de estudos, que são considerados por diversas disciplinas. Observados esses elos entre a Ciência Política e tais disciplinas no que diz respeito à política, buscamos desenvolver um estudo mais aprofundado da relação entre eleições e territórios, considerando abordagens e instrumentos variados dessas disciplinas, o que, embora pautado em teorias políticas, destaca outros aspectos e espectros dos casos estudados.This thesis is a study of Political Science, with a major effort to establish dialogues with other subjects as Geography, Economy, and Marketing, with regard to electoral studies. Assuming that different political actors have different electoral regions, we hypothesized that there is a correlation between geographicity and electoral results. The term \"geographicity\" here do not refers only to what is the object of Geography, or the specific activity of the geographer, but it is the spatial differentiation considering the relationship established between man and his territory (geographical space delimited by power relations). The title of the study, \"Elections and Territories\", already shows its transdisciplinary approach integrated through the union of two distinct objects of study, which are considered by many subjects. Observed these links between Political Science and such subjects concerning politics, we develop a deeper study of the relationship between elections and territories, considering a variety of approaches and tools of these subjects, which, although ruled by political theories, highlight other aspects of the cases studied.
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Saugo, Josiana Fatima. "Geografia do voto e conexão eleitoral no Rio Grande do Sul : 1994 - 2006." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/12516.
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Esta dissertação aborda a Geografia do Voto, o Comportamento dos Legisladores através da proposição de Projetos de Lei Ordinária e de emendas ao Projeto de Orçamento do estado do Rio Grande do Sul e a Conexão Eleitoral gerada pelos incentivos advindos da arena eleitoral. Observamos como a Geografia do Voto está constituída neste Estado, com a construção de mapas da tipologia de reduto eleitoral dos parlamentares gaúchos. Examinou-se a proposição de Projetos de Lei entre 1995 até 2006 e de Emendas Orçamentárias, propostas de 1995 a 2002, com relação ao Partido e Geografia do Voto do autor. Através do Índice de Conexão, estudamos as emendas como recompensa dos votos dos eleitores. Por intermédio da comparação dos resultados eleitorais obtidos por parlamentares que tentaram a reeleição em 1998 e em 2002 observamos a proposição de emendas como estratégia de conquista de novos votos. Ambos os comportamentos caracterizam a Conexão Eleitoral. Os resultados encontrados demonstram que propor emendas não é uma estratégia eficiente para aumentar a quantidade de votos. A maior parte dos Projetos de Lei e das emendas foi proposta por legisladores de Partidos de centro e direita e com base de votos Concentrada. Percebemos que a Conexão Eleitoral é multifacetada, com incentivos para o comportamento particularista, bem como para o universalista. Dessa forma, esta dissertação se justifica pela relevância do tema, ausência de trabalhos empíricos a respeito, abordando o Rio Grande do Sul, e contribuição com o debate em algumas questões da Ciência Política.This dissertation approaches Vote Geography, deputies’ behavior, through prepositions of Law Projects and Budget Amendments in Rio Grande do Sul, and the Electoral Connection created by electoral arena incentive. It has been observed how Vote Geography is constituted in this State, with the construction of deputy’s electoral maps. Law Projects proposed in 1995 until 2006 and the Budget Amendment proposed in 1995 until 2002 regarding Political Party and author of Vote Geography have also been examined. The Amendment as a reward for votes has been studied, through the Connection Index. Having compared electoral results from 1998 and 2002, we have observed the proposition of Amendments as a strategy to acquire new votes. Both behaviors characterize the Electoral Connection. The results show that the proposal of Amendments is not an efficient strategy to increase votes. Majority of Law Projects and Amendments were proposed by right and center party’s deputies with Concentrated votes. We have realized that the Electoral Connection has many faces, with incentives for private or universal behavior. Therefore, this dissertation justifies it self by the importance of the subject, the absence of empirical work in Rio Grande do Sul, and contribution with the debate in some aspects of Political Science.
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Zanfolin, Doraci Elias. "Geografia eleitoral: reforma política e uso do território brasileiro." Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-18062007-154416/.
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Os partidos políticos participam do uso do território brasileiro disputando o controle de suas porções. Quando ganham um cargo, seja legislativo ou executivo, potencializam suas possibilidades de intervenção no território, participando da construção de novas materialidades, ora promovendo ora coibindo novos usos. Um novo sistema normativo, como é o caso da proposta de reforma política, pode significar outras possibilidades de uso do território pelos partidos políticos, beneficiando uns ou outros, porque estabelece novas regras para a concorrência eleitoral e para o financiamento das campanhas e quais alianças territoriais serão permitidas. Essas novas regulamentações podem influenciar, junto com outros fatores, futuras distribuições do poder dos partidos políticos pelo território. Ao mesmo tempo, o território usado participa não só da criação dessas novas normas como da sua eficácia, caso sejam adotadas, determinando se as novas leis serão apenas formas vazias, que perpetuam o mosaico político-territorial vigente, ou se promoverão novos arranjos territoriais. A reforma política não pode ser entendida como uma variável autônoma da regulamentação das ações político-partidárias, independentemente da totalidade do uso do território. As regulamentações, ou seja, as normas são mediadoras e mediadas pela relação intrínseca entre ação política e materialidade. Dessa forma, o intuito de nossa pesquisa foi o de buscar compreender algumas propostas da reforma política a partir do território e seu uso, participando do debate da geografia política e eleitoral.Political parties participate in the use of the Brazilian territory competing for the control of its portions. Winning a seat in the legislative body or a position in the executive branch increase exponentially their possibilities of intervention in such territory, allowing them to participate in the building of new materialities by either promoting or preventing its new use. A new system of norms, as in the case of the political reform proposal, might turn into new possibilities for the use of territory by political parties yielding benefit to some because it establishes new rules for electoral competition as well as for campaign financing in which territorial alliances shall be allowed. These new regulations might influence, together with other factors, future distribution of the political parties power over territory. At the same time, the territory used takes part not only in the making of these new norms but also in its efficacy, when they are adopted, determining whether the new laws will be no more than empty forms which perpetuate the prevailing political territorial mosaic, or they may promote new territorial organization. The Political Reform should not be seen as an independent variable of the setting of norms of the political parties actions, apart from the totality of territorial use. Norms are both mediators and mediated by the intrinsic relation between political action and materiality. Thus, the objective of this study was to reach an understanding of some political reform proposals based on territory and its use and by so doing, take part in the debate concerning political and electoral geography.
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Silotto, Graziele Cristina. "A dimensão regional das estratégias partidárias em eleições proporcionais de lista aberta no Brasil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-10032017-135505/.
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Este trabalho aborda a questão regional enquanto uma estratégia dos partidos na arena eleitoral. Ao acrescentar a dimensão partidária aos trabalhos que advogam pela regionalização dos distritos eleitorais de elevada magnitude, o intuito foi mostrar que é do sistema eleitoral, sobretudo da lista aberta, da magnitude e da estrutura da competição que emanam os incentivos à subdistritalização. Como uma perspectiva teórica alternativa à solução distributivista, o argumento é que o sistema eleitoral traz o elemento regional ao plano das decisões partidárias, isto é, a subdistritalização ocorreria em decorrência da ação intencional política que, com isso, garantiria a diminuição ou a ausência da competição intrapartidária no território. O resultado da análise da lista de candidatos brasileira reforça que o meio social e o político respondem aos fatores regionais, que influencia suas atitudes e estratégias. Por meio de uma dinâmica não política, mas geoespacial partidos encontram estratégias para lidar com as restrições institucionais a fim de atingir o sucesso eleitoral.This thesis considers the regional question as a partisan strategy in the electoral arena. The goal is to show that from the electoral system, especially the open list proportional representation, the magnitude and the structure of the electoral competition, emanates the incentives for subdistricting. Therefore, partisanship is introduced, adding a new dimension to the scholarship that advocates for the regionalization of the high magnitude districts. When arguing that, in fact, parties decisions are influenced by regional elements which were fostered by the electoral system, this study pursues an alternative theoretical perspective to distributivism. Subdistricting is a byproduct of intentional political action, which, in turn, ensures the decrease or absence of intra-party competition over the territory. The findings based on the analysis of the list of candidates presented by parties in Brazil reinforces that the social and political environment responds to regional factors that influence their attitudes and strategies. Through a non-political, but geospatial dynamic, parties can strategically deal with the institutional constraints in order to achieve electoral success.
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Zamfira, Andreea-Roxana. "Le comportement électoral dans les communautés mixtes." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210137.
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Nunes, Vladimir Meira. "O antes e o agora: determinantes da geografia do voto dos deputados estaduais baianos e seus partidos (2002-2010)." Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2014. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/18997.
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O estudo analisa a Geografia do Voto dos Deputados Estaduais e Partidos na Bahia, nas eleições de 2002, 2006 e 2010, buscando captar e avaliar supostos impactos produzidos sobre a localização das suas bases eleitorais, por força de seus reposicionamentos face às variáveis condições de ser governo, ou oposição, nos planos nacional e estadual. Além disso, procurou correlacionar as votações agregadas dos principais partidos no Estado com indicadores sociais, como IDH e População Rural dos municípios, visando mapear os perfis de suas bases, no que diz respeito às características urbanas e sociais e saber se eles sofreram modificações no período, também tendo em vista os referidos reposicionamentos. Buscou, ao mesmo tempo, problematizar essas questões a partir de referenciais da Teoria Democrática, assim como na literatura institucional acerca dos Sistemas Partidário e Eleitoral. Foram identificadas mudanças significativas na geografia das bases eleitorais dos principais partidos a partir dos reposicionamentos, mesmo com a manutenção dos respectivos padrões de votação antes predominantes. Nesse sentido, a análise das mudanças na geografia eleitoral dos deputados estaduais e partidos baianos ao longo das três eleições estudadas, apontou que o padrão de votação horizontalmente “disperso” é mais vinculado a deputados e partidos de governo, enquanto o padrão vertical “dominante” não é necessariamente governista, sendo afetado, também, pela trajetória anterior de cada partido. Os resultados sugerem também que o Legislativo baiano não possui um padrão oligárquico de competição, já que 52% dos seus parlamentares possuem votação Não-Dominante, ou seja, compartilham seus redutos eleitorais. Apesar disso, observou-se que o reposicionamento estadual provocado pelos resultados das eleições de 2006 atenuou, sem reverter, a tendência à ampliação da competitividade eleitoral nos municípios baianos, provocada pelo realinhamento nacional ocorrido em 2002.The study analyzes the geography of the Vote of Parties and State Representatives in Bahia in the 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections, seeking to capture and evaluate alleged impacts produced on the location of their constituencies , by virtue of its repositioning in the face of changing conditions to be government or opposition, in the national and state plans. In addition, sought to correlate the votes aggregates of the major parties in the state with social indicators such as HDI and Rural Population of the municipalities, aimed at mapping the profiles of their bases, with regard to urban and social characteristics and whether they have been changed in the period also with a view to repositionings. Search at the same time, discuss these issues from references of Democratic Theory, as well as in institutionalist literature on the Partisan and Electoral systems. Significant changes were identified in the geography of constituencies of the major parties from the repositioning, even with the maintenance of their voting patterns before prevailing. In this sense, the analysis of changes in electoral geography of state representatives and Bahian parties over the three studied elections, pointed out that the voting pattern horizontally "dispersed" is more linked to MPs and parties of government, while the vertical standard "dominant" is not necessarily ruling, being affected also from the previous path of each parties. The results also suggest that the Bahian legislative does not have an oligarchic pattern of competition, since 52% of its parliamentarians have vote Non- Dominant, ie shared their bailiwicks. Nevertheless, it was observed that the in state repositioning, caused by the results of the 2006 elections, were attenuated, without reversing the trend to expand the electoral competitiveness in Bahia municipalities, caused by national readjustment in 2002.
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Badariotti, Dominique. "Ville et vote. Urbanisme et geographie electorale a strasbourg sous la veme republique." Université Louis Pasteur (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994STR10011.
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A la fois methodologique et descriptive, notre these cherche a apprehender les changements urbains et leur motivations politiques pour les mettre en relation avec les changements electoraux. Elle met en evidence les grands traits de l'evolution urbaine de strasbourg sous ma ve republique, en exploitant des sources d'information originales, et aborde sous un angle nouveau l'etude des conditions de l'offre politique, en cherchant a y distinguer les permanences et les changements structurels. Elle represente et decrit les principaux aspects de l'evolution du vote, et de la structure geo-electorale mise en evidence a l'echelle du bureau de vote ; elle utilise, pour ce faire, tout un ensemble de nouvelles techniques pour preciser la signification de la repartition des votes, afin d'etudier la structure geo-electorale et de decrire son evolution. Elle permet finalement de dresser un tableau des liens existant entre les changements urbains, selon leur type, et les changement electoraux : par la meme elle montre que l'urbanisme peut aussi etre un outil electoral. Enfin elle precise la notion de "temperament politique" en geographie electorale, en proposant de la remplacer par celle de "personnalite politique", qui traduit mieux les differentes influences qui font qu'un espace donne s'exprime d'une certaine facon, et non d'une autreThe subject of this thesis is "town planning as an electoral tool". It deals with urban landscape and population changes, the political causes of these urban changes, and their connections with the urban voting behaviour changes. It describes thirty years of urban changes within the city of strasbourg, using some new historical information sources. In that way, it gives a new and accurate description of the voting conditions in strasbourg during the fifth republic, and tries to separate the changing from the not changing voting behaviours during the same time. It presents the main aspects of the voting behaviour changes at the smallest geographical voting level available in france, which is the polling station. It uses for that purpose some techniques in data analysis such as spatial autocorrelation of factorial analysis to scan the votes and to give a sharp view of the leanings and the evolutions of the voting behaviours. Finally it presents the relationship observed between the urban changes and the voting behaviours and demonstrates that urbanism, or town planning, can be used as a voting tool. It proposes also to rename the notion of "oilitical space disposition" in "political space personality", which is more accurate and gives a better idea of all the factors which influence the voting behaviour of a geographical entity
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Pennec, Tangui. "Géopolitique d’une « banlieue bleue » : les Hauts-de-Seine dans le Grand Paris : un essai d’analyse géopolitique locale." Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080076/document.
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Les Hauts-de-Seine constituent, depuis leur création en 1964, la place forte de la droite francilienne. L’enjeu politique est de taille, car ce « département-métropole » est souvent qualifié de « département le plus riche de France après Paris ». A l’image du pôle de La Défense, devenu le premier quartier d’affaires d’Europe, les Hauts-de-Seine ont connu ces dernières décennies de profondes transformations urbaines et d’importants bouleversements sociologiques et économiques. L’analyse géopolitique s’avère fructueuse pour comprendre ces mutations. En effet, elles sont étroitement liées à un ensemble de stratégies territoriales dont le but est le contrôle politique des Hauts-de-Seine. La droite a donc imaginé, mis en place et développé un système géopolitique local très efficace, que nous avons nommé la « banlieue bleue » et qui, par bien des aspects, constitue le double inversé de la banlieue rouge. Dans un premier temps, cette thèse montre la formation géopolitique de la « banlieue bleue » des Hauts-de-Seine. Puis, elle s’intéresse au fonctionnement et aux acteurs du système géopolitique local en insistant sur la dimension éminemment géopolitique des politiques publiques d’aménagement urbain qui ont transformé la physionomie des villes du département. Elle revient enfin sur les rivalités de pouvoirs à l’échelle métropolitaine. Face au risque d’absorption des départements de petite couronne dans la nouvelle Métropole du Grand Paris, le département développe un projet géopolitique d’envergure, la fusion des Hauts-de-Seine et des Yvelines, qui, si elle aboutit, ferait de ces deux départements une « banlieue bleue » XXLSince they were created in 1964, the Hauts-de-Seine have been a stronghold of the Ile-de-France's right wing. The political stakes are high as this 'departement-metropole' is often qualified as the second richest after Paris. Like the hub of La Defense, which has become Europe's first business centre, the Hauts-de-Seine have lately undergone deep sociological and economical changes as well as consequent urban transformations. The geopolitical analyse proves itself meaningful to understand these mutations. They indeed are tightly connected to a set of territorial strategies, the aim of which is the political control of the Hauts-de-Seine. The right-wing thus contrived, set up and developped a local geopolitical system which, to many aspects, is the mirror image of the red suburb. This dissertation first shows how the Hauts-de-Seine's blue suburb was organized. It then focuses on how the actors of the local geopolitical system operate by insisting on the outstanding geopolitical dimension of the public policies of the urban planning and on how this transformed the aspect of the department's cities. It also focuses on the competition for power at a metropolitan scale. Confronted to the risk of being assimilated by the Greater Paris, the departement is developping a large-scale geopolitical project, the merging between the Hauts-de-Seine and the Yvelines which, if put in practice, would make these suburbs a major blue suburb
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David, Quentin. "Five essays on human and social capital." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210298.
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Chapter 1: The Determinants of the Production of Research by US UniversitiesChapter 2: Investment in Vocational and General Human Capital: A Theoretical Approach
Chapter 3: Urban Migrations and the Labor Market
Chapter 4: Local social capital and geographical mobility
Chapter 5: Social Supervision and Electoral Stability on the Geographical Scale in Belgium
Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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GIBLIN, DELVALLET BEATRICE. "La region, territoires politiques : le nord-pas-de-calais." Paris 8, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA080382.
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Cette recherche montre pour la premiere fois le role des acteurs politiques dans l'organisation spatiale des differents territoires de la region a l'echelle communale, departementale et regionale. Jamais, pas plus que pour d'autres regions, le nord-pas-de-calais n'a encore ete etudie sous l'angle du savoir politique en depit de l'importance des enjeux. La geographie electorale est le champ le plus evident d'une analyse geographique qui tienne compte du politique. L'etude descriptive classique de la localisation des rapports de force politiques est completee par l'explication de ces differents comportements electoraux. Cependant le champ du politique en geographie ne se limite pas a la geographie electorale. L'amenagement du territoire releve aussi, pour une part, du politique alors qu'il est toujours presente comme une affaire technique. Deux etudes de cas illustrent les liens entre le politique et l'amenagement du territoire : la metropole du nord et le bassin minier. Dans une troisieme partie est presente ce qu'apporte la prise en compte du politique a la demarche geographique, et les raisons pour lesquelles les geographes en ont longtemps ignore l'etudeFor the first time, the role played by political actors in the spatial organisation of the different territories of a region is shown. The research stresses the role of the different scales - town, departement region. The nord - pas-de-calais region - as the other regions- has so far never been studied from the point of view of political science in spite of the importance of what is at stake. Electoral geography is the more obvious field for a geographical analysis which takes the political dimension into account. The classic descriptive study of the map of the political balance of power is completed by an explanation of the various voting patterns. However the political dimension of geography is not limited to elec- toral geography. Town and country-planning are also part of this di- mension, even if they're always explained in technical terms. Two case -studies illustrate the links between politics and town-and-country planning : the northern urban area and the mine district. The third part of this research shows what geography gains by taking into account the political dimension and why geographers have declined to analyze it for such a long time
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Jeff, Hsu, and 許智富. "Electoral Geography Study in I-Lan." Thesis, 1997. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/21578479079057414072.
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FERRANTE, CHIARA. "Electoral geography and political transformations: the rise of populist parties and its determinants." Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/1552669.
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The last decade has witnessed a political shift in voters’ preferences. The upsurge of populist parties has involved countries in the whole world. The thesis focuses the attention on the European context, in a moment in history when all regions are experiencing an increase in unemployment and a decrease in per-capita income. At this very moment, a collapse of citizens’ support towards social and democratic parties occurs and a number of populist parties emerge, re-addressing the politics’ concerns on people’s needs and demands. Going beyond the merely descriptive voting patterns, the ambition is to design different empirical scenarios where multiple forces and factors move together and shed light on the mechanisms at play. In pursuing this objective, the thesis fully dives into the geography of discontent literature, investigating the mechanisms behind the populist outbreak and its geographic heterogeneity. Chapter 1 draws the academic frame in which we embed the empirical works. Chapter 2 explores the role of regional institutional quality in shaping people’s political preferences in European regions. Chapter 3 extends the previous chapter’s contribution, by enriching the OLS-IV analysis via the adoption of a recent methodological tool, i.e. the Geographically Weighted Regression (GWR). Chapter 4 shapes the last part of the work, turning the attention to the Italian context. Implementing a municipal-level analysis, it investigates the role of natural disasters, such as earthquakes, in shifting political preferences.
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McKenzie-Smith, Trevor. "The Social Democratic Future of Saskatchewan: An Analysis of the Electoral Geography of Saskatoon and Regina, Saskatchewan in 2003 and 2007." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/24605.
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In November 2007 the right of centre Saskatchewan Party defeated Saskatchewan’s social democratic party, which had been in government for seventeen years. Unlike previous defeats, the New Democratic Party’s (NDP) loss in 2007 clearly showed that a new intra-urban political polarization in Saskatoon and Regina had emerged with the outer suburbs abandoning the NDP and the core areas maintaining previous levels of support. This study employs correlation analysis and logistic and linear regression analysis, using survey data from the 2003 and 2007 general election campaigns from Saskatchewan. Urban zones are constructed based on the morphological (urban form) hypothesis in order to create categories for spatial analysis. The different types of urban places are analyzed incorporating survey and Statscan data. Statistically significant differences between the urban zones are discussed in light of possible mechanisms found in the literature in order to explain recent political turns in Saskatchewan.
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Smith, Matthew G. "Desperately Seeking Representation: An Investigation into Visible Minority Electability under Vancouver’s At-large Electoral System." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/31449.
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The results of Vancouver’s 2008 municipal election led to critiques that South Asian candidates, and possibly all visible minority candidates, face reduced electability under
Vancouver’s at-large electoral system than they would under a different municipal electoral system. This thesis employs numerous quantitative research methods to assess whether visible minority candidates do face reduced electability under the at-large system compared to a ward system proposed for Vancouver in 2004. The extent that Vancouver’s 2008 election results fulfill three U.S. Supreme Court conditions for establishing minority vote dilution is also assessed as part of this thesis research.
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Eskov, Alexey. "Spatial Patterns and Irregularities of the electoral data: general elections in Canada." Master's thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/11682.
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Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Geospatial Technologies.Democratic elections are one of the most important social phenomena of the last centuries. Countries which publish elections results on the polling station level provide a valuable source of data for different groups of scientists like geographers and statisticians. In this work, we combined geographical and statistical analysis, pursuing a goal of defining the spatial patterns and irregularities of the electoral data. From theoretical point of view, it will help to find out if the electoral behavior has any spatial dependency. From practical perspective, it can give a new insight about the electoral fraud detection. We have applied a set of statistical methods to estimate the distribution and variability of the electoral behavior in space and time for different geographic units. Canada was selected as a study area because it is an old democracy where the elections are considered being fair, and all the necessary data are available.
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Frič, David. "Efekt souseda ve volbách v Královéhradeckém kraji." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-379363.
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David Frič FRIENDS AND NEIGHBOURS EFFECT ON VOTING IN THE KRÁLOVÉHRADECKÝ REGION Abstract This work deals with one of spatially contextual impacts on electoral behavior, namely the so- called friends and neighbours effect. It consists of influencing a voter's favor by the residence of a candidate around which the candidate usually gains more votes than an average for the whole constituency or more votes than would be expected by other criteria. The work verifies attendance and strength of this effect on the example of three kinds of elections in Královéhradecký Region. It analyzes friends and neighbours effect on voting in the elections to the Chamber of Deputies, the Regional Council and the Senate. The results of potency of the effect are examined separately in each of these elections and then compares results of the analyzes of these elections to each other, thereby provides a unique comparative perspective of this phenomenon in the Czech electoral systems. The significance of the friends and neighbours effect is also compared among selected political actors. The main part of the analysis focuses on their electoral results in individual municipalities as well as in the whole region, with regard to differences in results of candidates' hometowns. To illustrate the significance of the friends and...
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Barber, IV Benjamin Scholes. "The Political Economy of Decline." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/9071.
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Declining industries are privileged at the expense of new innovative ones in some cities but not others. In order to understand why, I develop an argument about how politics aggregates the demand for industrial rents across space. Geographically concentrated industries produce electorates with homogenous preferences in favor of supporting established local firms. In electoral systems where politicians are beholden to voters in a narrow geographic constituency, politicians will support efforts to prop up these industries even as these measures stymie innovation. Conversely, in electoral systems where politicians are beholden to broad party interests, politicians will support nationally important and geographically dispersed industries. Concentrated industries, by contrast, are more likely to die a rapid death and leave public resources available for new pioneering firms. Thus, the intersection between electoral and political geography provides insight into the Schumpeterian creative destruction needed to transform a city into a post-industrial economy. I formalize my argument in two models: one analyzing the demand of subsidies over public goods by voters and another exploring the tradeoff between rent-seeking and innovation by firms. I test the resulting hypotheses through cross-country statistical regressions and two in-depth case studies. Using firm-level data across many countries I show that political geography conditions the provision of subsidies to declining firms, and that electorally important firms are less likely to innovate. Then, using original field data I investigate the causal impact of political institutions and economic geography on the provision of subsidies by utilizing exogenous shocks in Thailand and India.
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Morais, Diana Soraia Patrício. "Geografia eleitoral portuguesa: análise das determinantes do sentido de voto em eleições legislativas entre 1980 e 2015." Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/12532.
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Em que medida a Geografia Eleitoral contribui para explicar o sentido de voto em Portugal entre 1980 e 2015? A presente pesquisa analisa o sentido de voto a nível dos municípios portugueses no período entre 1980 e 2015 baseada em dados agregados. A questão de pesquisa conduz a dois objetivos principais: primeiro, mapear a evolução do sentido de voto nos municípios portugueses no lapso temporal supracitado; e, segundo, testar a importância das variáveis geográficas – Litoral/Interior, Norte/Sul e Urbano/Rural – na decisão do voto nos 308 municípios em Portugal, em 12 eleições legislativas. Os resultados são reveladores: contrariamente ao debate teórico que apontava para um esbatimento das clivagens geográficas, a geografia eleitoral é preditora do sentido de voto ao longo do tempo: os municípios a norte votam tendencialmente no PSD e no CDS-PP, ao passo que municípios a sul votam tendencialmente no BE, PCP e PS; municípios situados no interior tendem a votar no PCP e PS, inversamente, municípios situados no litoral tendem a votar no BE, CDS-PP e PSD; e por fim, municípios urbanos tendem a votar no BE enquanto os municípios rurais tendem, a determinado momento, a votar no PSD.
Palavras-chave:Abstract To what extent does Electoral Geography help to explain the voting intention in Portugal between 1980 and 2015? This research analyses the voting intention at the level of Portuguese municipalities between 1980 and 2015 based on aggregated data. The research question leads to two main objectives: first, to map the evolution of the vote in the Portuguese municipalities in the above mentioned time lapse; and second, to test the importance of geographic variables - Coastal/Interior, North/South and Urban/Rural - in the voting decision of 308 municipalities in Portugal on 12 legislative elections. The results are revealing: in contrast to the theoretical debate that pointed to a blurring of geographical cleavages, electoral geography is a good predictor of voting intention in the time period: the northern municipalities tend to vote for PSD and CDS-PP, whereas southern municipalities tend to vote for BE, PCP and PS. Municipalities located in the interior tend to vote for PCP and PS, conversely, municipalities located on the coast tend to vote for BE, PSD and CDS-PP. Finally, urban municipalities tend to vote for BE while rural municipalities in recent years tend, to vote for PSD.
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Šulc, Jan. "Volební geografie Polska po roce 1989." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298554.
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The master's thesis "Electoral Geography of Poland After 1989" explores the spatial distribution of patterns of electoral behavior in Poland on the basis of analysis of the results of all presidential elections and elections to the Sejm that took place in the country between the years 1990-2010. The main hypothesis tested by this master thesis is that former boundaries between Russia, Prussia (Germany) and Austria (Austria-Hungary), between which the territory of modern-day Poland was divided in the 19th century, still have an impact on Poland's electoral geography. On the basis of this hypothesis, political parties and presidential candidates are divided into two pre-defined categories: traditionalist and modernist The validity of the hypothesis is then proven by visual analysis of political parties' and presidential candidates' electoral maps, and also by the application of Pearson's correlation coefficient on political parties' electoral results from constituencies and presidential candidates' electoral results from voivodships. In contemporary Poland, a clear rift exists between the parts of the country formerly dominated by Prussia (Germany) and major Polish cities on the one hand (also known as "Poland A"), and Russia and Austria (Austria-Hungary) on the other hand (which is sometimes...
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Skorupska, Magdalena. "Rozkład przestrzenny partycypacji wyborczej oraz nieważnych głosów w wyborach prezydenckich, parlamentarnych i europarlamentarnych w Polsce w latach 2004-2019." Doctoral thesis, 2022. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/4154.
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Teoretycy demokracji są zasadniczo zgodni, że dla utrzymania ustroju demokratycznego konieczna jest aktywność obywatelska. W tym kontekście ważna jest nie tylko powszechność uczestnictwa w wyborach, ale także świadome i kompetentne oddanie głosu. Miarami wyborczej aktywności obywatelskiej są m.in. frekwencja wyborcza i odsetek nieważnych głosów, które stanowią główny punkt zainteresowania w niniejszej pracy. Poza ogólnym poziomem tych wskaźników w skali kraju, istotne jest także ich zróżnicowanie przestrzenne, gdyż wskazuje ono na dysproporcje geograficzne w aktywności obywatelskiej i potencjalne regionalne różnice w jakości demokracji. Analiza tego zróżnicowania, a także próba jego wyjaśnienia stanowią główny cel rozprawy. W pracy wykorzystano dane dla wszystkich wyborów centralnych w latach 2004-2019 w Polsce na poziomie gmin. Wykonano mapy metodą kartogramów prezentujące poziom frekwencji wyborczej oraz odsetka nieważnych głosów, klasyfikację przestrzenną gmin ze względu na zachowania wyborcze, a także przeprowadzono analizę regresji liniowej wielorakiej w celu odnalezienia najważniejszych determinant dla badanych zjawisk. W efekcie opisano zaobserwowane wzorce przestrzenne frekwencji wyborczej i odsetka nieważnych głosów dla wspomnianego wielolecia, a także podjęto próbę wyjaśnienia zróżnicowania przestrzennego tych zjawisk czynnikami społecznymi, ekonomicznymi, historycznymi i kulturowymi. Wnioski płynące z niniejszej rozprawy okazały się być w większości odmienne do zakładanych hipotez. Jest to m.in. wynikiem zmian, jakie zaszły w polskiej geografii wyborczej w ostatnim dwudziestoleciu, ale także efektem wykorzystania w pracy metod i danych, które nie były dotąd stosowane w tej subdyscyplinie naukowej.Theorists of democracy generally agree that civic participation is necessary to maintain a democratic system. In this context, not only general participation in elections is important, but also deliberate and competent voting. The important measures of electoral civic activity are voter turnout and invalid votes which are the main topic of this thesis. Apart from the general level of these indicators, their spatial differentiation is also important, as it indicates geographical disproportions in civic participation and potential regional differences in the quality of democracy. The main aim of the dissertation is to analyze this differentiation and to try to explain it. In this work data for all central elections in 2004-2019 in Poland at the commune level were used. For showing the level of voter turnout and the percentage of invalid votes, maps using the choropleth method were made. Also maps showing spatial classification of municipalities in terms of electoral behavior are in the dissertation. For finding the most important determinants for spatial differentiation of the studied phenomena multiple linear regression modelling was carried out. As a result, the observed spatial patterns of voter turnout and the percentage of invalid votes for the aforementioned multi-year period were described. An attempt to explain the spatial differentiation of these phenomena with social, economic, historical and cultural factors was also made. The conclusions drawn from this dissertation turned out to be largely different to the assumed hypotheses. It is i.a. the result of changes that have occurred in the Polish election geography in the last two decades, but also the effect of using methods and data that have not been used in this scientific subdiscipline as of now.
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Šicnerová, Barbora. "Geografické faktory volební podpory hnutí ANO ve volbách do Poslanecké sněmovny v roce 2013." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-344424.
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This thesis presents a spatial analysis of electoral results of the ANO (Alliance of Dissatisfied Citizens) political platform in the 2013 parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic. The study aims to identify spatial patterns of their electoral support and to uncover underlying factors which steered voters towards supporting this party. Furthermore, the thesis attempts to determine whether ANO is a new right-wing party poised to displace previously established right-wing parties (especially ODS); whether its support reached highest levels of support in areas where traditional right-wing parties lost the most votes, and whether significant regional differences exist in voter support for ANO.As explanatory variables, the study uses socio- demographic and economic characteristics reflecting the population structure and the nature of local contexts. Furthermore, the thesis further intends to analyse possible ways through which the pattern of ANO voter support may have been influenced by the activities of the Agrofertagricultural company owned by the platform's leader Andrej Babis. Methodically, the study is grounded in an analysis of aggregate data on electoral results in municipalities, as well as an analysis of sociological surveys of individual voter behaviour. The thesis processed the data via...
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Sokol, Petr. "Volební geografie postkomunistických zemí střední a východní Evropy." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-336936.
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The thesis "Electoral Geography of Postcommunist Countries in Central and Eastern Europe" deals with the topic of electoral geography, which is a part of the political geography. The basic hypothesis of the paper is based on opinion that the postcommunist countries experienced the twenty years of development in the postcommunist period which made their electoral geography very similar to one in Western Europe. This hypothesis is proved by three different areas of electoral geography. The first part is composed by the analysis of the electoral geography of the founding elections in the 17 postcommunist countries (including the GDR). In the paper is proposed after the research of all 17 countries the categorization of founding elections on the basis of electoral geography. The second part examines the electoral geography of capitals. The research is focused on the size of the lectorate in the capital compare to the whole country, on the diverhgence of electoral results in the capital and in the whole state and on strength of the party families in capitals. Folowing these three areas is proposed the catehorisation of the postcommunist capitals into the five groups. The third part deals with variability of the electoral results inside the state.
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Mikešová, Renáta. "Regionální diferenciace volebního chování v Česku." Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-404916.
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This thesis explores the regional differentiation of electoral behaviour and other topics in electoral geography in the Czech Republic. Electoral geography, which studies the geographic aspects of the organisation, process, and results of elections, for a long time developed mainly in Western societies given the absence of free elections in other countries. It began to develop in the Czech Republic in the 1990s and its goal was to explore the process of the transformation of society and the stabilisation of democracy, to compare electoral patterns observed in conditions of stable liberal democracies with the patterns found in transforming states, and to adapt them to the specific conditions of transition countries. Electoral geography focuses mainly on the spatial variations of electoral behaviour. It seeks to determine whether different patterns of electoral behaviour are based on the social structure of the population in the region, whether they are influenced by contextual factors, or whether it is a combination of both. Another important subject studied by electoral geography is the spatial patterns of representation, which however are usually studied in majoritarian electoral systems. The thesis is composed of two basic sections. The first section offers a broader theoretical and...
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Koreň, Marián. "Vývoj volební podpory krajně pravicových stran na Slovensku v letech 2010-2014 a faktory ovlivňující tuto podporu." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-348000.
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Senior thesis "The development of electoral support of far-right parties in Slovakia during 2010-2016 and factors influencing this support" examines the development of electoral support of Slovak National Party and People's Party Our Slovakia using some of the tools of electoral support geography. The theoretical part is dedicated to existing definitions of extreme right-wing parties through which the choice of parties for further examination is made. The analytical part is split into two parts: the first classifies electoral support through the method of region and core of electoral support. At the same time, the first part defines regions which have had a stable electoral support throughout the entire observed period. All findings are presented in a cartographic form. Using an array of statistical tools, the latter part takes on the task of correlating the results of elections, in regards to far-right parties, with selected demographic characteristics of municiplaties, which are assumed to have positive impact upon the income of far-right parties.
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Márová, Tereza. "Vliv sociodemografických charakteristik na volební výsledky ve volbách do obecních zastupitelstev České republiky v roce 2014." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-365258.
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The influence of sociodemographic characteristics on election results in the municipal elections in the Czech Republic in 2014 Abstract This thesis is focus on the sociodemographic structure of the voters and its influence in municipal elections in the Czech Republic in 2014. The main aim of this thesis is to analyze and evaluate electoral behavior of the population in local politics. The aim is also to define which characteristics are the most important for their decision. The thesis is focused on the parties which are the current members of Czech Parliament. Then the parties were divided into three groups of the political spectrum (left, right and center). The thesis will gradually focus on the subdiscipline of electoral geography (its definition and the development), on the municipal elections and on the development of the Parliamentary parties in the three theoretical chapters. The analysis will examine the relationships between sociodemographic characteristics and the election results. The relationships will be examined using the Pearson correlation coefficient and the Multiple Regression. Spatial issue will then explore IDW method. Keywords: electoral geography, election, election results, municipality, age, nationality, level of education, religion, unemployment
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Vieira, Duarte Pedro Cação. "A burguesia às urnas? O voto na 1ª República (As eleições de 1922)." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19044.
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A Primeira República Portuguesa foi um período de intensa actividade política e partidária, apesar de ter no Partido Democrático um actor dominante. Repleto de competição, revoltas, propaganda e até assassinatos, esta época é o início da experiência democrática em Portugal, retomada em 1974. As eleições de 1922 são centrais no entendimento das estruturas do voto na primeira república pois acontecem numa altura extremamente difícil para a política da Nação, logo após a “Noite Sangrenta”. Realizamos assim a contextualização sobre a qual são realizadas estas eleições. Procedemos à identificação ideológica dos partidos concorrentes identificando os seus traços principais. Recolhemos então todos os resultados eleitorais referentes a esta eleição a nível concelhio e de assembleia de voto, procedendo ao seu tratamento para mapear os resultados. Identificando assim zonas geográficas de fixação partidária e dados sobre a abstenção com informação até aqui inexistente na comunidade académica.The Portuguese First Republic was a period of intense political and party activity despite having a dominant actor, the Democratic Party. Full of competition, revolution, propaganda, and even murder, this was the beginning of the democratic experience in Portugal, that would only be continued in 1974. The 1922 elections are key to the understanding of voting structures in the first republic as they take place right after a key event for the politics of the Nation, the “Bloody Night”. We thus conduct the contextualization under which the elections took place. Identified the party ideology of the participating parties and their primary ideological traits. Gathered all the election data on a county and local assembly level proceeding then to the treatment of said data, mapping the results. Identifying geographical areas of party fixation and data on election turnout with information until this point inexistent in the academic community.
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Suchánek, Jonáš. "Vliv migrace na geografii volební podpory populisticko-nacionalistických stran: příklad strany Svoboda a přímá demokracie - Tomio Okamura." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-388450.
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Analytical research of a migrant's presence in a certain location on election outcomes of populist-nationalist parties is a relatively new phenomena in the field of electoral geography. Media and political interest in migration and refugees has risen rapidly in the last few years and offers a broad opportunity for relevant scientific studies. This thesis stems from existing literature, that have studied such relation and focuses on the case of The Freedom and Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura Party (SPD) and on the possible influence of the share of migrants on SPD's electoral support at two different scale levels (municipalities with authorized municipal offices and individual municipalities) during the 2017 parliamentary elections. Analysing the most important groups of migrants and additionally a formed group of migrants coming from countries with either dominant or significant Muslim native population can be considered as innovative. The main goal is to discover whether the election outcomes of SPD, which stands strongly opposed to migration, differ based on the share of migrants in a certain area, or if migration does not play any role at all. Furthermore, the electoral geography of SPD is compared to the of Tomio Okamura's former party - Dawn of Direct Democracy, whose rhetoric did not focus...